S/PV.956 Security Council

The provisional agenda for this afternoon is contained in document S/Agenda/956. l wish to convey to the Council that a letter addressed to the President of the Council has been received from the representative of Pakistan, calling attention to the fact that Pakistan is and wishes to be one of the sponsors of this item. and that therefore the name of Pakistan should be added to the signatories of the letter dated 26 May 1961 [S/4816 and Add.1]. Therefore, the provisional agenda is corrected with the addition of Pakistan after Nigeria and before Philippines. Unless l hear any objection to the agenda as so modified, l shaH declare it adopted. Letter dated 26 May 1961 addressed to the President of the Security Council by the representatives of Afghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Cameroun, Central African Republic, Ceylon, Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldville), Cyprus, Dahomey, Ethiopia, Federation of Malaya, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, I,"ory Coast, At the invitation of the President, Mr. Vasco V. Garin (Portugal), Mr. C. S. Jha (India), Mr. Alex Quaison-Sackey (Ghana), Mr. Gervais Bahizi (Congo, Leopoldville), Mr. Emmanuel Dadet (Congo, Brazza- ville), Alhaji Muhammad Ngileruma (Nigeria), Mr. Mamadou Traore (Mali), Mr. Testaye Gebre-Egzy (Ethiopia) and Mr. Mohamed Tabiti (Morocco) took places at the Council table.

The first item of business is to hear the interpretation into English and French of the statement made at our last meeting by the representative of Chile. The interpret-àtions into Engl.ish and French of the statement made by Mr. Schweitzer (Chile) at the 955th meeting were given. 3. The PRESIDENT: Now, l give myself the floor in order to make a statement as the representative of CHINA. 4. During the three months that have elapsed sinoe the Security Councillast considered this question the situation in Angola has grown worse. This is an indisputable facto In the course of the debate every speaker either explicitly or implicitly has acknowledged that the situation in Angola has worsened. This 18 both serious and tragic. For this reason general international concern over Angola has grown. For the same reason no member of the Security Council at the 950th meeting, found it appropriate to oppose the insoription of the item in the agenda of the Security Council, in spite of the able legal presentation made by the representative of Portugal in his letter to the President of the Security Council [S/48211, the substance of which was repeated by him in his first speech in the Council at the same meeting. In other words, the situation in Angola has reached a point when it is impossible for the SecurityCouncil to remaininactive. 5. The debate which we have heard up to the present moment has shown a wide diversity of opinion in regard to the actual happenings in Angola. Strong words have been used: atrocity, brutality, barbarity, savagery, inhumanity, and words of similar meaning liave been levelled by one side against the other. The extent of the fighting and the statistics of casualties are also in dispute. In the absence of wide journalistic reporting and in the absence of a systematic survey made by an international and impartial body, my delegation suspends its judgement on this aspect of the matter. 6. l wish, however, to make two comm.ents. In the first place, it seems to me that under the circumstances in Angola the weak and the unorganized are easily led to resort to violence. This very weakness and this very lack of organization induce terroristic tactics. At the same time, the strong and the organized 7. l have a second comment to make. The representative of Portugal is concerned about the smearing to which he alleges his Government has been subjected. It appears to me that the remedy lies in the hands of the Portuguese Government, or at least partly so. False reports spread fast in the absence of adequate information. If the Government of Portugal should aIlow more qualified journalists and investigators to proceed to the spot for news and study, the world would undoubtedly get a truer and more objective picture of the situation. In this connexion it appears to my delegation that the Sub-Gommittee appointed by the President of the General Assembly should bewelcomed by the Government of Portugal for the very purpose of getting before the peoples of the world the facts in regard to the situation in Angola. 8. l am more interested in the present and the future of Angola than in the pasto Angolafaces three possible lines of future evolution. The first line is to try to combine peace with the present status quo, the second Une is to seek change through violence, and the third Une of development is to brL."1g about change peacefully. 9. The first line of possible development appears to be, up to very recent times, that of the Government of Portugal, l wish to say frankly and at once that to my delegation such a line of development-or lack of development-is simply impossible. Portugal tellsthe world that it honours the principle of racial equality in aIl its overseas territories. l accept that. According to my observation, the Portuguese people are among the least racially-minded peoples of theworld. Portugal sets before itself the ideal of a multi-racial 8tate. l acknowledge that a multi-racial State is by itself not inconsistent with the principles of the Charter. Indeed, the United Nations was not created to "Balkanize" countries. Most of the States of the world are, as a matter of fact, multi-racial States. My own country, China, for example, is a multiracial State. 10. However, in the formation of a multi-racialState, China has had certain advantages which Portugaldoes not enjoy today. In the first place, the non-Ghinese races in China were ethnicaIly very close to the Chinese. In fact, in China, the racial differences were so small that Confucius, 2,500 years ago, remarked: "There are no racial differences; there are only cultural differences". Inthe second place, the non-Ghinese races occupied areas contiguous to the areas occupied by the Chinese. There were no geographical barriers between the Chinese and the non-Ghinese, as there were no marked racial distinctions between the Chinese and the non-Ghinese. In the third place, China had thousands of years in which to nUi'ture a multi-racial State. 12. The second line of development open to Angola is change through violence. This line is counterto the ideaIs of the United Nations. Violencebreeds violence. When one party resorts to force, the other party naturally retaliates. Violence destroys and does notconstruct. Violence damages both the people of Portugal and the people of Angola. The lives, the property and the moral values inevitably destroyed in a long violent struggle are the very assets neededforthe building up of a happy Angola. 13. As an organ of the United Nations, the Security Council must favour the third line of development, namely, peaceful change. 1 appeal to Portugal to accept this line of development. 1 do not think any explanation or exhortation is necessary. 1 wish only to add that peaceful change has as its aim self-determination. When 1 use the word "self-determination", 1 do not necessarily mean independence. Neither do 1 exclude, independence. The most essential feature of self-determination is the free choj:;,'1 of the people of Angola. 14. For peaceful change toward the goal of self-determination necessarily involves a period ofpreparation. The people of Angola must be given social, economie and political opportunities, so that, in the shortest period possible, they will be able to exercise their rights. In this period of preparation for selfdetermination, the United Nations can be of immense help to Portugal li Portugal should choose to utilize the services of the Organization. 15. In the course of the debate, the representative of Portugal emphasized the factor of international communism in the troubles in Angola. 1 know that, wherever possible, international communismtries to create discontent, and, where discontent does exist, international communism does its best to exploit itmercilessly for its own purposes. Usually, in the case of discontent, international communism appears on the scene as the true friend of the oppressed. 1 believe that, in the present stage in Angola, communism is only one of several factors operating. It is to the interests of the people of Portugal, the people of Angola, and the friends of both Portugal and Angola, ta be on the alert so as not to offer further opportunities to international communism for mischief. 16. Mr. YO$T (United states of America): When the problem of Angola was first brought before the Security Council in March of this year, the United States supported the draft resolutionwhichwas co-sponsored by Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republio [Si4769]. This draft resolution would have established a sub-committee for the purpose of reporting onactual conditions in Angola as well as on measures being taken by Portugal to foster the political, economic and social progress of the people of Angola. Since reports concerning actual conditions in Angola werefragmentary and, in certain cases, contradictoI""j, the United 17. This draft resolution. however. failed tobeadopted. For the reasons 1 have given. the United states supported. in the General Assembly, resolution 1603 (XV). adopted on 20 April 1961 by an overwhelming vote. which was essentially the same as the threepower draft resolution which was not adopted in the Security Council. Subsequently a Sub-Committee was appointed. under the terms of that resolution. consisting of representatives of Bolivia. Dahomey, Federation of Malaya, Fbland and Sudan. for the purpose of examining statements made before the Assembly on Angola. receiving further statements and documents, and conducting such enquiries as the Sub- Committee might deem necesl3ary in order to report to the General Assembly as SOl}D as possible. 18. Meanwhile. however. there has been a further deterioration of the situation in Angola and further heavy losses of life which we continue to deplore most profoundly, which have given rise to this meeting of the Council and which make even more urgent and necessary the work of the Sub-Committee. 19. MI'. Salazar, in a Press interview published on 31 May 1961 which has already been quoted here. stated his intention to introduce political, economic and social reforms in Portugal' s overseas territories. steps which will aG<:elerate progress towards selfgovernment. We view this statement as an encouraging development and would hope that concrete steps will be taken by the Porttlguese Government in the immediate future. We believe Portugal should be given a certain time to announce and to carry out concrete reforms in the direction which MI'. Salazar has forecast. One of our objectives in the Council should be to bring about a situation-and more especially the cessation of bloodshed-in which such steps can be most effectively encouraged and taken. We hope that. at least in those areas not disrupted by violence. political. economic and social reforms will be commenced without delay. 20. If the Security Counoil Is to exercise its l'ole most effectively in the interests of the people of Angola. it must do SOt iriour opinion. in a constructive spirit and not in one of recrimination. We'feel that this is in fact the attitude which most Counci! members have adopted. The establishment of a climate which would foster self-determination in Angola depends on the co-operation of aIl concerned. On the one hand, a lack of political progress is an invitation to armed action. On the other hand. the contrary may also prove true; the continuation of violence, we feel. is more likely to delay than to encourage political progress. The task of the Security Council surely must be both to induce progress and to do so peacefully. Finally. it behoves aIl States to discourage, 22. It is in this spirit that we approach the draft resolution presented by Ceylan, Liberia and the United Arab Republio [S/4828]. Frankly, the United States would have preferred several changes in the present text. In particular, we are anxious that the Counoil should not now do anything whioh would appear to orejudae the work of the General Assemblv Sub-Committee: whioh was established explioitly in order to report on the facts of the situation in Angola. We Will support the amendments submitted by the representative of Chile [S/4833/Rev.l]. In partioular, we welcorne the paragraph oalling for a peaceful solution in accordanoe with the Charter. We also feel that the change in the preamble more aocurately reflects the actual situation. We will also sunnort the draft resoluticn before us as SO amended;-in the hope that the adoption of this reeolution will oontribute to the peaueful and oonstruotive solution whioh we SO earnestly desire.

At this stage 1 only wish to make a very brief intervention to explain my delegation~e attitude with regard tc the revieed amendments which bave been oirculated by the delegation of Chile [S/4833/Rev.l]. 24. In view of what 1 said earlier in this debate, we regard the firrt of these amendments-the addition of the words vis likely tc endanger the maintenance of” in the fourth preambular paragraph-as a distinct improvement. My delegation has always doubted whetber there ie at preeent any real threat to international peaue and security. 28. Tlm eaond of ifnctmcr 11-f

I calI on the representative of Portugal for the exercise of !lis right of reply. 28. MI'. GARIN (Portugal): In·the last few days my country has been the target of the most shameless accusations which many a one around this table has thrown to the wind without the slightest respect for the truth or for tbis Council. The past experience of this Organizativn in recent years unfortunately shows that one cannot expect much from certain quarters in the way of adherence to the principles which should govern debates. But the lack of scruples, the brazen recourse to lies, the eagerness to dishonour a country and a people, the fantastic invention of tales to be presented as real and the distortion of statements and policies have never been so evident in the United Nations as in the course of the present debate. My delegation is faced with the task of denouncing these lies; 1 am afraid though that when it comes to deal with the irresponsibility of our detractors we shall have to make an effort to restrain our natural anger, lest we should show the same lack of respect for this Council and for the lives and dignity of the people involved. While our detractors are solely concerned with propaganda and agitation around this question, for us it is the human factor which is of primary interest. 29. It must be pointed out at the outset that the sources of the information upon which previous speakers have based their allegations are more than suspect. In the first instance, they are to be found among correspondents in capitals of countries clearly interested, as has been amply proved during this debate, in creating the conditions which will permit stories to be written and circulated, irrespective of whatever truth or lack of truth is behind them. This is the case, for instance, of those who wrote about the miseries and sufferings of the Angolan refugees along the Congolese border, but who neglected to mention the assistance given them DY private and official Portuguese sources-and, above aU, the fact that those unfortunate people did not fIee from the alleged armies of Portuguese repression but from the turmoil, the devastating actions of the terrorists and from their cruel methods of intimidation. There is also the other type of source which consists of anonymous testimony, allegedly justified by the necessity to protect so-ealled informants within the Territory from imaginary reprisaIs. This is obviously a subterfuge to lend an appearance of truth to fabrications of malevolent minds. In the same type of source we find those who pretend to write with authority and even use their own names, but who are unable to substantiate their stores and therefore quote such vague entities as "high officiaIs" and "old settlers", or else refer to non-existent documents· and reports or to . revious writings in spite of the fact that these have _ong been denounced as fabrications. This is part;.cularly the case of some weIl known weekly magazines whose only consideration is to appeal to the lovers of sensationalism in order to increase sales. 31. l propose to refute those actions to which l have not yet replied in detail. 32. One of the favourites of the fiction writers who say they are reporters is that of the existence of forced labour and corporal punishment in Angola. Since some previous speakers saw fit to renew their attacks on this point, l now inform the Council of the basic principles of the labour policy in the Portuguese Overseas Provinces. Compulsory or forced labour, or labour under constraint for private purposes, is strictly forbidden. This system was introduced by the Labour Code of December 1928-which approved even before the signing of the International Labour Office Convention No.29 concerning Forced or Compulsory Labour, which Portugal has ratifiedand it is in compliance with article 145 of the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic. It prohibits, first, any system whereby the State undertakes to provide labour for any firms, working for their own profit, and, secondly, any system whereby the individuals in any territorial area are compeHed to work for such firms, whatever the pretext. 33. As regards recruitment of workers, article 147 of the Constitution establishes that "the system of contracts of employment of indigenous persons shaH be based on individual freedom and on the right of a fair wage and assistance, the fJublic authorities intervening only for purposes of supervision". 34. The labourer under contract has a right, also recognized by law, to housing, clothing according to place of work, light clothes for day-work in hot climates and heavy clothes for cool climates or nightwork, plentiful and healthy diet, minimum wage-the practice ls always higher-medical assistance and hospitalization, accident indemnities, free transportation to and from work when coming from another area, holiday and normal l'est periods. 35. This is the law and the administrative practice. But we live in a worldinwhichhuman error and abuse are factors. Therefore, every law has to foresee the possibility of transgressions and provide for their redress. This is why articles 327 and 330 of the Labour Code establish heavy penalties, including prison, for officiaIs who may permit thd enforcement of compul- 37. In other parts of Africa forced labour is not a violation of law, but the very law itself. 38. As for corporal punishment, Portugalhas ratified the International Labour Office Convention No. 104 concerning the Abolition of Penal Sanctions. In this matter there are a few other points 1 want to touch upon. The first is migration of labour from certain Portuguese provinces to neighbouring territories. Even in the more developed countries there are traditional currents of migration of labour whichnotonly recognize certain advantages such as the proximity of highly industrialized areas but also the very force of tradition and habit. This, in Africa particularly, is a phenomenon which is spread over large areas and affects many nations. 39. In the same way as numbers ofAngolanresidents chose to work for longer or shorter periods in neighbouring territories, there are identicaï traditional currents of migratory labour who come into Angola or Cabinda from foreign territory. Certain quarters, however, find it objectionable that Governments, to avoid unemployment, arrive at agreements on limitations of the number of emigrants, establishconditions of recruitment to prevent abuses, devise systems to ensure the best living conditions, pay and other guarantees. 40. If, however, what afflicts sorne representatives is the fact that in one case, that of the workers from Mozambique going into South Africa, the agreement is based on a fixed number of workers, perhaps 1 can put their minds at rest as to the voluntary nature of the recruitment, by stating that the actual number of migratory workers exceeds the established limit every year as a result of illegal emigration. If sorne wish to interpret this as meaning that undesirable conditions do exist in the country of origin, 1 might point to the study of migrations of labour within other continents and to the reverse trend in certain areas of Angola. 41. The other point 1 want to mention deals with the moral obligation of a man to work. This is a concept which seems to be universally accepted in the more progressive societies of today. 1 can go further to prove that the principle finds its root in more ancient times. The Bible says that Adam was told before he was expelled from the Garden of Eden: "In the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat bread." 42. One more clarification on this sarne topic: it has been stated here that working contracts are not signed 43. Another allegation is to the effect that workers not bOlUld by contracts are in no better position than the others, as the freedom of quitting work is denied them. Again, this allegation is untrue, even preposterous, because there are no penal sanctions for breaches of contract and, less still, in relation to cases where no contract exists. 44. Another accusation is that the people of Angola cannot own land. This is entirely false for of the total arable land in Angola more than 95 pel' cent-I repeat, more than 95 pel' cent-is in the hands of the native population. Only a smaU percentage of arable land has been aUocated to concessions, and this only after the application in question has been subjected to close scrutiny as to whether it may l'un counter to the legitimate rights of occupation of the local population. If it is found that such is the case, either the concession is refused or it is excluded from aU the 10ca11y occupied land and a reservation is established round them, fm'ther excluding the concession from an area at least five times larger than the land already occupied. 45. Use of the land by the native population follows one of two systems. In one, itistilled and explored on a community basis, according to native customs, in which case no individual rights or property can be recognized. In the case of vacant land, plots are acquired from a legal owner or from community land which the native authority releases for individual exploration. 46. In all cases individual rights of proper"y can go only to a local inhabitant. The authority constitutes itself as a guarantor of the inviolability of such property. It cannot be mortgaged or in any way impaired, except for purpo,'3es of obtaining financial assistance for the owner from an official credit institution. Even in specifie areas circumscribed for a particular agricultural project, because of climatic, geological or other conditions, the ownership of the land is never altered. 47. Many references were made to civil rights, more particularly that only a comparatively smaU number of individuals have such rights. Let me remind members that social, economic and political integration in the national community, is the very aim of the international convention devised for the protection of tribal or semi-tribal peoples. It would be absurd to suggest that the terms of the convention imply disrespect of human rights. Portugal h:,s ratified this convention and therefore te reaffirm once again that Portuguese policy is one of Integration should permit a better comprehension of several aspects of the matter. The only question that can be raised is that of the pace with which it proceeds. This is precisely 49. For some time now it has been noted that in Angola tens of thousands "detribalized" individuals, although in possession of all the requirements necessary to change their legal status, prefer not to apply for it. Under the compromise system they are assured of many material benefits. In other words, it is in the very benefits accorded by the system of the protection of people still under tribal administration, that is to be found, in large measure, the justification for the apparently low number of individuals enjoying full citizenship. 50. But there is more. Since the figures generally quoted are obtained from our own statistical publications it must be noted that they list only those individuals enjoying full civil rights, which were acquired through the legal processes prescribed by law. These statistics do not include the tens of thousands who acquired them by birth. This means that actually the number of people who are in possession of complete civil rights is far larger than the one quoted, that those who can enjoy full citizenship l'uns into the tens of thousands. Something is being done to correct the shortcomings of the system in order substantially to enlarge full citizenship, one of the main aims of our policy of integration. It is pertinent to recaU in that connexion that this was the exact meaning of the statement recently made by Ml'. Salazar: "Something has got to be done inthis respect, even though it may mean abandoning the basis of the system, for it is possible that we may have erred on the side of excessive caution and tolerance." 51. This signifies that we will not be deterred in our efforts to solve this problem in the most advantageous way to our people, which means a genuine political and social evolutiôn whereby the population will be brought more and more into local political and administrative life. 52. 1 will now dwell upon another favourite subject of our critics. 1 refer to education. It has been alleged that illiteracy in our overseas provinces is 98 pel' cent. The facts are quite different, since only students in primary schools located in large populationcentres are registered. Thousands-I repeat, thousands-of primary and vocationr.l school spread aU over the provinces and subsidized by the State are not included in the statistics. 54. To say that we are happy with these numbers would be in error. We are not. Thesepercentages are far from satisfactory. But we are substantially increasing and improving schooling in all of the provinces; and the same applies to all degrees of education. 55. It has been said that the equality of opportunity assured by law is cancelled out, especially as to secondary schooling lL."ld higher degrees, by economic inequality. To remedy this, the State, local bodies, commercial firms and private persons have established hundreds of scholarships at all educational levels, mainly at the advanced level. In this respect, two points deserve attention. First, the education of the last two years of our "lycêes" or middle tech- IDcal education corresponds more or less to that of the first two years of an Americanor English college. Secondly, degrees of a junior college level can be obtained in Angola, for instance in commerce; agriculture, civil engineering; mining; chemistry; higher ecclesiastical education and others. Anyone wishing to take a Mastership or Doctorate can come to the metropolitan areas. The State pays travel expenses both ways and provides vacations for all seekingthese degrees. The State also grants financial scholarships to those who obtain twelve marks out of twenty, that is, the modest average of 60 per cent. This is the real situation, which is being improved all the time. Only recently, a significant number of additional secondary and technical schools was approvedfor Angola. 56. But who can doubt the concrete results of this policy? Knowing that hundreds of non-whites hold and have held high positions in our country, who can question the concrete results of our policy? There are judges of the High Court, university professors,high public officiaIs in the administration, doctors,lawyers and scientists. 57. Our difficulty in giving precise figures arises from one fact alone, which is that, until the time when our administration became the target of false accusations' we had never thought of drawing up statistics on the basis of race or colour. In Portugal it is merit that counts, not blood. It would seem that in order to try to convince sorne people we should have to adopt another system. But one thing is sure: we may change our methods of statistics, but we shall never follow the example of sorne countries in Africa which classify a man as literate after he has attended a beginner's course for one week. 58. Another accusation concerns health conditions in Angola. Here again we witness theclassicaldistortion in the statement that Angola has only füteen hospitals 59. This fantastic method of reading statistical data is even more clear in relation to infant mortality. According to the 1959 Statistical Year Book. there were 93,317 births among the native population and 11,592 deaths of children up to the age of five. This means, roughly, an infant mortaUty rate of 12 percent, which is far lower than in the majority of the countries of Africa. Yet the Soviet Union representative statedthat only one child out of five survives. 60. The following shows the true situation as far as health in Angola is concerned. Cases of trypanosoma, one of the diseases accounting for a high death toll in the whole of Africa, decreased from 15,785 in 1949 to 1,252 in 1957; leprosy has now been reduced to less than two cases per thousand Angolan inhabitants; smallpox has been drastically reduced, on account of the vaccination of over one and one half million individuals in 1957; there were only twelve cases that year, and aIl were cured. Deaths from bilharziasis, once the scourge of the continent and still widespread in other territories, totalled only four in Angola in 1957. Tuberculosis has been substantially reduced in the last decade, and the incidence rate is one of the lowest in the entire continent. Thus, the health situation in Angola is far better than in the majority of the other African territories. 61. One of the many stories repeated by some representatives, in spite of our clear answers, has to do with the intervention of foreign monopolies, which, it has been stated here, virtually run the Portuguese provinces and other territories in Africa. Nothing could be further from the truth. First, Portuguese law requires that the administration of any enterprise, even though it may have someforeigncapital,remains in Portuguese hands and, secondly, under provisions of law, foreign capital is not allowed to hold more than 40 per cent of the total capital. 62. We have also been accused of ignoring General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) urfi;.- g termination of colonial régimes-and it has been pointed out that this resolution carries great weight since it was approved by a great majority. Manifestly, since Portugal does not administer colonial territories, that resolutionwhile it should apply to a number of enslaved peoples and nations in Europe itself, does not apply to the unitary Portuguese nation. 63. Much has been said about Article 73 of the Charter in reference to Portugal. Agaip we are compeUed 64. But 1 must stress that itûormation of the nature foreseen in Article 73 is voluntarily and regularly sent by the Portuguese Government to specialized agenoies of the United Nations and to the United Nations library. We have foUowed this procedure voltmtarily, or upon request, because we have nothing to lùde. 65. Furthermore, in reference to the aUegedly mandatory character of the above-mentioned resolutions, 1 should like to quote two supreme authorities on United Nntions matters, whose feelings towards Portugal are not exactly friendly. 66. The first authority is Ml'. Krishna Menon, who, speaking before the First Committee on 27 October 1960, stated: "... it will be futile to submit resolutions and to have them adopted by even overwhelming majorities. What is required is agreement, an agreement by the parties which alone can make a solution possible."1/ 67. The other great authority on United Nations resolutions, Ml'. Khrushchev, addressing the General Assembly on 18 September 1959, declared: "The United Nations must therefore adopt only such decisions as are voted for by aU, seeing that such decisions reflect the will of aU and the interests of aU. "The wisest and most far-sighted policy is, therefore, that of jointly seeking mutuaUy acceptable solutions, dictated solely by a concern to ensure peace throughout the world and non-Interference in the internaI affairs of other States."11 1 am glad to acknowledge that my delegation is in fuU agreement with these wise words by Ml'. Khrushchev. )j This statement was made at the 1094th meeting of the Flrst Com·· mlnee, the official record of whlch was published only ln summary form. 11 Officiai Records of the General Assembly. Fourteenth Session, Plenary Meetings, 799th meeting. paras. 99 and 101. 69. Another curious allegation by the statisticallyminded representative from Ghana is to the effect that 93 per cent of Portugal' s exports went to the protected markets of its colonies. Now, there are indeed a great many exports from metropolitan Portugal to Angola, as there are imports into Portugal from Angola. But it will suffice to point out that the percentage of exports to all the overseas provinces, not Just to Angola, amounts to 25 per cent of the total exports from metropolitan Portugal. It continues to be a mystery to us how some statistically-minded representatives can play number games with official, reliable statistics available at international bodies such as the Export-Import bank of Washington, the International Monetary Fund, and indeed in the econonlic bodies of the United Nations; in this particular case the representative from Ghana merely changed the percentage from 25 to 93-which would signify, among other things, that Portugal had practically no foreign trade whatever. 70. Another glaring allegation made here is to the effect that the natives of Angola are overburdenedwith excessive taxation. Now, the facts are the opposite: aIl citizens, white or black, in the overseas provinces pay exactly the same taxes; but the ones who have not yet acquired full citizenship pay much less-of this particular group the average taxation in Angola does not exceed 3 per cent of their yearly income. 71. Another point is the constant allegation that we changed the denomination of those overseas parts of Portugal from "colonies" to "overseas provinces" a few years before entering the United Nations. The truth is that the term overseas provinces was the traditional denomination used for centuries and the denomination "colony" was episodically, used only for a few years of our constitutional history. 72. The term "colony" was applied to the Portuguese overseas territories for the first time in law No. 1005 of 7 August 1920. Before that date, the designation "provinces" or "overseas provinces" had always been used in documents dating as far back as 1612 and 1663 as well as in every Constitution from the first one in 1822 to the Constitution of 1911. The change occurred as a result of the influence of a current of opinion which had gained popularity among international lawyers in Europe, following the Berlin and Brussels conferences, according to which the designation "colonies" should be applied to all territories overseas irrespective of their juridical status. Furthermore, as Portuguese law finds its roots in Roman law, and as in Roman law the word "colony" had a connotation of dignity and equal standing to Roman citizenship, the adoption of the word did not have in Portugal the derogatory meaning it later acquired elsewhere, quite the contrary. 74. Now, if 1 may be permitted to switch to another aspect of this debate, 1 would like to clarify a few other points. 75. The representative of the Congo (Brazzaville) has read here at the 952nd meeting what he called a telegram from Angolan refugees, describingunbeUevable horrors commited on men, women and children. What the representative of Congo (Brazzaville) neglected to clarify is that the atrocities so truthfully described in the telegram he read are the atrocities committed by the terrorists, who invaded northern Angola, the horrors committed on defenceless Portuguese women and children, both black and white-as the pictures 1 had here plainly showed. It is again a case of the most callous cynicism, when the murderers appeared to take so much pride in their repugnant work that they do not stop at advertising it in detail, only, for obvious convenience, they calI the victims the murderers. 76. Let me now make a quotation aboutanothercountry, Ghana, whose representatives abroad, namely in this Organization, are among the champion creatures of freedom. This is from a despatch published in the Japan Times of 27 February 1961-it was not published in Portugal. 1 quote: "A major weapon in the Ghanaian Government' s political armory is its power to throw people into jail without trial, and keep them there up to five years. "It derives these powers from the Preventive Detention Act passed in 1958, soon after independence. "About 300 are held under provisions of this act. None has stood trial before the courts. They have no right of appeal except to President Kwame Nkrumah for executive clemency. There is no record of any releases.... Four opposition members of Parliament are among the 300 detained ... Until last December detentions were disclosed by orders published in the official gazette. Then came the pickup of 118 government opponents-and silence so far as official publication was concerned".

1 request you to limit yourself to facts which will enlighten us on the situation in Angola. 78. ;ei,r. GARIN (Portugal): Mr. President, ofcourse, 1 wil:. übey your ruling, although 1 regret that having been attacked, as 1 have been, daily by Ghana, 1

1 again request the representative of Portugal to limit himself to Angola.

1 would make the same reply that 1 made as regards the representative of Ghana. 82. In smnmary, my delegation has set forth during the debate the following points so that representatives might have a clearer understanding of the situation in Angola: first, there is ample evidence that recent events in Angola were alien-instigated and followed a plan prepared outside our borders; secondly, this action brought on a merciless wave of terrorism in northern Angola, where peaceful peopleswere victims of savage atrocities committed by terrorists-and those peaceful peoples were both black and white; thirdly, in elementary justice, the international community should look upon events in their true lightthat is, pure terrorism for the sole purpose of causing intimidation, chaos, destruction and death to the territory of a Member State; fourthly, in the light of the Charter and carrying out the practice of the United Nations on similar questions, the Council should not occupy itself with a problem of internaI order and security of a Member State. 83. In the course of my interventions, 1 have clearly informed the Council that whatever military forces are in Angola are there for the specific and exclusive purpose of re-establishing order and guaranteeing anew conditions of peace and security. 1now reaffirm, on behalf of my Government, that the military operation has been purely defensive, directed exclusively against the attacking bands of terrorists. 84. Only through the re-establishment of peace can my Government continue its great reformative effort, aimed at the economic, social and political improvement of aIl the peoples of Angola in the areas that have been attacked by the terrorists. In that connexion, 1 have called the attention of the Council to the recent declarations by the chief of the Portuguese Government, published in the newspaper most quoted in the United Nations, declarations which represent a new assurance that Portugal, whatever the effort and sac- 86. Indeed, some of our detractors attempted to falsify the facts to the point of ascribing to our security forces the horrible atrocities committed by the terrorists, atrocities which began many days before the first agent of the authorities reached the zone invaded by the terrorists. We do not recognize the right of anyone here to deplore the loss of life in Angola more than we do, because, if for no other reason, the tragic fact is that we were and are the victims. 87. My denunciation of the subversive character of certain communist-led organizations outside ourborders-organizations which have openly taken credit for the action of the terrorists in northern Angolahas been interpreted by some as an accusation against several African states to whichtheywere not directed. In fact, we know that some of these African Governments have also been victims of subversive action. But, after this debate, ~~'ne cannot doubt the interest of other States-whose policies often coincide with a particular bloc-in bringing disruption and destruction to a nation. 88. My delegation has also reminded the Council, in the light of past experience when the United Nations previously dealt with this question, that the terrorists are drawing encouragement from these debates for furthe+. waves of atrocities and terrorism against the population of Angola. In an interview given in Leopoldville, contained in a dispatch by the Associated Press and published in yesterday' s newspapers, one of the self-acknowledged leaders of the terrorists claimed that new bands of 15,000 to 20,000 guerrillas, as they caU them, are prepared to carry out the objective of further attacks. 89. In the meantime, statements were made before this Council by representatives of Member States, containing specific threats of "open conflict between Portugal and the African States". My country is very proud of the traditional bonds of friendship which we have maintained through the centuries withthe African peoples, whose cultures, to a large extent, are intertwined with our own. For that reason, we sincerely deplore the fact that the emotions of some and the selfish aims ofothers should cause them to seek conditions which may lead to the destruction of such bonds of friendship. 90. Above aIl, my delegation feels that this highbody of the United Nations, dedicated to the maintenance of peace and security, should not permit a Member 93. For these reasons, 1 make a lastsolemn appeal to the Council to consider the extreme gravity of a step which would give tremendous encouragement to the forces of subversion engaged inthe violent scheme to bring misery and chaos to Angola. 94. MI'. ZORIN (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): We have listened here to the statements made both by members of the Security Council and by eight representatives of Asian and African States who were invited to take part in these meetings of the Council. 95. What is revealed by the discussion of so burning a question as that of the situation in Angola? The overwhelming majority of the speakers have quite rightly said that Portugal's actions in Angola constitute a pitiless colonial war which the Portuguese colonialists have unleashed against the whole Angola~l people, that this war affects the interests not only of the people of Angola but also of all the African peoples and States, and that the continuation of this colonial war cannot fail to have grave consequences for international peace and security. 96. It has been quite rightly pointed out that only because of the help and protection received by it from its NATO allies hasPortugal been able to wage this destructive war. If it were not for this support from NATO, Portugal would long ago have been crushingly defeated and compelled to abandon its hopelessly outdated policy with regard to Angola. 98. No one, of course, has been convinced by the Portuguese representative's attempts to portray the events in Angola as the outcome of some sort of imaginary plot, about which he again spoke today. 99. In this connexion 1 should liketo make the following comment. While hitherto the Soviet delegation has not often found itself in agreement with the views of the delegation of the Congo (Brazzaville), one of the points made by its representative is deserving of special attention. He s2td: "But li Mr. Salazar insists on treatingtheAngolan nationaUsts as communists, other Africans will join them and be communists too, li communism is the ooly effective means, the only way, to free peoples that are under foreign domination." [952nd meeting, para. 64.] 100. This policy-several centuries out of date, as has here been pointed out, but stubbornly persisted in by the Portuguese colonialists, who are now waging in Angola a colonial war so destructive that it in fact amounts to genocide-is calling forth universal condemnation, and the present proceedings in the Security Counci! constitute a veritable putting-on-trial of Portuguese colonialism. . 101. Almost half the Members of the United Nations have now signed a stern indic,tment of Portugal and its senseless colonial policy. And li the Portuguese representative claims ihat this indictment is in fact some sort of plot on thepartofhis country's enemies, let him ask himself why forty-four countries-of the most diverse political tendencies, as the representative of Ecuador rightly said today-have presented this indictment. Is not this too many enemies for a small country like Portugal? 102. This indictment has clearly revealed that Portuguese colonialism is a militant, fascist type of colonialism which constitutes a danger for aIl Africa and the whole world. It is for this very reason that almost all the countries of Asia and Africa have spoken out so forcefully against this colonialism. And it is by no means a question of the feelings of this or that representative; it is a question of solid facts, which have made resolute criticism of aIl the Portuguese Government's posj':ions inevitable. 103. The single fact that during the past year alone some one million people have secretly fled from the Portuguese colonies speaks for itself. And what the Portuguese representative said today about the alleged tradition of certain groups of the population working in neighbouring countries has nothing to do with the mass exodus from Angola, as from a hell where there is no safety for persons of black skin. 105. About a year ago, in this very chamber of the Security Council, the then Minister for Foreign Affairs of Belgiu...n also attempted to put on a theatrical performance, the protagonists in whichwere supposed to be the savage Congolese and their innocent victims among the Belgian colonialists. Subsequenthappenings exposed Mr. Wigny' s circus tricks and revealed events in the Congo in their true light. 106. When the colonialists are firmly entrenched in the colonies, they pen idyllic stories about the civilized white man and his black slave who "adores" him. But when the ground begins to give way under their feet, they start howling about the barbarity of the nations that they oppresSe All these tricks have long worn thin and are too primitive for the second half of the twentieth century. They cannat assist even the Portuguese colonialists. The harsh facts, stunning in their brutality, of the butchering by the civilized Portuguese savages of tens of thousands of Angolans, which many representatives have cited in their statements here, have not been refuted. Incidentally, it is characteristic that today the Portuguese representative tried to refute very many things but, for the most part, referred to the conventions to which Portugal was a party in such fields as labour, political rights and so forth; he refuted none of the facts of mass slaughter and butchery which have been adduced here and which cannot, indeed, be refuted, constituting as they do a stern indictment of Portuguese colonialism. 107. The Portuguese representative himself, in the course of his previous statement, indicated on a map of Angola-which he displayed here as a visual aidthe area covered by the rebellion. It is an enormous area, bigger, in fact, tl1an Portugal itself. But to this we should add that, as has already been pointed out by a number of representatives here, the rebellion has now spread so as to cover almost the entire territory of Angola, which, as we know is fourteentimes larger than Portugal. 108. The Portuguese representative likewise in his previous statement asserted-and today he tried to reaffirm it in a slightly diluted form-that the Portuguese authorities were carrying out in Angola a "routine operation". But this means that the Portuguese Government regards the mass extermination of people, merely because they are demanding elementary human rights and national independence, as a "routine operation" . 109. How intolerable, in that case, living conditions in Angola must be, and how cynical the thinking of the Portuguese colonialists.. 110. The Ecuadorian representative rightly said at the last meeting that, when this matter was last being discussed in the Council, it seemed to a number of 111. Does the Portuguese Government really beUeve that world opinion is so naive that it will believe any cock-and-bull story about some imaginary terrorists whom the Portuguese representative again mentioned today and who, according to the affirmations of the Portuguese themselves, must amount to some 100,000 persons, with whom 25,000 regular troops and armed settlers are unable to cope? 1 do not think that èi.nyone exists who will lend credence to these crude arguments of the Portuguese representative! 112. Ml'. Kennedy, the President of the United States, in his statement to the American people of a few days ago, touched upon this problem of communist responsibility for every form of unrest throughout the world. He said, inter aUa (1 quote from his statement as it appeared in The New York Times): "Ml'. Khrushchev made one point which 1 wish to pass on. He said that there are many diso.1'I:l.ers throughout the worId and he should not be blamed for them aIl. He is quite right. "It is easy," Ml'. Kennedy continued, "to dismiss as communist-inspired every anti-government or anti-American riot, every overthrow of a corrupt régime or every mass protest against misery and despair•••• But," Ml'. Kennedy added, "the Communists did not create the conditions which caused them." 113. Even the Portuguese colonialists will one day realize this. In the meantime, the Portuguese representative's previous speech in the Council was the malicious one of a militant colonialist who is not willing to learn anything and who wishes to keep everything just as it was five centuries ago, despite the fact that this is hopelessly impracticable. 114. Today the Portuguese representative displayed some wisdom and was calmer in replying to certain accusations, although every one of his answers is open to the most serious criticism. But 1 sha11 not take up this point now, because a11 the statements of the Portuguese representative, both today and earlier, fully justify the old adage which the Nigerian representative recalled: "Whom the gods would destroy. they first make mad". 115. Having heard this exposition ofthe politicalplatform of the fascist Portuguese colonialists, how is it possible, pray, to speak of the "magnanimityil of the present Portuguese régime, or actually to suggest that the whole question of Angola should be left to the discretion of that régime? Nevertheless, the French representative, taking precisely that position, yesterday urged [954th meeting] the Security Council not to hurry to the aid of the Angolan people, not to condemn the Sala:lar Government, but to employ, as he put it, 116. At a time when a real "hot war" is going on in Angola and we are calling for an end to that war, they try to accuse us of heating up the "cold war". Even il we use English logic, such an approach can hardly be called logical. As for the moderation and the "patient discussion" recommended by the representatives of the United Kingdom and France, we already weIl lmow, from the example of numerous coloniessuch as the much-suffering AIJeria, Kenya, Oman and others-what "patient discussion" means when the participants are, on the one hand the colonialists armed to the teeth, and on the other the colonies: oppressed inhabitants. 117. In each such case, patience is demanded only of the people of the colonies. It is precisely they who are advised not to make haste with their liberation from slavery, not to rebel against their masters, but to wait patiently until the masters themselves finaUy come to their senses and move with the times, as Ml'. Bérard so vividly phrased it. 118. But experience shows that the colonialists begin to see the light only when the peoples of the colonies begin to defend their rights with weapons in their hands. Only then does talk begin about the so-caUed "voluntary" transfer of power and the aUeged longstanding desire of the colonialists to free the colonies. 119. If we listen to the colonialists, it would seem that Portugal, Spain, the United Kingdom, France, the Netherlands, etc., seized their colonies only in order to grant them independence as quickly as possible. They ruled their colonies for hundreds of years aUegedly because the peoples of those colonies did not wish to obtain freedom and preferred to remain in a state of slavery, iUiteracy, poverty and subjection to arbitrary rule. 120. No, gentlemen, it is not forbearance and longsuffering that must characterize our attitude towards the Portuguese colonialists in this era of the largescale liberation of peoples, but sternness, firmness and resolution. This is required by the many thousands of human losses already suffered by the Angolan people. It is required by true humanity-humanity towards the Angolan people, and not towards ahandful of colonialists speaking, without any right to do so, on behali of the Portuguese people. There will be peace between the peoples of Angola and Portugal, peace on the basis of the independent existence of both these peoples. There is not and cannot be peace between a handful of Portuguese colonialists and an Angolan people that they have crushed down with the most savage repression. The cessation of aU these repressive measures is the first condition for peace in Angola. 121. At present there can be no sueh peace, for the facts eloquently eited here by aU the representatives of Africa and Asia show that the situation in Angola is intolerable for the country's entire indigenous 122. The Liberian representative has quite correctly pointed out at the 950th meeting that we must not expect other African nations to remainpassive observers of this frightful tragedy. It is obvious to aIl, it would seem, that urgent measures must be taken to end the bloodshed in Angola and give immediate effect to the measures provided for in the General Assembly's previous decisions concerning that territory. 123. We express the hope that the Security Council will discharge the dutY laid upon it by the United Nations Charter and will decide upon the immediate measures which this dangerous situation requires. 124. In this connexion, I should like to draw special attention to the warning which the Moroccan representative issued yesterday [954th meeting] in the course of this debate. Citing as an example the discussions on the question of the Congo, he showed the danger, to the cause of peace and the liberation of the oppref'sed peoples, of a policy of appeasing and encouragin~ the colonialists by avoiding decisions which do not suit them. The painful experience of the Congo should teach us that we must act resolutely and consistently from the outset to hold the colonialists in check; that we must not let the crisis worsen, but must lance the abscess and remove it. 125. The discussion of the question of Angola in the Security Council has convincingly shownthat the present situation in that country is by no means a domestic affair of Portugal but constitutes the beginning of another serious crisis in Africa, a new and dangerous source of tension. This is why the cause of unhrersal peace, and especially peace in Africa, requires resolute action directed towards the liberation ofthe Angolan people from the yoke of Portuguese colonialism. And I must say quite bluntly that if, thanks to the endeavours of Portugal's protectors, the SecurityCouncil finds itself unable to take a suitable decision, neither the struggle for national liberation in Angola nor the efforts made in Africa and throughout the worId to help the Angolan people will cease. Obviously the day will soon come when it will be necessary to calI an emergency session of the United Nations General Assembly which will, as experience has already shown, be able to overcome the resistance of the 127. This amendment, ü adopted, will undoubtedly strengthen the draft resolution, make it more purposefully directed against those who are conducting a colonial war against the Angolan people, and state more clearly who is to blame for the grievous situation existing in Angola today although it is easy to gather from the general sense of the draft resolution now before us, who in fact is responsible for the position created. Nevertheless we think that it is impossibleto grant any amnesty to the colonialists, and that we cannot fail to condemnthe fearful colonialistwar which the Portuguese colonialists have unleashed againstthe Angolan people. That is why we consider it necessary to submit an amendment designed to strengthen this draft. 128. We understand, of course, that the sponsors of this draft resolution have been concerned to submitto the Council a draft which would be acceptable to most of its members and so receive the required majority of votes; but we thiilk that, ü the draft resolution is strengthened in the way l have indicated, those who oppose colonialism and favour the colonial peoples' liberation not in word but in deed should have not the slightest düficulty in voting for it. 129. On the other hand, we have the amendments to this draft resolution submitted by the representative of Chile [S/4833/Rev.1]. These amendments attempt in some measure to weaken an already weak draft. Under the first amendment, which applies to the fourth paragraph of the preamble, it is proposed to alter the meaning of the phrase "the continuance of the situation in Angola is ••• a threat to international peace and security" by using the milder form "may eventually constitute a threat to international peace and security". 130. We think that the submission of this amendment is in no way justüied by the factual state of affairs, for the facts are such that the events in Angola already, at the present time, constitute a threat to the maintenance of international peace and security. This finding has been stated by an absolute majority of speakers here, and should be reflected in this resolution. Accordingly, the amendment submitted by the Chilean representative serves only to weaken the draft, and the Soviet delegation cannot agree to it. 131. The second amendment seeks to addanewparagraph in which the Security Council would express the hope that a peaceful solution will befoundto the problem of Angola in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. We consider thatthis amendment likewise is completely unjustüied and weakens an already 132. But the amendment expresses the hope that a peaceful solution will be found to the problem of Angola. To this, nO one can object. Of course it is necessary to seek a peaceful solution of the problem; but, as 1 said just now, the first requisite for peace is the cessation of the Portuguese colonialists' repressive measures. That, and nothing else, is now the most important consideration. And ifthe additional sense of the amendment is that an appeal should be made also to those who have been compelled to take up arms in defence of their rights, and that therefore both sides, as it were, should be qUietened, we would consider that such an approach not only would not contribute to a solution of the problem of Angola but would actually make the Angolan crisis worse. 133. We think, therefore, that that provision of the amendment is also superfluous; it couldbe interpreted in a number of ways, and colonialist quarters would certainly interpret it as placing the blame not solely upon the Portuguese colonialists, but also upon the Angolan people, which is fighting for its existence and for human rights. We cannot agree with such a position and cannot, therefore, concur in this amendment to the draft resolution. 134. In conclusion, 1 should like to say that if it proves possible to adopt a draft resolution which meets the minimum requirements of the moment, and if thereafter Portugal refuses to comply with the Security Council's decision, then, quite obviously, the question will arise of the consideration of other measures-coercive measures, as specified in the Charter of the United Nations-designed to ensure peace and security for the peoples of Africa and of the whole worId.

1 should like to askthe representative of the Soviet Union and the other members of the Council whether they would agree to waive the consecutive interpretations' of the speech we just heard in order to help the Councilto expedite its work. 136. Ml'. ZORIN (Union of Soviet SocialistRepublics) (translated from Russian): Provided that this is not considered a precedent for the future in such cases, the Soviet delegation will not object if the consecutive interpretation of my statement is dispensed with at the present time, since the content of the speech is already known to members of the Council and this course may facilitate the conclusion of our discussion and the adoption of a decision. 13'7. The PRESIDENT: It is u'lderstood thatthewaiving of the interpretations on this occasion does nQt constitute a precedent for future occasions. 138. 1 now give the floor to the representative of Ghana in the exercise of the right of reply. 139. Ml'. QUAISON-SACKEY (Ghana): Since the hour is late 1 feel very unhappy to have to intervene today and to abuse the courtesy which you have granted to my delegation. But since this concerns a matter of accuracy, and the representative of Portugal claims that 1 have been inaccurate-which is not borne out 141. You, Mr. President, also kindly drew his attention to the fact that we are discussing Angola and not Ghana or Portugal. Therefore, l will not make any attempt to answer him. 142. However, l would like to renew the invitation which l gave him the other day, that he come to Ghana and see exactly what goes on there on the condition that l be permitted to visit Angola. 143. l want to say to the representative of Portugal that we do not seek vengeance. My President has said in the General Assembly that Africa does not seek ve!lgeance. It !s against the nature of Africato harbor malice. Therefore, l say to him: Quousque tandem abutere nostra patientia-How much more canwe bear with him? Ghana cannot be friends with Portugal if it is going to main its policy of suppression in Angola. 144. The representative of Portugal can ask the representative of the United Kingdom as to what the relations are between Ghana and the United Kingdom. Before independence, we were against the United Kingdom. Now we are friends. In the same way, if Portugal granted independence to Angola, we shaH be friends. However, we shaH persist in our efforts until they give independence to Angola•

l calI on the representative of India in the exercise of the right of reply.

l thank you, Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation for having caUed the Portuguese representative to order , but l am afraid that your gavel was not as fast as his slanderous tongue in relation to my country. Therefore, it would seem that some of his slanderous remarks would have gone into the record. l should think that, since you ruled them out of order, and also the remarks that he made on a previous occasion when you ruled him out of order, you could ask that they be taken out of the record. However, in case you are unable or unwilling to do so, l would like to make a brief statement in reply. 147. It was not surprising to hear the Portuguese representative speak as he did. Anyone who has listened to him at this time and onthe previous occasion in the Security Council has not failed to observe that, being utterly unable to defend his Government's actions, he is driven to making false and slanderous attacks aU around against members sitting round this table. l say "aH around" but perhaps some members have been more fortunate; they have escaped. Now, if anyone does not agree with him or does not accept his 149. I refuse to be drawn into a discussion with him in regard to matters which are not on the agenda of the Security Council; and I am sure, Mr. President, you would not wish me to do so. I would only say that, in talking of matters relating to India in the same context and in the same breath as the Angolan situation, the remarks of the representative of Portugal can only be characterized as impertinent. He ought to know, as the whole worId knows, that under our Constitution, under our system of Government and under the highest form of democracy prevailingwhich is in India-every citizen, whether he is in Kashmir or Hyderabad, and I want to remind him that these are integral parts of India, they are not the overseas provinces of Portugal, enjoys equality of rights, universaJ franchise. They are guaranteed aIl freedoms and equality of opportunity, aIl of which are zealously guarded by the Supreme Court of India and the administrative and juridical system of India, which are the highest expressions of the rule of law. And I would like to tell him that he ought to see the writing on the wall. India is one. It will remain one. And the only remaining part of India which is under colonialism will, before long, become part of India.

I believe that we can nowtake decisions on the proposaIs which have been putbefore the Council. I will put the amendments before the Council first. Afterwards I will put to the Council the main proposaI. The amendments will be voted upon in the order of submission. 151. Therefore, I ask the members of the Council to turn to document S!4833!Rev.1. We have here, infact , two amendments. The third amendment is an editorial change. 152. I now ask the members of the Council to vote upon the first amendment, as contained in paragraph 1 of that document.

It surprises me that my amendment is to be considered in parts. The sense ofthe amendment calls for its adoption as a whole. If there is any difference of opinion on the question of separate votes, I should prefer the CouncU to be consulted first.

The Chair stands corrected. I shall put the amendments submitted by the representative of ChUe to the vote as a whole.

Although, if I have under-

1 am sorry 1 have not been understood.I said that my delegation wanted its draft amendment to be voted on as a whole, and in so doing it was exercising the right set out in rule 32 of the provisional rules of procedure, under which "parts of a motion or of a draft resolution shall be voted on separately at the request of any representative, unless the original moyer objects". 1 did object and 1 repeat my objection in the exercise of the right 1 have just mentioned, laid down in rule 32.

The Council will now vote on the amendments submitted by the representative of Chile [S/4833/Rev.lj.

The Council will now vote on the amendment submitted by the representative of the Soviet Union [3/4834].

The Council will now vote on the draft resolution submitted by Ceylon, Liberia and the United Arab Republic [3/4828], as amended.

1 should like to say just a few words in reply to the intervention of the representative of the Soviet Union. 162. Once again the Soviet Union representative felt completely free to bestow upon the Portuguese nation and the Portuguese people any insult that took his fancy. Expressions such as "massive extermination" came fluently to his lips-much too fluently, 1 am afraid. Since they have no basis in fact, what they truly signify is a brutal excuse for threatening arid intimidating. 163. As 1 know in advance thatmypertinentremarks, if extensive, would be ruled out of order, 1 limit myself to calling the Council's attention to the Soviet Union representative's remark that my country is on trial. Since this remark comes from the representative of a régime whose respect for the rights of weak peoples has often been questioned in this Organization, 1 ask the Security Council only to take a thoughtful look at this self-appointed judge. 164. In regard to the vote which has justtaken place, 1 wish, under instructions of IllY Government, tomake the following declaration. For the reasons 1 have presented to the Council, my Government considers the resolution just adopted by the Council as entirely illegal and unjust, as disrespectful of the United Nations Charter, as intervention in the domestic affairs of Portugal and as a violation of Portuguese sovereignty, against which the Portuguese Government lodges its most vehement protest. Therefore, the Portuguese Government views this resolution in a very serious light. The Portuguese Government makes the strongest possible reservations to the resolution and in regard to any development arising therefrom.

1 should like to explain why my delegation abstained in the vote on the Soviet Union amendment. Under that amendment, operative paragraph 3 of the draft resolution was to begin with the words "Condemning the colonial war against the Angolanpeople". 166. When 1 spoke in the debate, 1statedquite clearly that the Sub-Committee which had been appointed and which we were going to ratify in this Council would have to investigate the facts and reporttothe Council, so that the latter could adopt a resolution based on information that could not be called in question since it would be absolutely impartial and comprehensive. 167. In the absence of such information, the grave and lamentable events taking place in Angola cannot be appraised in the way in which they are presented by those who maintain that they are incidents in a war unleashed against the Angolan people, or, as the Portuguese Government contends as the outcome of steps

I call on the representative of Ethiopia.

I wish to thank the President for allowing me to speak in order to express my delegation's appreciation for the decision just taken by the Security Council. The decision is not what we had expected, but we hope that if it is put into effect it will save Angola from further oppressive measures and allow Angola to obtain its independence. Otherwise we shall press on, whatever the opinion of others may be. 170. The independence of Africa is the principle of our nationallife, and we stand on it. 171. Finally, I wish to thank the Council on behalf of my delegation and the delegation of Ghana for allowing us to participate in the Coundl's discussion of this item.

The Soviet delegation would like to say a few words in connexion with the results of the voting and to explain the reasons for which it voted for this resolution. 173. As I said before the voting, we considered that the drait resolution was inadequate and weak, and that the two amendments submitted would, if adopted, weaken it still further. Nevertheless, we found it possible to support this resolution as a minimum first step, so that the Security Council and the United Nations as a whole could take urgent measures which would put a stop to the colonial war unleashed by Portugal in Angola and arrest the dangerous course of events. It was this standpoint that governed our approach to this resolution, even with its incorporation of the amendments. 174. We attach particular importance to the fact that the drait reaffirms General Assembly resolution 1603 (XV) and calls upon Portugal to act in accordance with the terms of that resolution. As you know, resolution 1603 (XV) was in turn based on the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries' and peoples and, in paragraph 1, called upon the Government of Portugal to consider urgently the introduction of measures and reforms in Angola for the purpose of the implementation of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), with due respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. 175. In other words, General Assembly resolution 1603 (XV) called upon the Government of Portugal to 177. Now that the Security Council has adopted this resolution, l would recommend to the Portugueserepresentative that he turn his attention to Article 25 of the United Nations Charter, which contains this clear statement: "The Members of the United Nations agree to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council in accordance with the present Charter." 1t you state here that this resolution of the Security Council is illegal, you are not a Member of the United Nations; for a Member of the Organization, having subscribed to the Charter, is bound to carry out the decisions of the Security Council, and it is the dutY of our entire Organization to require, of the Portuguese Government, compliance with the resolution in question. This would mean, also, compliance with General Assembly resolution 1603 (XV) and with the General Assembly resolution entitled Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. 178. The second observation l wish tomake concerns the voting on the amendments. l was, l must say, greatly surprised to see that the representatives of certain countries who have often said that they favoured the eradication of colonialism andwere against war, and especially against a colonial war, not only did not vote in favour of the amendment submitted by the Soviet Union for the condemnation of the colonial war a~ainst the Angolan people, but evenvoted against it. 179. We can regard such a vote only as expressing a desire to justify their NATO ally up tothe hilt and, as if that were not enough, to continue on a course towards further colonial wars. 180. l think that such actiondoes not accord with the interests of peace and of the interests of the United Nations as a whole, and l consider that the votes cast by the United States of America and the United Kingdom against the Soviet amendment do them no credit. 181. MI'. BARNES (Liberia): The honour that was conferred upon my delegat:.on by the delegations of the United Arab Republic and Ceylan in being chosen to introduce the resolution which stands in the names of our three delegation.s imposes upon me, l believe, the pleasaî't dutY of recording our appreciation of the decision 0: the Security Council, notwithstanding the amendments which were offered to our resolution and which were adopted. 182. The gravity of the Angolan situation, the causes leading to it, and the competence ofthe Security Council to deal with that situationhave,inmy opinion, been recognized by the Council in its decision. Itis our expectation that the Council's decision will alleviate the -situation in Angola and, in the final analysis, afford 184. l am not going to follow the line of argument adopted by my Soviet colleague, l want simply to say this: Since World War II ended, some 550 million inhabitants of the British Empire, as it was then called, have, by the deliberate policy of my Government, become citizens of independent countries. Since 1939, the Soviet Union, which when we were younger, we used to call the Russian Empire, has added to itself an area of 200,000 square miles, with a population of some 22 million people. It seems to my delegation that the loud cries of the Soviet representative about the policies of other countries may he designed to distract attention from that-from his point of view-very inconvenient facto 185. Ml'. YOST (United states of America): In reference to the concluding remark of the representative of the Soviet Union, my delegation, frankly, considered that his amendment, as so often in the case of proposaIs by the Soviet Union, was more likely to aggravate than to cure the situation. His amendment was therefore, in our view, consistent with his failure to vote for the Chilean amendment, which expressed the hope that a peaceful solution of the problem of Angola would be found.

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