S/PV.10140 Security Council
▶ This meeting at a glance
28
Speeches
19
Countries
0
Resolutions
Topics
Peace processes and negotiations
War and military aggression
Syrian conflict and attacks
Russia–Ukraine war
Humanitarian aid in Afghanistan
Conflict-related sexual violence
The meeting was called to order at 3 p.m.
Adoption of the agenda
The agenda was adopted.
Maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine
In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Sweden and Ukraine to participate in this meeting.
In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Khaled Khiari, Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, Europe, the Americas, Asia and the Pacific, Departments of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and Peace Operations; and Ms. Joyce Msuya, Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator.
In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I also invite Her Excellency Mrs. Hedda Samson, Deputy Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations, to participate in this meeting.
The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda.
I now give the floor to Mr. Khiari.
Mr. Khiari: Since we last briefed the Security Council on developments in Ukraine (see S/PV.10124), we have seen an alarming escalation of fighting, while there has been no significant diplomatic progress.
Russian attacks continue to intensify, with mounting civilian casualties and devastation across Ukraine. On 9 April, following Ukraine’s earlier proposal of an Easter ceasefire, the Russian Federation announced a 32-hour Easter truce from 11 to 12 April. Ukraine responded that it would reciprocate. We welcome initiatives, even a limited one, that would bring a respite for the civilian population. We regret, however, that this temporary pause in fighting, which could have allowed a peaceful celebration of Orthodox Easter, was not respected. Hostilities close to the front lines and resulting civilian casualties were reported throughout the holiday weekend. Attacks quickly escalated thereafter. Three consecutive nights of Russian aerial strikes between 13 and 16 April targeted multiple regions across Ukraine and resulted in dozens of civilians killed and injured. On the night from 15 to 16 April, the Russian Federation launched its deadliest attack so far this year, targeting Odesa, Dnipropetrovsk, Kyiv, Sumy and Kharkiv regions. In the cities of Odesa and Dnipro, residential buildings were hit, reportedly killing at least nine and five people, respectively. In total, across the country, at least 20 people, including at least one child, were reportedly killed and dozens more injured by this attack.
Of greatest concern is the ever-increasing loss of civilian life resulting from continuing attacks. Last month alone, at least 211 civilians were killed and 1,206 injured in Ukraine, according to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). In total, since February 2022, OHCHR has verified that at least 15,578 Ukrainian civilians, including 784 children, have been killed. Another 43,352, including 2,668 children, have been injured. In the Russian Federation, local authorities, including in the Kursk, Belgorod and Bryansk regions bordering Ukraine, have reported increasing civilian casualties. In one of the latest incidents, on 16 April, a woman and a teenage girl were reportedly killed in a Ukrainian strike in the Krasnodar region of the Russian Federation.
Ukraine’s critical civilian infrastructure continues to be hit. Ukraine’s Danube and Black Sea ports were reportedly targeted over the past month. These ports are critical to enabling the export of Ukrainian agricultural products at a time of increasing concern about global food insecurity. Russian attacks on Ukraine’s railway infrastructure have also continued, including today. In central Lviv, UNESCO heritage sites have once again come under fire. As of March, UNESCO had verified damage to a total of 519 cultural sites since the start of the war. Civilian and energy infrastructure in the Russian Federation has also reportedly been hit during this period. Attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure are clearly prohibited under international humanitarian law. They must stop immediately, wherever they occur.
We welcome the exchange of prisoners of war that brought home 175 service members and seven civilians from each side on 11 April. One hundred and sixty-three of the returned Ukrainians had reportedly been held captive since 2022. In interviews conducted by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, many recently released Ukrainian prisoners reported that instances of torture had decreased or ceased in 2025 and 2026. However, all of them said that they had been subjected to torture or ill-treatment during their captivity. We remind each side of their obligations under international humanitarian law in their treatment of prisoners of war, and we again urge the Russian Federation to grant the United Nations unimpeded access to all detainees. The latest prisoner exchange was the seventy-second since the start of the war. We commend all involved in facilitating these exchanges and call for the efforts to continue, for the sake of those held captive and their relatives.
We urge all involved to redouble their efforts to return all deported and forcibly transferred Ukrainian children. The United Nations is committed to supporting this critical and urgent work. As part of these efforts and the implementation of her mandate, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict has just concluded her first visit to Ukraine.
On Sunday, 26 April, we will mark 40 years since the devastating Chornobyl disaster, the most serious nuclear accident to ever occur, the impact of which is still felt today. This anniversary also serves as a warning of the scale of destruction we could witness in case of another incident, intended or unintended, while the war continues to endanger Ukraine’s nuclear sites, especially the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant, the largest nuclear facility in Europe. It is imperative that all military activities near nuclear sites cease immediately. We also urge both sides to fully cooperate with the ongoing efforts by the International Atomic Energy Agency to ensure safe and secure operations of the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant, including its access to an uninterrupted supply of power.
Five years in, the Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine continues to test international law, drive deepening divisions and undermine the broader rulesbased multilateral order. Beyond the immediate conflict zone, the war has heightened regional tensions and insecurity, with drones reportedly sighted this month in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Finland. We must remain steadfast in our commitment to ending this war, guided by the principles and obligations set out in the Charter of the United Nations.
Building on the efforts undertaken by the United States of America, it is essential that the international community maintain sustained attention and coordinated diplomatic engagement aimed at securing a full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire. Such efforts must lay the foundations for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, international law and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
We cannot afford the risk of the conflict spiralling out of control with an even higher human cost and unpredictable consequences for us all. The United Nations stands ready to support all meaningful initiatives that can help to bring an end to the suffering and advance the prospects for peace.
I thank Mr. Khiari for his briefing.
I now give the floor to Ms. Msuya.
Ms. Msuya: Building on the political and security developments outlined by my colleague, Assistant Secretary-General Khiari, let me highlight the humanitarian realities we are seeing across Ukraine.
Since we last briefed the Council, one month ago (see S/PV.10124), attacks have intensified, and civilians continue to bear the brunt. Missile, drone and artillery strikes have hit residential areas, public transport, energy systems and port infrastructure. Hostilities over the weekend caused civilian casualties and damage to homes and other civilian infrastructure on both sides of the front line. A massive wave of overnight strikes last week, affecting Dnipro, Kyiv and Odesa, killed more than 21 civilians and injured more than 140 people. The week before, a strike hitting a public bus in Nikopol in broad daylight killed 4 people and injured 16 more.
Homes damaged once are hit again. Schools and essential services remain under immense strain. Damage to energy infrastructure has created a systemic shock, disrupting electricity, water, heating and essential services on which millions depend. Power outages on both sides of the front line are compounding hardship for already vulnerable communities.
Hostilities are increasingly affecting urban residential areas. The geographic spread of strikes is widening. Damage to key access routes is further constraining civilian movement and limiting the reach of humanitarians.
Continued damage to energy infrastructure is expected to have far-reaching humanitarian consequences through the summer months and into the next winter season. International humanitarian law is clear. Civilians and the infrastructure essential to their well-being must be protected. Medical facilities, energy systems and water services on which civilians depend must be spared.
Attacks that disrupt these systems deepen humanitarian needs and prolong human suffering. Humanitarian partners are supporting urgent repairs to energy networks, housing, health services and water systems, while preparing for summer pressures and the next — and fifth — winter since the 2022 escalation of this war.
Humanitarian needs remain vast, even as diplomatic efforts continue. Despite ongoing hostilities, we and our partners continue to support communities close to the front line, wherever access allows. Mobile teams continue to provide healthcare, mental health and psychosocial support, and other essential services. Just last week, an inter-agency convoy facilitated by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs delivered essential hygiene supplies to more than 600 people, including children and older persons, in a front-line community in Mykolaiv Oblast exposed to constant shelling. Another inter-agency convoy reached Kherson.
Humanitarian partners also continue to help to evacuate people from front-line communities. In recent days, hundreds of civilians, including many children, have been assisted to reach safer locations and supported through transit centres.
However, our access remains constrained in some areas owing to the intensity of hostilities, and many vulnerable civilians still remain in areas close to the front line.
The growing use of armed drones is creating a daily dilemma for humanitarian actors: how to remain present where needs are greatest while keeping their staff safe. Evacuation teams regularly report drone strikes affecting their operations. Humanitarians must be protected and their work facilitated so they can provide relief to civilians in need wherever they are located, in accordance with humanitarian principles.
As we have repeatedly underscored before the Council, respect for the rules of war and the protection of civilians is not optional, it is a legal obligation.
The Global Humanitarian Overview, launched last December, is a snapshot in time. In Ukraine, however, needs continue to evolve and increase. Humanitarian partners are prioritizing those facing the greatest risk, but needs continue to outpace resources. Of the 10.8 million people requiring humanitarian assistance this year, millions remain beyond our reach. Nearly three quarters of the $2.3 billion needed to assist the targeted 4.1 million people — nearly one in every eight Ukrainians — remain unfunded. That is almost $1.7 billion still to be funded. The regional refugee response also requires substantial funding.
The paucity of funding has direct consequences for people’s lives. It determines whether communities can access essential services, whether displaced families can access shelter support and whether people living close to the front line can receive life-saving assistance before conditions deteriorate further. Without early and sustained financial contributions, humanitarians are forced to scale back assistance precisely when needs are surging. Timely funding reduces vulnerability. Delayed funding increases it.
My three asks are not new, but they remain urgent.
First, the Council should use its influence to ensure respect for international humanitarian law and to ensure accountability when international humanitarian law is violated. As the Inter-Agency Standing Committee underscored last week in a joint statement on ending impunity, even wars have rules. Civilians, including humanitarian personnel, and the critical infrastructure on which civilians depend must be protected.
Secondly, and connected to the first point, safe, rapid, unimpeded and sustained humanitarian access to civilians in need must be ensured across all areas of Ukraine, including those civilians living in areas currently under the control of the Russian Federation. We must be able to reach all civilians in need, including and especially in areas close to the front line.
Thirdly, timely funding must be provided. Delays reduce what can be delivered and prolong hardship for civilians. For millions of people across Ukraine, the impact of the war is very real and constant. Protection, access and timely financial contributions are a lifeline for the most affected people as efforts towards a just and lasting peace continue.
I thank Ms. Msuya for her briefing.
I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.
I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khiari and Assistant Secretary-General Msuya for their briefings.
Over the past month, Russia has launched some of the most vicious attacks of its barbaric war of aggression against Ukraine. During Orthodox Easter, Ukrainian civilians had only 32 hours free from terror — one night without Russia’s long-range drones, missiles and guided bombs. Predictably, yet regrettably, since then the
Russian leadership has escalated its barbaric brutality. Just nine hours after our previous Security Council meeting on Ukraine on 23 March (see S/PV.10124) ended, Russia launched the largest drone attack ever recorded in the history of modern warfare. In 24 hours, 948 drones struck Ukrainian cities. As verified by the human rights monitoring mission in Ukraine, this attack killed at least 6 people and injured almost 100. The strikes also hit a maternity hospital and damaged a sixteenth-century monastery — a UNESCO world heritage site.
March marked yet another record month of civilian casualties, most of them occurring in Ukrainian cities and towns far away from the front line. And, deplorably, on 16 April alone, Russia once again launched more than 700 drones and missiles at Ukrainian cities, killing at least 20 people and injuring more than 100 in its deadliest attack this year. Since February 2022, Russia has launched a staggering number of aerial attacks against Ukraine: at least 94,344 long-range strike drones and missiles. As verified by the World Health Organization, Russia has conducted at least 2,881 attacks affecting healthcare facilities, ambulances and medical warehouses in Ukraine.
Russia, a permanent member of the Council, with a special responsibility to uphold the Charter of the United Nations, continues to wage an unprovoked and illegal war against Ukrainian civilians and civilian infrastructure. Russia is deliberately causing a global security and economic crisis, in addition to enabling and assisting Iranian attacks against our Gulf Cooperation Council partners. Meanwhile, Ukraine is actively helping the Gulf countries to defend themselves against attacks by Iran — the same kind of attacks that Ukrainians know so well.
The Kremlin can try to hide the truth about the real costs and losses of this war from the Russian people by imposing Internet blackouts, banning digital platforms and repressing independent media. But Russia cannot hide the truth from the world. The world knows the imperial motives and the brutal reality of Russia’s war. This is shown by the widespread support for Ukraine’s General Assembly resolution on the fourth anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion (General Assembly resolution ES- 11/10).
Let Russia and its allies remember that accountability for all atrocities is not optional. It does not have an expiration date. Latvia is committed to being one of the founding members of the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine and of the international claims commission for Ukraine. Twenty countries in total have already committed to joining the Special Tribunal. And we urge all countries to defend the fundamental principles of international law and demand accountability.
Russia continues to deny the United Nations and independent monitors access to the occupied territories in Ukraine and to Russia itself. The available verified reporting documents the grave and systematic crimes committed against Ukrainian civilians and prisoners of war.
These weeks, the entire United Nations celebrates indigenous peoples. I would like to draw attention to the Crimean Tatars, the indigenous peoples of the occupied Crimean Peninsula in Ukraine. This Muslim community already faced mass deportations by the Soviet regime. Thousands of them returned to a free Ukraine and a free Crimea. But this all changed in 2014. They are facing ethnic, political and religious persecution and currently make up the majority of the political prisoners in Crimea.
To conclude, Russia’s war is an imperial war. It is a war against the Ukrainian nation and its freedom. It is aimed at destroying the Ukrainian State, culture, history and language. Russia can end this war and the civilian suffering immediately. If
Ukraine stopped defending itself, it would be the end of Ukraine. This is why Latvia firmly stands with Ukraine and its sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity. Latvia supports all peace efforts, especially under the leadership of the United States and European countries, to bring about a just and lasting peace, in line with the United Nations Charter. An immediate, full and unconditional ceasefire is the first step, and we call on all countries to exert maximum pressure on Russia so that it meaningfully engages in the peace process.
Let me thank Assistant Secretary-General Khiari and Assistant Secretary-General Msuya for their briefings. I also welcome the participation of the Permanent Representative of Ukraine in this meeting, and I wish to express my deepest condolences to the families of the victims of the horrible shooting in Kyiv this past weekend.
Our briefers’ sobering accounts remind us that while the eyes of the world may be on the Middle East, the longest war on European soil since the Second World War continues — away from the headlines, but no less devastating for Ukraine’s civilians.
This past month has marked some grim milestones: 1,500 days since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and four years since the unveiling of the horrors of Russia’s brutal massacre in Bucha, which Denmark joined its European Union partners in Bucha to commemorate on 31 March.
In the past weeks, however, we witnessed a faint and sadly fleeting glimmer of hope. Following repeated calls by Ukraine, Russia announced a 32-hour Easter ceasefire. There was an exchange of prisoners, and the Ukrainian authorities declared that its forces would respond only if there were Russian strikes. Nevertheless, that hope was instantly undermined as the Ukrainian authorities reported thousands of ceasefire violations throughout the 32-hour period. This tells us once again that the international community should not be persuaded by empty declarations. We should only be persuaded by actions, and these actions tell a different and desperate story, namely one of deflection, rather than of any meaningful step towards peace.
The Kremlin’s cynicism that we witnessed with the so-called Easter ceasefire is not new. For more than a year, Kyiv has been offering an immediate, unconditional and comprehensive ceasefire. By now it is clear that this is the essential first step towards a just and lasting peace. Russia, on the other hand, has chosen escalation over good-faith engagement time and time again. Over the past month, Russian strikes continued to rain down on Ukraine’s cities and along the front line. The United Nations reports that from February to March alone, civilian casualties increased by 49 per cent.
The mass drone and missile attacks last week killed at least 20 civilians and injured up to 100, revealing new and increasingly deadly Russian tactics. Drones with jet engines and daytime attacks immediately following night-time attacks are making strikes on heavily populated areas even more deadly.
Russian attacks on Ukrainian civilians have been a feature of the full-scale invasion since the earliest days. Justice will come for the victims across Ukraine — those who died in mass killings and those who endured torture, sexual violence and forced deportations. And it will come for the survivors who carry the physical and mental scars every day. We will not forget them, and we will not abandon them.
There must be accountability for the international crimes committed by Russia in its brutal campaign to destroy an independent Ukraine. Denmark fully supports the efforts of the International Criminal Court and the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, as well as the work to create a special tribunal
for the crime of aggression against Ukraine and an international claims commission for Ukraine.
In closing, members around this table need to be clear in calling this a war of choice. We call again on President Putin to finally end the war that he started. We do so, however, fully aware that so far, there are no signs of his willingness to choose peace. We therefore also call on the international community to increase pressure to finally end the killing and destruction and to support a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, in line with the Charter of the United Nations. Anything less would be a failure of our responsibility.
I would like to first thank Mr. Khaled Khiari, Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, Europe, the Americas, Asia and the Pacific, and Ms. Joyce Msuya, Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, for their insightful briefings.
The briefings serve as a reminder, should any reminder be needed, that as the ceasefire in the Middle East and Lebanon is allowing for work towards peacebuilding, Russia, which has been waging a war of aggression against Ukraine for more than four years, rejects the immediate, comprehensive and unconditional ceasefire that the international community demands.
The short-lived Easter truce, far from being a step towards a just and lasting peace, was not observed along the front lines and gave way to relentless Russian strikes across the entire territory of Ukraine. On Wednesday night into Thursday, nearly 650 drones and 44 missiles struck the country, killing more than 20 people and injuring more than a hundred. The Ukrainian President had nevertheless proposed extending the ceasefire beyond the Orthodox Easter holiday. Yet, once again, it is Russia that obstinately sought to continue its war of aggression.
In its 16 April statement to the General Assembly, following the veto of draft resolution S/2026/273, on securing the Strait of Hormuz, Russia called for civilian infrastructure not to be targeted and welcomed the ceasefire in the Middle East. Yet Russia is straying from this very path in Ukraine. Regarding civilian infrastructure, Ukraine proposed a moratorium to Russia regarding attacks against energy infrastructure. We can clearly see on the ground the Russian response to this proposal. International humanitarian law and its principles, in particular those of distinction, precaution and proportionality, must be applied under all circumstances.
Instead of finally engaging in de-escalation efforts, Russia continues its manoeuvre of shifting blame. It pretends to be concerned about the strengthening of European defence efforts. On 15 April, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs cautioned against what he called the “danger of the militarization of the European Union”. On that same day, the Russian Ministry of Defence sought to intimidate Europeans by threatening their industrial and technological defence bases. Everyone is well aware of the reality regarding the relative contributions of each party when it comes to defence efforts.
This rhetoric has neither curtailed our unwavering support for Ukraine’s legitimate resistance, which I commend, nor diminished our determination to contribute to European strategic autonomy. We will continue to provide assistance to Ukraine, both bilaterally and through an increasingly unified European framework.
Paths towards peace exist, and it is incumbent upon Security Council members to help those who seek to embark upon them.
When it comes to the ceasefire, we call on Russia to join the broad international consensus, which unites the Secretary-General and the vast majority of Member States from every continent to finally implement an immediate, comprehensive and
unconditional ceasefire. General Assembly resolution ES-11/6, adopted on 24 February by a broad majority, calls for this categorically. It is up to all Council members to align their efforts with those of the Secretary-General.
As for the negotiations under the auspices of the United States of America, which we will continue to support in principle, it is time for Russia to engage, not through gesticulations or pretences, but through tangible commitments.
France intends to play its full part in building peace in Europe through dialogue conducted in good faith. Alongside its partners in the coalition of the willing, France intends to guarantee peace and will not cease to work towards that end.
I would like to start by thanking Assistant Secretary- General Khiari and Assistant Secretary-General Msuya for their comprehensive and insightful remarks. I also welcome the presence of Ukraine at this meeting.
Greece, along with the overwhelming majority of the United Nations membership, has repeatedly called on Russia to put an end to its war of aggression against Ukraine, in full respect of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations, international humanitarian law and international human rights law. It is regrettable that those calls have been ignored by Russia.
Official United Nations numbers have once more dimmed our hope for peace. As we have just heard from our briefers, casualties in Ukraine keep increasing. March was the deadliest month for civilians since July 2025, and casualties in the first quarter rose by 20 per cent, compared with last year, which had already registered more casualties than in the year before. And once again, casualties among children number in the dozens.
March also marked a record high in the use of aerial weapons against Ukraine, which constitutes the primary cause of civilian casualties. Even worse, the outlook for this month is also bleak, with dozens of civilians dead and hundreds injured.
Time and time again, we have condemned in the strongest terms the deliberate targeting of civilians and of civilian and critical infrastructure as a serious violation of international humanitarian law. We reiterate our condemnation today.
Thousands of Ukrainians have also left their homes this year, as their lives are upended by war. International humanitarian law dictates that all parties to conflict must take every possible measure to spare civilians from harm and to protect them as they go about their daily lives.
We also call on Russia to end violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law regarding forcible transfers and deportations in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine, as verified in the latest report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.
On the issue of the deportation and unlawful transfer of Ukrainian children, we welcome the recent visit of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict to Kyiv. We call on Russia to ensure the children’s safe and unconditional return to Ukraine, pursuant to General Assembly resolution ES- 11/9, adopted in December.
Peace in Ukraine is long overdue. Greece supports all diplomatic efforts to achieve peace. We also welcome the direct peace talks facilitated by the United States of America, which have not resumed since February. Signs of bilateral engagement, whether direct or indirect, with regard to the latest exchange of prisoners of war on 11 April, are of course very welcome, but they are not sufficient. We call for the next steps in that engagement, starting with a full ceasefire, as a necessary first step towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, a peace that will be firmly based on
international law and the Charter of the United Nations and in full respect of Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, within its internationally recognized borders, while rejecting any change of borders as a result of the use of force.
Lastly, we emphasize that no peace agreement can be viable without the full consent of Ukraine and the direct involvement of Europe, nor without credible and enforceable security guarantees to prevent the recurrence of war.
I will be brief, and intentionally so. After years of meetings, length is no longer our problem; rather, clarity is, and the lack of a resolution is. Talking at one another has reached its limits, but reasoning with one another has not.
I thank my colleagues who joined in requesting this briefing. I also thank Mr. Khaled Khiari, Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, Europe, the Americas, Asia and the Pacific, and Ms. Joyce Msuya, Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator, for their briefings. I also welcome the Permanent Representative of Ukraine to the Chamber.
More than four years into the war, we continue to meet in a familiar setting, yet the facts before us grow heavier, not fewer. As we have just heard, the fighting persists, human suffering worsens, claims of military progress multiply and civilian loss accumulates.
If momentum is asserted by all but protection is delivered by none, then repetition has become the order of the day to replace purpose. Critical infrastructure is not merely damaged; it is repeatedly disabled. Energy systems are struck, water systems are rendered unreliable and cities are left in mourning. That cannot be understood as incidental harm. Children bear the deepest cost, not only through death or injury but also through time itself: schooling is interrupted, care is interrupted and lives are shaped by instability rather than choice.
Recent declarations of restraint have offered no relief on the ground. What has been presented as a pause has coincided with continued strikes. What has been described as openness to peace has produced no corresponding protection for civilians. Those contradictions matter, not rhetorically, but legally and institutionally. International humanitarian law does not permit deliberate or indiscriminate attacks on civilians. The Council cannot preserve its credibility by acknowledging war and human suffering while treating its continuation as inevitable.
Liberia draws on its own hard experience: when peace is delayed, restraint becomes more, not less, urgent. When a resolution is blocked, harm must still be constrained, because territory asserted through ruins proves nothing, strength demonstrated through suffering proves nothing, and endurance mistaken for strategy proves nothing at all.
If the Council cannot bring the war to an end, it must still insist that its human cost, of which the briefers have reminded us today, is neither acceptable nor unchangeable. To do otherwise is not neutrality; it is withdrawal from responsibility. That is a line that the Council should not cross.
I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khiari and Assistant Secretary-General Msuya for their briefings, and I welcome the participation of the Permanent Representative of Ukraine in our meeting today.
The Council is meeting today because Russia continues to violate the Charter of the United Nations, which it is bound to uphold. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was
not forced; it was, and continues to be, a deliberate act of aggression intended to erase another State’s identity.
In recent weeks, Russia has continued to subject Ukrainian cities to drone and missile strikes in civilian areas. Last Wednesday night, 17 civilians were killed and at least 98 more injured in an attack involving 659 drones and 44 missiles. Despite talk of an Easter ceasefire, so far this month, Russia has launched more than 200 drones a day on average, exceeding even the record levels of March. A full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire is essential. That is what the Secretary-General has called for, and that is what the General Assembly called for just a few weeks ago (see A/ES- 11/PV.23 and A/ES-11/PV.24).
Russia has been aided in its war on Ukraine by its military partnership with Iran. That is an operational relationship that results in the proliferation of weapons and weapons technology, spreading their lethal consequences across regions, from Ukraine to the Middle East, in direct defiance of the Charter and the Council’s resolutions.
The result of the war will have consequences not only for Europe but also for the rest of the world. If Russia succeeds in showing the world that borders can be changed by force in Ukraine, it will set a very dangerous example. Therefore, what we say in this Chamber matters. In Ukraine, Russia is the aggressor. Russia is the one that must show restraint, de-escalate and engage in meaningful dialogue. How we engage as a Council will shape not only the outcome in Ukraine but also the rules that govern our collective security.
I thank you, Madam President, for convening this meeting. I thank the Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, Europe, the Americas, Asia and the Pacific and the Assistant Secretary- General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator for their briefings, and I welcome the delegations joining us today.
The situation in Ukraine continues to deteriorate, with a devastating impact on the civilian population in a context marked by grave violations of international humanitarian law. The attacks of the past week, in which 21 civilians were killed, including a child, and which affected schools, residential buildings and civilian infrastructure in cities such as Odesa, Kherson, Dnipro and Kyiv, are clear examples of such violations. We express our most sincere condolences to the victims and their families.
This pattern is persistent and is reflected in the dramatic rise in the number of civilian victims throughout the month of March, which almost doubled the number of victims recorded in February. It is also a source of deep concern that this is turning into a war of attrition increasingly dominated by the use of drones and low-cost technology that only serves to prolong and intensify human suffering. Since the beginning of the war, Colombia has condemned in the strongest terms attacks against civilians and civilian objects — including hospitals, ambulances, healthcare personnel, homes, schools and basic infrastructure — which are strictly prohibited by international humanitarian law. Today we are compelled to once again remind all the parties of their obligation to respect and protect the civilian population, as well as civilian objects that are indispensable for their survival. We demand that these acts cease immediately.
Colombia has taken note of the Easter ceasefire agreed to last weekend. The truce represents an opportunity to advance towards peace. In that connection, Colombia welcomes the recent exchange of 175 prisoners of war and civilians that was facilitated by the mediation of the United Arab Emirates. This significant and profound humane achievement shows that even in the midst of confrontation it is
possible to make progress through tangible confidence-building gestures. We underline the importance of these humanitarian actions as useful measures to rebuild trust and strengthen existing pathways for dialogue. Nevertheless, we regret that the ceasefire was time-limited. There were also reports of violations on both sides via attacks, bombings and drone strikes. This just highlights the urgent need to deepen efforts to achieve a political solution that addresses mutual concerns and leads to a peace agreement directly negotiated by the parties and acceptable to both of them.
Colombia once again reiterates our deep concern over the prolonged conflict and its consequences. From the very beginning, we have called for an immediate and complete ceasefire. Today we reiterate that call firmly. We call on all parties to return to the path of diplomacy, to broaden mediation efforts and to prioritize protection of the civilian population. Peace will not come right away, but we believe that it is possible to steadily advance toward the end of hostilities and a lasting political solution.
I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari and Assistant Secretary-General Joyce Msuya for their comprehensive briefings.
As we convene today, my delegation remains profoundly concerned by the continued deterioration of both security and humanitarian conditions in Ukraine. The continued hostilities serve only to prolong human suffering and further diminish prospects for sustainable peace. We are concerned by the continuous escalation of military action affecting civilian and civilian infrastructure. The protection of civilians, in particular the most vulnerable, and the preservation of schools, hospitals and homes are enshrined obligations in international humanitarian law. My delegation reiterates that all parties must prioritize de-escalation, exercise utmost restraint and uphold these principles without exception.
In this spirit, we welcome the continued exchange of prisoners of war, including the recent repatriation of 175 individuals. Such humanitarian milestones serve as essential confidence-building measures and remind us that amid deep division, cooperation remains possible.
We remain convinced that there is no military solution to this conflict. Dialogue and diplomacy remain the sole viable means to bring this crisis to an end. In this regard, we note the ongoing international diplomatic initiatives, including those led by the United States. These engagements represent vital steps towards de-escalation, and we hope they will lay the groundwork for a constructive and durable path forward.
A durable and just resolution must address the underlying root causes of the conflict and be consistent with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Lasting peace will require compromise, confidence-building measures and a shared vision of common and sustainable security.
In closing, my delegation reaffirms its unwavering support for all diplomatic efforts aimed at achieving a resolution that restores peace, security and stability. The people of Ukraine and all those affected by this conflict deserve a future defined by prosperity and dignity.
I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khiari, for his briefing and Assistant Secretary-General Msuya for her briefing. I extend a special welcome to our friends from Ukraine, as they join us in the Council today.
From the day he returned to office, President Trump made it clear that he is determined to end the Russia-Ukraine war, as it has only brought death and destruction. The United States continues to push for a negotiated and durable end to
the war to stop the bloodshed. This commitment remains a hallmark of President Trump’s determination to end the monstrosity of this continued carnage.
We saw negotiations produce concrete results less than two weeks ago, when Russia and Ukraine agreed to exchange 175 prisoners and additional civilians. The United States supports these and earlier exchanges as one step towards durable peace. As a further step, the United States calls on Russia to return all Ukrainian children it has unlawfully deported to Russia, as well as those it has forcibly transferred within occupied Ukrainian territory. In support of this effort, which is a significant concern for First Lady Melania Trump and is centred in her advocacy, the United States will fund a $25 million assistance programme to aid the return of these Ukrainian children forcibly transferred or deported to Russia or Russian-controlled territories. Our dedication to the safe return of those children remains unwavering.
The United States continues to reinforce the need for global support for President Trump’s efforts to advance durable peace. The United States remains committed to shared prosperity, including through our commitment to the United States-Ukraine reconstruction investment fund, which represents the United States’ economic stake in securing a free, peaceful and sovereign future for Ukraine.
We call on all Member States to play a constructive role in bringing this war to an end, including by ending support that enables Russia’s prosecution of this war and encouraging both sides towards negotiated settlement. Specifically, we urge China to immediately stop supplying Russia with the dual-use goods and material components that enable its war effort. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea must also stop providing munitions, including ballistic missiles, to Russia for use against Ukraine, which violates Security Council resolutions 1718 (2006) and 1874 (2007), which Russia itself voted for.
Iran provides yet another example, as it has supplied Russia with hundreds of attack unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and UAV technology for use in Ukraine, including transfers before October 2023, in violation of resolution 2231 (2015), and in September 2024, when Iran began delivering hundreds of close-range ballistic missiles to Russia. Nor should the Council forget that Russia has supplied Iran with critical military equipment over the past year, delivering combat aircraft, helicopters, armoured vehicles and other arms, some of which violate resolution 1929 (2010). Russia’s military support to Iran endangers the security of the countries of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf. We call on Russia, as a permanent member, to abide by the resolutions of the Council, and encourage both Russia and Ukraine to negotiate a durable end to the war.
We thank Assistant Secretary- General Khaled Khiari and Ms. Joyce Msuya, Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, for their valuable briefings on the situation on the ground. We would also like to recognize the participation of the delegations present in the Chamber.
Panama expresses its deep frustration at the lack of real progress towards ending this conflict. It is becoming increasingly difficult to justify to those suffering from this war why the international community continues to meet to describe a tragedy that has lasted for four years. In meeting after meeting, we analyse figures that reflect the rise in the number of deaths, listen to reports and reiterate our positions, while the violence continues and intensifies, and the civilian population continues to pay the highest price in this war. Normalizing suffering is, in and of itself, unacceptable. The urgency of a ceasefire must be recognized as an immediate, sustained and verifiable commitment.
Today, the battlefield makes no distinction between military and civilian targets; the growing use of missiles and longand short-range drones and massive attacks on urban areas demonstrate a dangerous normalization of attacks on civilian infrastructure. The most recent figures are clear. Since February 2022, more than 15,000 civilians have lost their lives, and more than 43,000 have been injured. In the first few months of 2026 alone, violence has increased by 20 per cent, compared with the previous year. Panama reiterates its condemnation of all violations of international humanitarian law and of human rights. Any attack against the civilian population or humanitarian personnel is a grave affront to the most basic principles of humanity.
This is a reality that, unfortunately, no longer knows any borders. We wish to emphasize that the protection of children must remain a cross-cutting priority in all armed conflicts. Boys and girls are always the most vulnerable victims of war. They suffer forced displacement; disruption of their education; family separation; impacts on their physical and mental health; and grave risks of violence, exploitation and recruitment. Integrating child protection into diplomatic, humanitarian and political efforts for peace is not only a legal obligation but also an indispensable investment in the future stability of societies affected by this conflict. No peace process can be considered sustainable if it does not place children at the centre of its priorities. We must redouble our efforts to prevent this conflict from becoming an indefinite war of attrition, where inertia replaces real political will and human suffering is subordinate to geopolitical calculations.
Panama reiterates its unequivocal call: it is time to move from words to deeds. It is necessary to move forward with ongoing dialogue based on respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States.
I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari and Assistant Secretary-General Joyce Msuya for their briefings.
The conflict in Ukraine, now into its fifth year, remains a source of consternation for the international community. We remain deeply perturbed by the continuation of hostilities, which add to the misery of those affected by this conflict and further worsen the already dire humanitarian situation. As we have repeatedly said, such actions not only perpetuate the conflict but also undermine trust and the ongoing efforts for peace. Protecting civilians and civilian infrastructure is a fundamental obligation and the foundation of the principles of international humanitarian law, which must be upheld fully by all parties.
We take positive note of the announcement of an Easter ceasefire by both Russia and Ukraine. We also commend the two sides for the recent exchange of prisoners of war, duly facilitated by the United Arab Emirates. We view these steps as enablers to create conditions necessary for achieving lasting peace. We encourage both sides to continue to build on this momentum in order to advance the cause of peace.
From the outset, Pakistan’s position on the Ukraine conflict has been anchored in an unwavering conviction: the supremacy of dialogue as the only viable path for lasting peace. Now, more than ever, the overwhelming global opinion is on the side of ending this conflict through peaceful means. This can be achieved only through a sustained, meaningful and structured dialogue.
We remain hopeful that the current pause in the dialogue process between Russia and Ukraine is temporary and will resume at an early date. We are also confident that both sides will make full use of diplomacy, demonstrate genuine political will and engage meaningfully and constructively to make strides towards a just and lasting settlement of this conflict that is mutually acceptable to all sides, corresponds to the legitimate security interests of the parties and is in line with the Charter of the United Nations, international law and the relevant multilateral agreements. To this end,
Pakistan stands ready to support all efforts aimed at resolving this issue peacefully in a comprehensive and durable manner.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo welcomes the convening of this emergency meeting on the situation in Ukraine. My delegation would like to thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari and Assistant Secretary-General Joyce Msuya for their briefings.
More than 1,500 days have passed without a sustainable resolution to the war in Ukraine. Like other Security Council member States, particularly the three African members of the Council, the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains deeply concerned about the continuation of hostilities and the constant worsening of their human and material consequences. Beyond its immediate consequences, this conflict continues to have alarming effects well beyond its theatre. It fuels transnational dynamics of violence that also affect the African continent.
While encouraging signs towards a resumption of diplomatic efforts were observed in mid-February, it must be noted that this glimmer of hope has gradually faded over the weeks, giving way to an intensification of clashes. The facts recently reported to the Council are unequivocal. Current trends reflect a worrying drift away from prospects for de-escalation, marked by an increase in strikes, particularly using missiles and drones, as well as a significant rise in the number of civilian casualties.
In the light of this reality, it is imperative to recall that the continuation of hostilities places responsibility on all parties. Every attack, every counter-attack, every further escalation contributes to an already tragic human toll, further entrenching this conflict in a logic of destruction that pushes the return to peaceful coexistence between two nations — which are, after all, sisters — farther away with each passing day.
Human lives are being cut short every day, families are disappearing, and towns are clearing out. Fear and precariousness have today become the common denominators for an entire generation for whom each additional day of war further pushes away any prospect of a lasting peace.
The choice of de-escalation and the resolution of this crisis through dialogue can no longer be deferred. Indeed, the Democratic Republic of the Congo consistently reiterates its position: there is no military solution to this conflict. Only a political and diplomatic outcome based on dialogue, good faith and respect for international law, international humanitarian law and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations will allow for a lasting end to this crisis. To this end, we call for an effective ceasefire and strict adherence to any commitments made in this regard. The repeated violations of ceasefire initiatives observed recently only further weaken the prospects for a peaceful settlement of the conflict and underscore the urgency of restoring trust between the parties.
The protection of civilians must remain an absolute priority. It is imperative to spare civilian populations, as well as essential infrastructure, in particular energy infrastructure, the destruction of which directly affects living conditions and compromises access to basic services. We also recall the need to guarantee rapid, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to all those in need.
Finally, the Democratic Republic of the Congo urges all parties to exercise greater restraint and to prioritize diplomacy, which remains the best way to establish a just and credible peace for the benefit of the affected populations.
I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari and Assistant Secretary-General Joyce Msuya for their briefings.
The current international situation is undergoing profound turbulence. Regional conflicts and localized wars are occurring one after another, while the calls from the international community for peace and development are growing ever stronger. The Ukraine crisis remains protracted and difficult to resolve, and its trajectory bears on peace and stability in Europe and the world at large. An early ceasefire and a political solution to the crisis are the shared aspirations of the international community.
In the light of the recent developments and the briefings just given, I will make three points.
First, we must work to de-escalate the situation as soon as possible. A few days ago, Russia and Ukraine agreed to a ceasefire during the Orthodox Easter holiday, taking an important step towards peace together. Regrettably, during the ceasefire, both sides accused each other of violating the ceasefire and subsequently resumed large-scale military attacks against each other. The path to peace remains fraught with obstacles. China hopes that the parties to the conflict will prioritize peace, exercise the utmost calm and restraint and work to de-escalate the situation as soon as possible, with a view to achieving a ceasefire and ending the war at the earliest opportunity.
Secondly, we must resolutely uphold the humanitarian bottom line. Recently, Russia and Ukraine carried out a new round of exchanges of prisoners of war and the remains of fallen soldiers, reflecting humanitarian considerations and helping to build mutual trust. At the same time, both sides have launched attacks affecting civilians and civilian infrastructure, exacerbating the already dire humanitarian situation. China expresses deep concern over this and calls on the parties to the conflict to put the people first, strictly observe international humanitarian law, adhere to the principles of necessity, distinction and proportionality, protect civilians and civilian infrastructure and alleviate the suffering of civilians.
Thirdly, efforts must be made to advance peace talks. The door to dialogue on the Ukraine issue is already open. Although the momentum of negotiations has slowed somewhat at present and there are significant differences in the positions of the parties, we will see the dawn of peace as long as we persist in talks. China hopes that all relevant parties will participate in the peace process, maintain engagement and dialogue, steadily build consensus and on the basis of fully observing the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, address the root causes of the crisis, taking into account the legitimate security concerns of all parties, and reach a comprehensive, lasting and binding peace agreement.
China’s position on the Ukraine issue has always been consistent and is guided by the four “shoulds” proposed by President Xi Jinping. We will continue to uphold an objective and impartial stance, remain committed to promoting peace talks, maintain communication with all relevant parties and play a constructive role in advancing a political resolution of the crisis.
Just now, the United States representative, once again, repeated the same old rhetoric and spread disinformation. This is totally unacceptable. I wish to reiterate that China is neither the creator of the crisis nor a party to it. In the face of the crisis, China has not stood idly by. We have not fanned the flames or sought to profit from the situation. Instead, China has consistently worked to promote a ceasefire, to end the conflict and to facilitate peace talks. China’s objective and impartial position and its constructive role have been widely recognized by the international community, for justice resides in the hearts of the people. I also wish to point out that on the Ukraine issue any attempt to shift the blame to China or smear China is irresponsible and is not going to succeed.
In fact, since the outbreak of the crisis, it is the United States, not China, that has long supplied weapons to the battlefield and attempted to prolong the conflict.
We once again urge the United States to stop shifting the blame and to contribute more to a ceasefire and peace talks.
Today’s meeting is yet another case of déjà vu. This cheap, shoddy show is staged by the Ukrainian and European delegations in the Security Council each and every month. It is quite clear to us why they are doing so: first, they cannot allow for the attention of the global community to shift away to other crises, and secondly, they need to disguise the panic within their own ranks. Buoying their own spirits would not go amiss either.
Zelenskyy is perfectly aware that moving the Ukrainian file to the backburner of international politics due to the escalation in the Middle East can significantly reduce the profits reaped from his tour of European countries. Apparently, he thought that he would be able to endlessly and effortlessly pester his Western sponsors for money, intimidating them with the claims that the Ukrainian army is the only barrier to Russia’s march on Europe. Realizing that United States-Israeli aggression targeting Iran and the grave ramifications of this crisis had thrown a wrench in his plans, Zelenskyy did not lose his bearings. On the contrary, he went about touting the combat experience of the Ukrainian army with renewed zeal. He did not shy away from taking credit for imaginary achievements in ensuring the safety and security of the Gulf countries. In his words,
“Their protection required urgent expertise and an urgent response. We ensured this — Ukrainian expertise proved effective — this is recognized by all. The same is needed in Europe. Our diplomats also have a relevant request from countries in Asia — I have instructed that all of this be processed promptly. Ukrainian military personnel are participating in consultations on the functioning of the Strait of Hormuz going forward.”
In this alternate reality, in case Council members were unaware, the Kyiv regime has single-handedly unblocked the Strait of Hormuz, it is exporting security throughout the world and is about to defeat Russia. All of this is nothing but a figment of the imagination of the thieving Kyiv ringleader, and he is trying to sell his whimsical illusions to anyone willing to pay for them. First and foremost, to the current European Union leaders — if we can still call them leaders — who are incurably afflicted with Russophobia and incapable of making responsible decisions, and who froth at the mouth when ranting and raving about their resolve to support Ukraine for as long as it takes.
However, the situation in Ukraine is very dire. Ordinary Ukrainians are refusing to fight for the blatantly corrupt country’s leadership, they are dodging the draft, deserting and fiercely resisting draft officers or “military commissars” — manhunters from the territorial recruitment centres — and their radical Nazi-affiliates who essentially kidnap people to offset the mounting losses of the Ukrainian army. The hunt for Ukrainian men is taking place in broad daylight. They are being dragged out of their homes and taken from public and private transport, hospital beds and offices. The kidnappers are even lying in wait in pharmacies and grocery stores. People are being maimed, beaten nearly to death and subjected to tear and stun guns. Even persons with disabilities and persons with serious diseases are being rounded up. Is this the kind of so-called “security” that Zelenskyy is looking to export throughout the world? In reality, he is merely exporting mercenaries and weapons, which are surfacing in conflict hotspots worldwide. And, of course, his theatrical performances are being exported, largely to European stages.
Nor can we fail to comment on allegations that Russia has violated the Easter truce announced by the Russian President. We hope that this measure nevertheless allowed for a large number of Orthodox Christians to peacefully celebrate the holy
day. Kyiv, of course, immediately rushed to accuse Russia of violating the ceasefire. However, the Russian side verified at least 6,500 ceasefire violations by the Ukrainian armed forces, and that was within just 32 hours of its going into effect. The Ukrainian armed forces also targeted civilian objects, killing and wounding civilians, as well.
I emphasize that such measures can in no way be viewed as a prologue to a longstanding ceasefire. Russia advocates for a lasting and comprehensive settlement that addresses all the root causes of the conflict. There cannot be — and must not be — any substitutions, palliatives or misconceptions here. Zelenskyy, however, and the majority of European leaders are striving not to attain peace but rather to prolong the war. This is the main reason that the Ukrainian crisis remains unresolved to this day. And even though European delegations are now shedding crocodile tears on camera about the myriad woes and travails besetting the Ukrainian people, in reality, the plight of the Ukrainians is of no concern to them whatsoever.
Late last week, Frederik Vansina, Chief of Defence of the Belgian Armed Forces, stated in an interview that Ukraine is buying time to prepare European countries for war with Russia. This is precisely what Kyiv is being paid money for and receiving loans for. Ordinary Ukrainians are expendable, which is essentially what the Belgian general stated.
However, there are fewer and fewer Ukrainians, and it is becoming increasingly difficult to round them up. The Europeans are therefore considering measures to bring refugees, primary male refugees, back to Ukraine. There are also massive arms production initiatives under way in Europe. No effort is being spared for the Kyiv regime to hang on for another year and a half to two years. Nevertheless, a respite would also be welcome in order to replenish their forces, which is precisely what they mean when they talk about a ceasefire.
There is no sensible political force in Kyiv that can counter this cannibalistic plan, and Ukraine’s current leaders continue to blindly carry out this master plan. Not only does this guarantee that the regime will remain in power but also ensures its enrichment. Nevertheless, the outcome of this scenario drafted by the West will be exceedingly tragic.
I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Bahrain.
(spoke in Arabic)
At the outset, I welcome His Excellency Mr. Khaled Khiari, Assistant Secretary- General for the Middle East, Europe, the Americas, Asia and the Pacific, and Ms. Joyce Msuya, Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator. I thank them both for their valuable briefings to the Council today.
Manifestations of the widespread suffering resulting from the ongoing conflict in Ukraine continue unabated, casting a heavy shadow over civilians and infrastructure. The month of March recorded a troubling surge in numbers of civilian casualties, with a 49 per cent increase compared to the previous month.
I wish to highlight the following points.
First, on the protection of civilians, the Kingdom of Bahrain stresses the importance of ensuring full protection for civilians and constant due diligence to spare them from military operations. Civilian facilities and infrastructure should not be targets of attacks. The Kingdom reiterates its insistence on the importance of complying with international law, including international humanitarian law, and the Charter of the United Nations.
Secondly, on the security aspect, the Kingdom of Bahrain deplores the troubling use of drones in conflicts, which saw a 70 per cent increase in March 2026, compared to March 2025. Drones inflict severe damage on civilian and vital installations, as well as posing a threat to the lives of civilians. We have seen the impact of attacks on critical infrastructure in various parts of the world, including the Gulf region, where the Islamic Republic of Iran continues to target critical infrastructure and civilian objects. That constitutes a grave and unlawful threat to the safety of civilians, as well as to regional and international energy and food supplies, in blatant disregard of Iran’s obligations under international humanitarian law resolution 2817 (2026) and Human Rights Council resolution 61/1. The Kingdom of Bahrain cautions against increasing drone use, which, if it spreads to non-State actors, could increase instability and pose a long-term threat to international peace and security.
Thirdly, on the diplomatic front, the Kingdom of Bahrain commends the efforts of all countries and States engaged in mediation efforts to bring about peace, security and stability. Those efforts demand our immediate attention and action, as they seek to avert the escalation of crises by seeking diplomatic solutions through dialogue and negotiation. The Kingdom of Bahrain hopes to see constructive progress in the negotiations between the Russian and Ukrainian sides. In that connection, we commend the United States of America, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and the State of Qatar for their roles in facilitating various mediation efforts. Such initiatives bring together points of view by resolving differences and settling disputes through peaceful means, allowing the international community to move closer to much-needed solutions that will contribute to stability on the European continent and the maintenance of international peace and security by offering realistic and sustainable solutions.
In conclusion, the Kingdom of Bahrain stresses the need for a lasting political settlement to end the Russian-Ukrainian war and alleviate its humanitarian repercussions in line with the principles of international law, the Charter of the United Nations and resolution 2774 (2025).
(spoke in English)
I now resume my functions as President of the Council.
I give the floor to the representative of Ukraine.
I wish to thank the presidency of Bahrain for convening this meeting and express my gratitude to the delegates of Denmark, France, Greece, Latvia, Liberia and the United Kingdom for supporting Ukraine’s request. In addition, I thank the briefers, Assistant Secretary-General Mohamed Khaled Khiari and Assistant Secretary-General Joyce Msuya for their sobering presentations and testimonies.
Once again, in the Chamber, we have heard shocking and unbearable facts of Russia’s systematic war crimes and crimes against humanity perpetrated against the civilian population in Ukraine. All this evidence, so meticulously documented by the United Nations mission, will, I am convinced, become a key foundation for future judicial proceedings and for the prosecution of all perpetrators of these outrageous crimes. The moment of accountability will come much sooner than many expect. Regarding the alleged civilian victims that the Russian authorities have claimed, I have to stress that these data could not be duly verified by the independent United Nations bodies. Ukraine does not attack civilians.
More than 1,500 days have passed since the beginning of the Russian Federation’s full-scale military invasion of Ukraine. The Russian armed forces have continued to deliberately and systematically attack the civilian population of Ukraine
and target critical civilian infrastructure, using ballistic and cruise missiles, guided aerial bombs, multiple-launch rocket systems and deadly Shahed drones, resulting in significant casualties and destruction. Russian drones hunt civilians as in a vicious video game. They strike ambulances, they hit emergency personnel and firefighters, they hit Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs staff, as we just heard from the briefing by Assistant Secretary-General Msuya.
Between 30 March and 13 April alone, Russia launched more than 3,600 strike uncrewed aerial vehicles, nearly 1,350 guided bombs and more than 40 missiles against Ukraine, killing at least 70 civilians and injuring more than 400 people. Last week brought no relief from the Russian terror. Moscow used more than 2,360 strike uncrewed aerial vehicles, more than 1,320 guided bombs and nearly 60 missiles against Ukraine, killing and injuring dozens of innocent people. On 14 April, a Russian strike on the centre of the city of Dnipro claimed the lives of five civilians and left 27 others injured. On the night of 15 April, Russia carried out one of the deadliest attacks against civilians, using more than 700 ballistic cruise missiles and drones. Kyiv, Odesa, Kharkiv, Dnipro, Zaporizhzhia and the Kherson region came under massive attack. At least 17 civilians were killed and dozens wounded. Among those killed in the capital was a 12-year-old boy. I could continue this vast catalogue of new Russian war crimes, but, regrettably, for some in this Chamber, these horrific facts have been reduced to little more than routine wartime statistics and do not evoke the harsh reaction necessary to put Russia in its place. This indifference must end.
Before I proceed with my statement, I wish once again to briefly debunk the baseless accusations and propaganda that we heard previously and again today from the mouth of Russia’s representative. To be frank, it is not easy for any person guided by common sense to provide a rational response to the Russian stream of distorted narratives and publications. Ignorance, in this regard, might seem the most natural response to the constant stream of lies that Russia has been spreading in this Chamber, including today. But this stance has created the illusion that what the Russian delegation says may have some factual basis, which is completely wrong. Therefore, let me expose at least some of the groundless claims that we just heard in Mr. Nebenzia’s statement.
The representative of Russia expressed concern that the President of Ukraine is allegedly too worried about the international community’s attention shifting to the Middle East and is therefore actively engaging with the countries of the Gulf region. In reality, this assertion reveals something else, namely Russia’s complete loss of credibility and growing irrelevance in this region. The truth is that it is Ukraine that is extending a hand of practical assistance to its partners in the Gulf, helping them protect the energy infrastructure from criminal strikes by Iranian drones and missiles, supported by Russia. It is Russia that is the main accomplice of the Tehran regime that has betrayed the Gulf countries, stabbed them in the back and two weeks ago abused its veto right to block a crucial draft resolution on freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz (see S/PV.10130).
Today, the Russian representative once again lamented the alleged difficulties of mobilization in Ukraine, repeating a familiar repertoire of lies. Instead of spreading this information about the Ukrainian army, aimed at driving a wedge and sowing division in our society, perhaps Mr. Nebenzia should reflect on the alarming reality inside Russia’s armed forces.
Since the beginning of this year, Russia has been losing no fewer than 30,000 to 35,000 soldiers every single month. In fact, Russian battlefield losses have exceeded monthly recruitment plans achieved through contract enlistment. This reveals a growing structural crisis of Russia’s manpower system. The Kremlin is increasingly struggling to attract volunteers for its vicious war of aggression despite
unprecedented financial incentives. Russian regional authorities are engaged in an unsustainable bidding contest, offering ever-higher signing bonuses that far exceed average incomes. Recruitment relies on coercion and pressure on vulnerable social groups — prisoners, migrant workers, recently nationalized citizens and foreign mercenaries. Newly recruited personnel are sent directly into high-attrition assaults without adequate training.
Given the casualty rise, which is unprecedented, recruits, whom Mr. Putin is sending into the meat-grinder on Ukrainian soil, face an extremely short life expectancy, measured in weeks or even days. Therefore, before lecturing others, Russia should confront the uncomfortable truth that it is not Ukraine that faces a mobilization crisis. We fight for our homeland. It is Russia that is burning through its own population.
In my previous statement, I presented clear evidence of why Russia is going to lose this war, because of its disastrous economic situation (see S/PV.10087). Today, I will demonstrate why Mr. Putin will fail and will be defeated from a military point of view. No army since the First World War has paid such an astronomical death toll for such negligible gains as Russia’s army has. According to battlefield assessments, Russia is currently losing on average 254 soldiers for every square kilometre of Ukrainian territory it still manages to occupy. To put this into historical perspective, let me remind the Council that during the Winter War of 1939–1940, an illegal aggression launched by the Soviet Union against Finland, the cost of human lives per square kilometre was roughly 100 times lower.
This comparison illustrates a fundamental reality of this war. Russia is achieving minimal territorial gain at an extraordinarily high human price. At present, Russia controls less than 20 per cent of the Donetsk region, territory which Mr. Putin has been demanding, in the form of an ultimatum, that Ukraine surrender without a fight. This is pure blackmail. We are speaking about 6,000 square kilometres. Russia demands that Ukraine abandon one of the most heavily fortified and logistically developed defensive lines. And we must not forget, first and foremost, that beyond these fortifications, there are cities and villages where Ukrainians live. How can we leave hundreds of these people to their fate to face barbarians bringing death and destruction?
Taking into account the current staggering and appalling rate of Russian losses for every square kilometre of Ukrainian soil, the bloody arithmetic becomes even clearer. The calculation is very simple: just multiply 6,000 by 254 dead soldiers for each square kilometre. According to this brutal logic of war, in order to seize the whole territory of Donbas, of the Donetsk region, by military means, Mr. Putin would have to send at least another 1.5 million soldiers to their deaths. This mathematics is truly mind-boggling. In practical terms, this would effectively amount to more than double Russia’s current human losses in this war, bringing the total to more than 3 million casualties. Even for Mr. Putin, for whom the value of the lives of his own citizens appears to be less than a penny, or a ruble, such a figure would be catastrophic. That is why the Kremlin turned to pseudo-negotiation tactics, trying to achieve this goal through diplomatic pressure on Ukraine. But it is not going to work.
If one were to apply the current rate of Russian casualties to Mr. Putin’s real objective, which is occupying the entire territory of Ukraine, the conclusion becomes almost unimaginable. It would imply that Russia would have to sacrifice more than 122 million soldiers to reach this goal. Let me repeat: 122 million soldiers will have to die in order to achieve Mr. Putin’s bizarre dream of conquering Ukraine. Let me remind the Council that Russia’s current population is about 140 million — a population already in dramatic demographic decline. It is quite difficult, using all imagination, to describe the expected loss of more than 122 million Russian lives as
a glorious victory, is it not? Besides, as I noted, not without irony, in my previous statement, given the snail’s pace of Russia’s military advances, this inglorious victory would take only 183 years. Well, Mr. Putin seems to be a military genius with this brilliant war strategy, does he not? But even he, with all his megalomania, cannot fail to understand that this insane objective of capturing the whole of Ukraine is one he will never, ever be able to achieve by military means. So, instead of conquering Ukraine, Mr. Putin appears more likely to destroy Russia itself.
Against the backdrop of massive military losses, a collapsing economy and growing internal social turmoil, the territorial disintegration of Russia may become only a matter of time. And it is precisely for this reason that Mr. Putin is raising the stakes in this ferocious game, issuing ultimatums and addressing United States mediators, demanding that Ukraine voluntarily withdraw from the Donetsk region as a precondition for any peace talks. I wish to reiterate once and for all that Ukraine rejects any type of ultimatum. We will never, ever abandon a single square millimetre of our soil, and we will never, ever abandon any of our fellow citizens.
Let me remind the Council that Russia is, at least for the time being, the largest country on the planet, with 17.1 million square kilometres. So, the 6,000 square kilometres of the Donetsk region that Mr. Putin wants represent just 0.03 per cent of Russia’s territory. Can anyone in this Chamber explain Russia’s obsession with seizing yet another few square kilometres of Ukrainian land? Mr. Putin wants to convince American mediators and the broader international community that peace itself hinges on Ukraine’s voluntary surrender of the Donetsk region and that, once this demand is met, Russia will at last be happy, and internal peace will follow.
Does anyone seriously believe this fairy tale? We do not. What is the purpose of this relentless war of conquest when only about 1 per cent of Russia’s vast territory is populated and developed, while the remaining 99 per cent is largely neglected and, at best, partially exploited for natural resource extraction? Moreover, during his 26- year rule, Mr. Putin has effectively abandoned his people, many of whom still struggle with the most basic standards of sanitation. According to official data, one fourth of Russian households do not have access to centralized sewage systems or indoor sanitation facilities. In rural areas, the situation is even more severe. In some regions, up to two thirds of households must rely on outdoor pit latrines.
Let us imagine the scale of the absurdity with which we are dealing. On the one hand, Russia demands recognition as a great super-Power, claiming the right to redraw State borders by force and impose a new sphere of influence. Yet on the other hand, around 35 million Russian citizens still rely on outside toilets. Let me repeat: 35 million Russians have no toilet at home. This is roughly the population of Malaysia, Poland or Saudi Arabia and comparable to the population of Texas or almost that of California. Mr. Putin wants Russia to be seen as a respected global player, while living conditions for a huge part of Russia’s population remain no better than in the early Middle Ages. This is the true paradox before us. Mr. Putin seeks imperial expansion abroad, while failing to secure basic human dignity at home.
Just a few days ago, we commemorated the sad fourth anniversary of the horrific war crimes committed by Russian soldiers in the occupied city of Bucha and neighbouring communities, during the first months of Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. After Russian forces were driven out, more than 450 murdered civilians were found in Bucha alone — men and women executed in the streets, tortured in basements and buried in mass graves. One of the factors helping to explain the brutality that we witnessed in Bucha and other Ukrainian towns under Russian occupation was a deep sense of resentment and hatred described in numerous testimonies and investigation findings. Russian soldiers, many of whom still live in medieval conditions using pit latrines, were confronted with something they had
never expected to see: ordinary Ukrainian families living with dignity in modern homes, within communities that they had built with prosperity over 30 years of independence. It was this encounter that generated additional hostility and fuelled rage and barbarity among Russian soldiers. It translated into the gravest atrocities against civilians, shocking the conscience of mankind and standing as one of the darkest chapters of modern history.
We call upon our American partners not to weaken but to strengthen the sanctions regime on Russian energy exports. The recent exemption is expected to generate about $10 billion in additional oil revenues for Russia in April alone. Does anyone believe that these windfall revenues will finance schools, hospitals or maybe sanitation? They will finance Russia’s war of annihilation, enough to produce up to half a million deadly Shahed drones. Thus, we appeal to our American partners to rely far more on the stick than the carrot in their carrot-and-stick approach to restore a just and lasting peace. We also urge our European allies to take decisive action to end, once and for all, the shameful practice of Russia’s shadow fleet — an opaque system that keeps its energy exports flowing. This loophole must finally be closed forever.
At the same time, we call upon the countries of the global South to reconsider their current stance and join the existing regime of coordinated sanctions against Russia’s oil, gas and coal sectors. I also appeal to the global South: if they cannot support Ukraine with defence weapons, they might at least support the humanitarian programme. As we just heard in the briefing by Assistant Secretary-General Msuya, one out of eight Ukrainians in need cannot be reached because of the funding gap.
I would also like to address our European allies and express Ukraine’s gratitude for their staunch support in resisting the Russian aggression. This solidarity will go down in history. The fact that the Russian representative, in every statement, also today, does not conceal his dissatisfaction with how firmly Europe stands on the side of Kyiv is itself yet another testament to the exceptional nature of this alliance. Let me recall that the European Union’s combined gross domestic product (GDP) is 11 times larger than that of Russia. At the same time, we call upon our European allies to take another historic step and take a political decision to raise military assistance to Ukraine to the level of 1 per cent of GDP. This would send a powerful signal to Moscow that Mr. Putin has already lost this war.
With peace negotiations de facto frozen by Russia for nearly two months now, we are convinced that the Security Council must provide the necessary impetus and move without delay towards the adoption of a strong new draft resolution. We particularly appeal to our European friends, members of the Council, to demonstrate leadership commensurate with the seriousness of the moment and to bring forward a respective draft resolution as soon as possible. I hope some may draw inspiration from the courageous delegation of Bahrain, which, despite strong headwinds and discouragement, showed genuine resolve and ultimately contributed to the adoption of resolution 2817 (2026). If Mr. Putin were serious about the Easter ceasefire proposal, he would not veto a new draft resolution establishing an immediate and unconditional ceasefire and an exchange of prisoners of war on an all-for-all basis. This new draft resolution should not be yet another political statement without consequences. It must become a firm instrument of enforcement designed to compel a genuine cessation of hostilities and ensure its implementation. It should be backed by credible measures of pressure, including targeted sanctions, in line with established Security Council practice.
Let us not only debate, as we are doing today and do every month, but fully use the competence of this body and finally act.
Let me conclude by reiterating again that Russia has no chance to win this war. There is nothing that can save Mr. Putin, not even high oil prices. I would like to address my Russian colleague in the traditional way, in the Russian language, which was quite literally drilled into us by force in Soviet schools by Moscow rulers.
I will do it, again also to lay bare Mr. Putin’s fake narrative that this language is allegedly persecuted or banned in Ukraine, which is not the case.
(spoke in Russian)
It is too late to drink Borjomi mineral water once the kidneys have failed.
I now give the floor to the representative of Sweden.
I have the honour to speak on behalf of the five Nordic States: Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and my own country, Sweden.
Russia’s war of aggression is a flagrant violation of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations. It is unprovoked and unjustified. It threatens peace and security not only in Europe, but globally.
Russia, a permanent member of the Council that is mandated to uphold international peace and security acts against the fundamentals of the United Nations and undermines the Security Council. Respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity is not an abstraction. It is the foundation for our global system of collective security.
On Thursday morning, Russia launched nearly 700 drones and missiles against Ukrainian cities in one of the deadliest attacks of the year. The attack reportedly wounded more than 118 people and killed 18. This attack is but one of Russia’s many grave violations of international humanitarian law.
Russia’s war has resulted in immense human suffering, including thousands of civilian deaths, widespread destruction of civilian infrastructure and severe environmental and economic consequences. Thousands of Ukrainian children have been illegally deported and forcibly transferred, which is only one of Russia’s countless war crimes in Ukraine.
At the same time, Russia’s military campaign has stalled. Ukrainian forces have, in several areas, been pushing back invading troops. Russia has suffered staggering losses in personnel and military materiel. As Russia fails to meet its objectives on the battlefield, it increasingly seeks to break Ukraine’s resilience, not least through the systematic targeting of civilian energy infrastructure during the harsh winter months. These efforts have failed.
Russia’s war of aggression is not merely an assault on a sovereign State. It is an attempt to systematically dismantle the conditions for civilian life in Ukraine. The brutal violence against civilians, concerning which 2025 marked a devastating turning point as civilian casualties surged once again, has resulted in more than 14 million people being forced to leave their homes. This represents the largest displacement of people in Europe since the Second World War. Russia’s lethal violence directed against aid workers, which reached a new high in 2025, show Russia’s utter contempt for those who wear the humanitarian emblem.
This week we mark 40 years after the Chornobyl accident. Russia’s war of aggression continues to heighten the risk of incidents and radioactive releases at Ukraine’s nuclear facilities. Armed attacks on nuclear facilities should never take place and could result in radioactive releases with grave consequences within and beyond the boundaries of the State that has been attacked.
Accountability for Russia’s violations of international law is essential for a just and lasting peace. Disregarding international law only encourages further aggression
in Ukraine and elsewhere. In this regard we welcome the significant progress made in establishing a Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine and an international claims commission for Ukraine. These mechanisms mark groundbreaking steps towards ensuring accountability for Russia’s aggression and reparation for the damage inflicted on Ukraine.
No one wants peace more than Ukrainians. Since Russia shows no genuine interest in peace whatsoever, we must continue to work together to support Ukraine’s effort to resist Russia’s aggression. As long as Russia’s war of aggression continues, the Nordic countries will remain unwavering in our support for Ukraine and its pursuit of a just and lasting peace.
I now give the floor to the representative of Poland.
Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine remains a serious threat to international peace and security. Therefore, I want to thank Bahrain for convening this meeting, and the briefers, for their presentations.
Poland aligns itself with the statement to be delivered on behalf of the European Union and its member States.
While developments in other regions, including the Middle East, have understandably shifted some global attention, this war does not become less dangerous. Every day Ukrainians are experiencing acts of violence and the brutality of the Kremlin. Air raids, bombing, shelling and the destruction of critical and civilian infrastructure remain a part of daily reality in one of the largest European countries.
Ukraine has demonstrated resilience and a clear readiness to pursue diplomatic solutions. However, Russia continues to show no genuine willingness to engage in meaningful and good-faith negotiations. Russia is not seeking peace. It is buying time, over and over again.
This points to the need to not reduce but, rather, to intensify international engagement. Calling for a diplomatic solution is not sufficient. The international community’s role is also to act in a manner that will persuade Russia to engage in genuine negotiations.
The way to change Russia’s calculations is to sustain and strengthen economic pressure, including measures targeting Russia’s shadow fleet and energy revenues. Pressure is not an escalation. It is the path to creating conditions for a just and lasting peace. The way this war concludes is of the utmost importance as regards upholding the rules enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
Poland remains a staunch supporter of Ukraine. We do not see it as a charity. It is an investment in global security. In this context, both of our countries will co-host the Ukraine Recovery Conference in the city of Gdansk in June, bringing together Governments, international organizations and the private sector to coordinate longterm support for Ukraine’s reconstruction and recovery.
We call on all partners to continue and increase support for Ukraine. Its brave women, men and children are resisting the aggressor and living under constant threat. They need our understanding, our attention and our solidarity.
I would like to express our appreciation to Vanessa Frazier, Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, for her steadfast efforts to protect children affected by the war in Ukraine. In that context, following the statement by the representative of the United States, I would like to applaud the initiative by the United States Administration, including by the First Lady of the United States, regarding the fate of forcibly displaced Ukrainian children.
To conclude, let me reiterate that only a combination of strong international support for Ukraine and sustained pressure on Russia will bring about a comprehensive, just and lasting peace.
I now give the floor to the representative of Romania.
I would like to thank Bahrain for convening this meeting to discuss Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine which requires continued attention as it evolves — already now into its fifth year.
This conversation is very timely. Patterns seen in the aggression against Ukraine, such as obstructing the freedom of navigation or the deliberate targeting of civilian infrastructure, have now been replicated against the Gulf States. Critical disruptions to global supply chains in the Strait of Hormuz recall previous examples in the Black Sea. Such patterns have critical linkages, eloquently explained previously around this table, and they are similar in their disregard for international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Our response remains principled, predictable and unwavering solidarity in our rejection of the aggression against Ukraine.
The Council and the General Assembly have called for a lasting peace in Ukraine. Unfortunately, Russia continues its aggression, repeatedly prompting questions about its genuine will to end its war. The latest attacks, including the brutal attacks during the night of 15–16 April, which has been strongly condemned, speak volumes. Its missiles and drones relentlessly target civilians and civilian infrastructure across Ukraine, killing and injuring people in disregard for innocent human life. Civilian casualties have been on the rise in the past weeks and months. Children’s lives have again been lost in recent attacks. Nothing can justify such conduct, which is unacceptable under international humanitarian law.
We continue to voice concerns about the regional and global consequences, as Russia continues targeting Ukraine’s Black Sea and Danube port infrastructure. These support critical grain supply routes worldwide, even more so now as global agri-food systems are additionally affected by the situation in the Strait of Hormuz. In five instances this month, such irresponsible attacks in close proximity to Ukraine’s fluvial border with Romania prompted aerial alerts in the Romanian county of Tulcea and response measures to monitor the risk of drone intrusions in our national airspace. We strongly condemn such reckless actions.
As we just commemorated the victims of atrocities committed four years ago in Bucha, the aggressor must not be rewarded with impunity for the loss of life and the damages committed. We support ensuring justice through accountability mechanisms, such as the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine, the Register of Damage Caused by the Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and the international claims commission for Ukraine. The Ukrainian children who have been unlawfully deported or forcibly transferred to Russia must be returned.
Russia has yet to match Ukraine’s proven commitment to peace, to agree to an immediate, full and unconditional ceasefire and to meaningfully engage in negotiations towards a just and lasting peace. Increased pressure on Russia, including through sanctions, and our unwavering support for Ukraine can bring this war closer to its end. We support ongoing diplomatic efforts and a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, in line with the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity applicable to all nations.
In the face of an aggression with a historic record of relapsing into breaches of international law, robust and workable security guarantees for Ukraine are the element that will define a credible and lasting peace. The conditions of a peace in Ukraine
concern the security and prosperity of all, and we reiterate our support for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders.
As President Dan of Romania and President Zelenskyy of Ukraine discussed last month in Bucharest, Romania will stand with Ukraine and its people for as long as necessary in their legitimate self-defence against the aggressor and in the exercise of their sovereign right to freely choose their future.
I now give the floor to the representative of Lithuania.
I have the honour to speak on behalf of the Baltic States, and we align ourselves with the statement to be delivered on behalf of the European Union.
Once again, we are meeting to voice our condemnation of Russia’s ongoing brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. We highly value the efforts of United Nations agencies and the leadership of the United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Ukraine, Mr. Matthias Schmale, for their essential role in supporting affected Ukrainian civilians and helping to rebuild destroyed infrastructure. We also commend the vital work carried out by local volunteers and humanitarian workers.
Russia is continuing its war of terror despite repeated calls for peace, including resolution 2774 (2025), numerous resolutions of the General Assembly and the decisions of the International Court of Justice. Despite the resource drain, numerous casualties and equipment losses, Russia refuses to hear the voice of the international community calling for a ceasefire. Any proclaimed halt in hostilities is repeatedly violated by Russia, demonstrating its continued lack of genuine commitment to peace. At the beginning of this month, Russia vetoed a draft resolution demanding that Iran stop its attacks against civilians in neighbouring Gulf States (S/2026/273). This comes as no surprise, given Russia’s support for and backing of numerous undemocratic regimes across the globe. Russia provides crucial intelligence support to Iran, aiding its campaign of terror across the Middle East. In turn, Iran supports Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine by supplying military technologies used to destroy cities and kill innocent civilians. Supported by Belarus, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran and fuelled by illegal oil trade, shadow fleet activity and the supply of dual-use technologies, Russia continues to perpetrate aggression and generate instability across the world, including through hybrid activities aimed at deception.
On 31 March, we commemorated the fourth anniversary of the liberation of the town of Bucha, Ukraine. It was there that massive evidence of war crimes committed by Russian forces during the occupation was first revealed. Documented evidence of executions, torture, conflict-related sexual violence and the forced transfer of Ukrainian civilians, including children, require sustained international monitoring, regular reporting and continued actions by the relevant accountability mechanisms. We are particularly alarmed by Russia’s continued forced transfer, deportation, indoctrination and militarization of Ukrainian children. This issue must remain high on the international agenda. Without justice for the victims of atrocities, there can be no just and lasting peace. Recent attacks on civilians in Ukraine cities, killing at least 18 people and injuring more than 100, further demonstrate Russia’s deliberate and systematic targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure.
The Baltic States will never agree to overlook Russia’s atrocities committed in Ukraine. We reaffirm our full support for Ukraine in standing up to Russia’s terror and call on the international community to maintain pressure on Russia to comply with the demand for a just peace. We will continue to call for full accountability and for the implementation of the International Criminal Court arrest warrants issued
against Russian political and military leadership, including Vladimir Putin and Maria Lvova-Belova, in connection with the war crimes of child abduction during Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
The Baltic States call on all partners to support the establishment and the speedy activation of the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine. This is not only about justice for Ukraine. It is about upholding the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations, including sovereignty, territorial integrity and accountability for breaches of international law.
I now give the floor to Mrs. Samson.
Mrs. Samson: I thank the Bahraini presidency for convening this meeting, and I thank the briefers for their updates.
I have the honour to make the statement on behalf of the European Union (EU) and its 27 member States. The candidate countries North Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as Andorra and Monaco, align themselves with this statement.
We have now entered the fifth year of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine — 1,500 days of conflict, destruction and civilian losses. Only last week, a new wave of Russian missiles and drones targeted civilians in Kyiv, Dnipro, Cherkasy, Sloviansk, Chernihiv and Kharkiv. In Kharkiv, Russia targeted the Pechenihy dam with six guided aerial bombs, at a moment when seasonal water levels were at their peak. Had it been successful, the strike would have caused catastrophic downstream flooding, in a manner reminiscent of the blowing up of the Kakhovka dam under Russian control in 2023. The Council must unequivocally condemn Russia for systematically and deliberately targeting Ukraine’s civilian and energy infrastructure and bring diplomatic pressure to bear to make it stop. Beyond all else, this war needs to stop, and it needs to stop now.
I reiterate the EU’s strong support for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, based on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law and underpinned by robust and credible security guarantees for Ukraine. The EU supports diplomatic efforts to bring the war to an end, and they need to be stepped up without delay. Russia must finally agree to a full, unconditional and immediate ceasefire and engage in meaningful negotiations towards a just and lasting peace. The EU calls on all members of the Council to join us in urging Russia to do so. For peace to be just and lasting, respect for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity is the cornerstone. Borders must not be changed by force, the aggressor cannot be rewarded, and Ukraine’s long-term security and ability to defend itself must be guaranteed. We are prepared to contribute to robust and credible security guarantees for Ukraine, notably through the coalition of the willing and in cooperation with the United States.
The EU also urges all countries, including all members of the Council, to immediately cease any assistance to Russia in its war of aggression, whether direct or indirect, and notably through the provision of dual-use goods and components.
In the context of Iran’s indiscriminate military strikes against countries in the region, the EU welcomes Ukraine’s readiness to provide to the Gulf countries support and expertise in air defence and counter-drone systems, using its ample experience in defending itself from the same Iranian-developed Shahed drones that Iran has been transferring to Russia.
I reiterate the EU’s urgent call on Russia and Belarus to immediately ensure the safe and unconditional return to Ukraine of all unlawfully deported and transferred Ukrainian children and other civilians, in the light of the General Assembly’s decision
in December 2025 to redouble efforts to return Ukrainian children (see General Assembly resolution ES-11/9). In that regard, we welcome the recent visit of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict to Kyiv, and we look forward to hearing from the United Nations about its efforts.
I also reaffirm the EU’s commitment to ensuring full accountability for war crimes and the other most serious crimes committed in connection with Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. In that context, the EU welcomes recent steps forward and calls for sustained efforts to be continued within the framework of the Council of Europe towards the operationalization of the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine and the establishment of the international claims commission for Ukraine. The EU also welcomes the recent renewal by the Human Rights Council of the mandate of the Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine.
The future of Ukraine and its citizens lies within the European Union. We will continue to provide, in coordination with like-minded partners and allies, comprehensive political, financial, economic, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support to Ukraine and its people, in line with its inherent right to self-defense under Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations.
The meeting rose at 5.15 p.m.
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