S/PV.9788 Security Council

I would like to warmly welcome the distinguished ministers and other high-level representatives present in the Security Council Chamber this afternoon. Their presence underscores the importance of the subject matter under discussion. In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Czechia, Iceland, Italy, Germany, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Türkiye and Ukraine to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I also invite His Excellency Mr. Stavros Lambrinidis, Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I give the floor to Ms. DiCarlo. Ms. DiCarlo: I am pleased to read a statement today on behalf of Secretary-General António Guterres, who unfortunately could not attend this meeting. One thousand days have passed since the Russian Federation launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in brazen violation of the Charter of the United Nations and international law  — 1,000 days of widespread death, destruction and despair that continue unabated for millions of Ukrainians. One thousand days in, this war rages on, undiminished. Deadly battles engulf more and more of eastern and southern Ukraine. Entire cities, villages and towns have been reduced to rubble. Bakhmut, Avdiivka, Vovchansk and Vuhledar have been virtually wiped off the map. Since February 2022, at least 12,164 civilians have been killed, including more than 600 children. At least 26,871 others have been injured. And these are just the confirmed numbers. The actual death toll is likely much higher. The past several months have seen a significant increase in civilian casualties. October and November saw some of the most intense and large-scale missile and drone attacks of the war. Over the weekend, the Russian Federation launched one of its largest combined strikes, reportedly involving 120 missiles and 90 drones and targeting energy infrastructure in all Ukrainian regions, which resulted in severe damage and casualties. Last night, there were also media reports that Ukrainian forces would be given authorization to use long-range weapons supplied by partners for strikes within the Russian Federation. I want to be clear: all parties must ensure the safety and protection of civilians, regardless of their location. Across Ukraine, residential areas have increasingly come under attack. The people of Kyiv are again being forced to take shelter from nightly drone and missile barrages. Critical civilian and energy infrastructure in Ukraine are systematically targeted and decimated, depriving many Ukrainians of access to basic necessities. At least 580 medical facilities have been damaged or destroyed, with many first responders and medical personnel killed and injured. And at least 1,358 educational facilities have been damaged or destroyed. Ukraine has now become one of the world’s most heavily mined places, with almost one quarter of its territory contaminated with mines  — an area four times the size of Switzerland. Environmental degradation caused by the war, including from the destruction of critical infrastructure such as the Kakhovka dam, has resulted in long- term consequences for local ecosystems, as well as Ukraine’s agriculture. Millions of traumatized people are dependent on life-saving humanitarian aid. Nearly 4 million remain internally displaced, and more than 6.8 million have fled the country. As in every conflict, women are disproportionately impacted by the economic and social consequences of the war. An entire generation of children is being deprived of proper education, as attacks have driven schools online or underground in shelters. Meanwhile, human rights continue to be systematically violated. The Black Sea remains a flash point. Renewed Russian attacks on civilian vessels and port infrastructure, particularly in Odesa, are once again exacerbating global food insecurity. I am determined to continue my engagement with all concerned to support the freedom and safety of navigation in the Black Sea. The targeted devastation of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure may make the coming winter the harshest since the start of the war. It is not difficult to imagine how daily and prolonged power cuts aggravate living conditions, acutely affecting the more than 2 million people whose homes have been damaged or destroyed and those near the front lines. The United Nations remains fully mobilized to support Ukraine’s reconstruction and recovery efforts. That includes critical support to enhance the resilience of the country’s energy infrastructure. Our immediate focus is on the winter response plan, but without required resources the most vulnerable will lack sufficient protection. Unimpeded humanitarian access is essential to reach some 1.5 million people in regions of Ukraine occupied by the Russian Federation. Those areas remain beyond our reach. At the same time, the operating environment for humanitarian actors has become more dangerous. This year so far, at least nine humanitarian workers have been killed in the line of duty and more than 35 injured. That is unacceptable. Despite the international community’s grave concerns, the risk of a nuclear incident remains all too real, as military activities continue to be reported near Europe’s largest nuclear power plant in Zaporizhzhya and other sensitive locations in the conflict zone. The consequences of such an event would be catastrophic and should make us all shudder. It is imperative for all parties to act responsibly to ensure nuclear safety and security. The recent reported deployment of thousands of troops from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to the conflict zone and their involvement in the fighting is alarming. That would add fuel to the fire, further escalating and internationalizing the explosive conflict. There is little doubt that this war at the heart of Europe is a conflict with global implications. It undermines regional stability and deepens geopolitical divisions. It must end. Reversing the current dangerous path will require concerted diplomatic efforts and political will. It is high time for a just peace in line with the Charter of the United Nations, international law and General Assembly resolutions. We stand ready to use our good offices and to make available the tools and experience of the United Nations in support of all meaningful efforts towards a just, lasting and comprehensive peace.

I thank Ms. DiCarlo for her briefing on behalf of the Secretary-General. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. I thank Ms. DiCarlo again for her briefing on behalf of the Secretary-General, and I thank Mr. Andrii Sybiha for joining us this afternoon. Here in the Security Council  — 1,000 days into Putin’s full-scale invasion  — the United Kingdom is keeping the spotlight on Ukraine, not just for the security of the Ukrainian people or just for Europe’s security, but for something much more fundamental, which every United Nations Member should care about: the right to be a sovereign, independent country, free to choose its future, protect its borders and stand up to aggression. Everyone on the Council should be familiar, from the climate crisis, with the concept of tipping points — the critical moments after which changes are irreversible. Those exist in geopolitics as they do in science. And unless Putin fails, I believe we face one over Ukraine. Unless Putin fails, we could plunge into a world where the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations will have lost their meaning. Unless Putin fails, others will be inspired to wage imperialist wars of conquest. Unless Putin fails, our faith in international law may never return. Unless Putin fails, each of our borders will be less safe. If anyone doubted Putin’s intent, this weekend’s massive missile attack on Ukraine and its energy infrastructure should serve as a reminder. Putin wants to plunge Ukraine into darkness. For years, the Kremlin has tried to bully Ukraine into submission. Russian missiles have struck hospitals and grain ships destined for Africa. Russian troops have raped and tortured Ukrainian prisoners. Russian police have abducted Ukrainian children for indoctrination in Russia. Like a desperate gambler, Putin has gone all in on this illegal war. Putin has lost so many soldiers that, 1,000 days into a war he thought he would win in days, he is now turning to North Korea for reinforcements and to Iran for ballistic missiles. Those actions must be met with a firm response. That is why today I can announce fresh sanctions on Iran Air and the Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines — a direct response to Iran’s ballistic missile deliveries to Russia. We are using the full force of our sanctions to constrain the Kremlin’s illegal actions  — from their shadow fleet of oil tankers to suppliers to their war machine, from shady kleptocrats to mercenaries destabilizing the continent of Africa. And we are stepping up our support, to put Ukraine in a position of strength, with a new loan backed by profits from sanctioned Russian assets, part of a new Group of Seven package of $50 billion dollars in assistance, and with a commitment of £3 billion in military aid for as long as it takes. Let me be crystal clear: there is no equivalence, no comparison, no parallel between those reckless States who support Russia’s illegal aggression and those who stand with Ukraine in its defence of sovereignty. The Kremlin wants to plunge Ukraine into darkness, but we must stand for the light of its freedom. Ukraine and its partners want peace, in line with the Charter of the United Nations, which brings us together today. But we know that Putin only responds to strength. To have lasting peace, lasting security, we must stand as strong, as united, as patient and as determined as the Ukrainian people. Therefore, my message to Vladimir Putin is simple: we will never let up on countering Russian aggression at every turn. One thousand days in, we still stand for Ukraine. One thousand days in, we still stand for international order. One thousand days in, we still stand for the principles upon which the United Nations was founded. And 1,000 days in, we are as ready to face down his aggression as the day he started this senseless war. I resume my functions as President of the Council. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements. I call on the Head of the Federal Department for Foreign Affairs of the Swiss Confederation.

I wish to thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for her briefing. I would also like to welcome our Ukrainian colleague, Minister for Foreign Affairs Andrii Sybiha. As we commemorate the 1,000th day of the war, we are at a loss for words when faced with the suffering of his country. Through him, my thoughts go out to the people of Ukraine. Over the last 1,000 days, more than 10,000 civilians have been killed and more than 20,000 have been wounded, not to mention the huge losses among soldiers. Behind those soulless figures lie men, women and children — a tragedy. We are deeply concerned by the massive attacks on energy infrastructure in recent days, which constitute a major danger for the civilian population as winter approaches. Switzerland reiterates it call yet again for international law and international humanitarian law to be respected. For 1,000 days, all of those calls for peace have been in vain. The war is a major factor in international destabilization: destabilization in terms of international security, with the nuclear threat; destabilization in terms of food security and energy supply; destabilization in terms of respect for fundamental rights; and finally, the destabilization of multilateralism. The risk of the war spreading is alarming — I am referring here to reports of the military presence of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in Russia. Those latest developments on the battlefield highlight just how unsustainable the war is for all of us. It is time for Russia to end its war against Ukraine, launched in violation of the Charter of the United Nations. After 1,000 days of war, the guns must be silenced. It is time to find a diplomatic solution. Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders must be respected. Five months ago, we met in Bürgenstock, Switzerland, to talk for the first time at the highest level about peace in Ukraine. Since then, we have pursued those efforts relentlessly and will continue to do so until a diplomatic solution is found. It takes courage to make peace, as I reminded the Council in September (see S/PV.9731). Making peace also requires energy: the energy to pursue the diplomatic route, despite the fatigue and frustration, in particular of the men and women on the ground, on the verge of a third winter of war. It requires the courage to involve all parties, including Russia, in the dialogue. It also requires the energy to call, again and again, for the application of the Charter of the United Nations and for respect for the Geneva Conventions, as well as the energy to live up to our humanity. Switzerland will support all peace initiatives and efforts based on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Aware of the lessons of our shared history, we are ready to assume our responsibilities  — certainly for the Ukrainian people, but also for our European continent and the world at large. We all aspire to peace and stability.

I now call on the Permanent Representative of the United States of America and member of President Biden’s Cabinet.

I thank you, Foreign Minister Lammy, for bringing us together and presiding over this important meeting. I thank Under-Secretary General DiCarlo for sharing the Secretary-General’s statement and sobering briefing. I welcome the participation of Ukraine’s Foreign Minister in this meeting today. One thousand days ago, on 24 February 2022, Russia launched its brutal and unprovoked full-scale invasion of Ukraine. President Putin believed that it would be a quick victory, that Ukrainians would succumb and wave the white flag of defeat, and yet the Russian military failed to conquer Ukraine in its existence as an independent country or absorb it into Russia. When he could not break the Ukrainian military. Putin ramped up efforts to break the Ukrainian people, killing tens of thousands of Ukrainian men, women and children; uprooting millions of families from their homes; bombing out thousands of schools and hospitals, energy infrastructure and food storage facilities; and abducting thousands of Ukrainian children and relocating them into Russia. Yet for 1000 days, the people of Ukraine have not broken or bent. But while today is an important marker, there is nothing special about this sombre occasion. Winter is approaching, and Russia’s relentless attacks have devastated critical infrastructure, leaving millions of homes without light, heat and water. Russia’s seizure and militarization of the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant puts all of Europe on the edge of nuclear catastrophe. Every day, Ukrainian families live in fear of Russian war crimes. To date, troops have committed some 147,000 of them. Every night, Ukrainian families live in fear of Russian aerial strikes, which continue to pound the country. It is clear that Russia has no regard for Ukrainian life, but it is also clear that Russia has no regard for Russian life. Members saw Russia just this morning veto a draft resolution on the Sudan that would have facilitated humanitarian assistance (see S/PV.9786). Members heard them declare their support for the Palestinian people (see S/PV.9787). But members know, as I do, that it is just hypocrisy at its best and lies that they are concerned at the worst. Hundreds of thousands of Russians have died fighting this cruel and callous war, and 1,000 days since it began, the carnage has only accelerated. Russia is absorbing more than 1,200 casualties a day, more than at any other time during the war. Therefore, in its desperation, the Kremlin has turned to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, first for arms and now for manpower. At least 10,000 soldiers sent first to eastern Russia and now to the far-western Kursk oblast bordering Ukraine have begun engaging in combat operations with Russian forces. It is a move without modern precedent — not in over 100 years has Russia welcomed foreign troops onto its soil. It is also a move in blatant violation of resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009) and 2270 (2016)  — resolutions Russia agreed to only a few years ago. It is not just the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea that Russia has looked to for help. Putin also acquired hundreds of uncrewed aerial vehicles from Iran, flagrantly violating resolution 2231 (2015). All the while, Russia has disregarded its Chemical Weapons Convention obligations and stated publicly it will supply captured weapons to non-State actors, including State sponsors of terrorism. Those are the actions of a rogue State. And so, rather than try and justify the unjustifiable, Russia simply lies. One thousand and one days ago, Russia’s representative told us to our face, there would be no invasion. As the world watched live broadcasts of Russian forces and tanks crossing into Ukrainian territory, and Russian missiles raining down on Kyiv, he continued to insist in the Council there was nothing to see here. The lies continued. We were told that no North Koreans were deploying through Russia. Now, North Koreans are fighting on Russia’s front lines, under the command of the Russian military. All the while, this Chamber has been flooded with slurs and baseless accusations against Ukraine’s democratically elected leaders, along with specious arguments about how Ukraine’s sovereign right to choose its own path and partners somehow threatens Russia’s so-called legitimate interests or legitimate security concerns. Of course, the Charter of the United Nations is very clear. No country’s “security concerns” — legitimate or otherwise — give it the right to dictate another country’s policies, let alone invade and annex another country’s territory. All of this comes down to the fact that Putin has simply never accepted that Ukraine, a fellow State Member of the United Nations, has the same rights to sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity. Indeed, he has gone on the record multiple times saying Ukraine is not even a State. Perhaps it is why Putin so underestimated the resolve of the Ukrainian people, how bravely and effectively they have been able to defend their homeland, their democratically elected Government, their culture and way of life, for 1,000 days. As Ukrainians continue the fight against imperialist invasion and “might makes right” ideology, the United States stands with them. And let me be clear — when this war ends, a sovereign, independent, democratic Ukraine will be in control of its internationally recognized territory and continue on the path to joining Euro-Atlantic institutions, like NATO. Until then, and at the direction of the President, the United States will continue to surge security assistance to Ukraine, including artillery, air defence, armoured vehicles and other needed capabilities and munitions. And we will announce additional security assistance for Ukraine in the days to come, because, ultimately, supporting Ukraine, in Congress and beyond it, cannot be and should not be a partisan issue. Standing up for democracy and human rights is above petty politics and outlasts any one leader or term. There is much talk about peace in Ukraine. Council members must believe me, we would love nothing more than to see the people of Ukraine experience the safety and security they so deserve. But a peace that is not just is not peace, a peace that is not sustainable is not peace, and a peace that is not Ukraine-led is not a true peace. And so, I call on all States Members of the United Nations to support Ukraine’s formula for a just and lasting peace — one that fully respects Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and holds Russia to account for its crimes and violations of the United Nations Charter. I again call on another permanent member of the Council, China, to stop stoking war on the European continent, to stop enabling Russia’s war effort, to cease providing dual-use goods to Russia and to quit parroting Russian talking points to justify this war, because there is no justification. Most of all, I call on Russia to end its aggression against Ukraine, and now; end the support to countries like Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, support that foments instability not only in Europe, but everywhere from the Middle East to the Indo-Pacific; end the assault on food security around the world, and especially in the Sahel, where millions of hungry people rely on the Black Sea Grain Initiative for sustenance; and end the needless suffering of Ukrainian and Russian people, who have endured the unimaginable for one thousand days. Let this misery, this madness, not continue. Not one day more.

I thank Secretary Lammy for organizing this meeting. I would also like to thank Under- Secretary-General DiCarlo for her comprehensive briefing. It has been 1,000 days since Russia began its aggression against the sovereign nation of Ukraine. To the people of Ukraine, who have been defending their country for these 1,000 days, we express our deepest respect and unwavering solidarity. Last Saturday, Minister for Foreign Affairs Iwaya visited Ukraine, directly expressed to Minister Sybiha Japan’s intention to cooperate with Ukraine to achieve a just and lasting peace in Ukraine and stated that our steadfast commitment to stand with Ukraine remains unchanged. We are appalled by the massive and widespread missile barrage on Ukraine over the past week, which caused casualties among innocent civilians. We will continue to condemn in the strongest terms Russia’s illegal aggression, which has caused unimaginable human rights violations and abuses in the territory of Ukraine, in addition to the ongoing brutal attacks destroying critical civilian infrastructure. We repeat: Russia must immediately cease its aggression, withdraw from Ukraine and respect Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Russia continues its aggression against Ukraine with not only its own arsenal, but also weapons supplied by North Korea, violating the relevant Security Council resolutions, which Russia had itself agreed to. There is clear evidence, and subterfuge should never be tolerated in this Chamber. The situation now enters another dimension as North Korea’s soldiers have been dispatched to Russia, and they are now engaged in combat against Ukraine. Such involvement in Russia’s unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine constitutes a clear violation of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations. North Korea’s direct support for Russia in that regard has serious potential consequences for European and Indo-Pacific peace and security. Ukraine today may be East Asia tomorrow. We condemn in the strongest terms that unlawful, unjustified and unacceptable military cooperation between Russia and North Korea. We also reiterate our deep concern about the military cooperation between Iran and Russia. The international community must refrain from supporting Russia’s aggression, directly or indirectly. The importance of diplomacy and dialogue for peace is indisputable. However, it should be crystal clear that Ukraine is not the one waging this war. Ukraine was forced to fight to defend itself. It is Russia that launched an unprovoked war of aggression. Once Russia stops its aggression and withdraws to the internationally recognized border, the war will end immediately. What is needed now is not a call for peace that ignores Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, or a demand for both sides to de-escalate in an equal manner, which rewards only the aggressor. The question is whether to uphold or disregard the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. It cannot be clearer who violates the Charter. We must uphold the international order based on the rule of law and never tolerate violations of international law. Japan will continue its diplomatic efforts, together with Ukraine and the international community, to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine based on the purposes and principles of the Charter. Japan is committed to and will continue its long- term efforts to rebuild the lives of the Ukrainian people and the entire country. We have already pledged more than $12 billion in support of Ukraine in the areas of humanitarian assistance, recovery, reconstruction and finance, all of which is steadily being implemented. We will continue to provide support, including in the areas of energy supply and landmine removal. In conclusion, we emphasize that any unilateral attempt to change the status quo by force is unacceptable anywhere in the world. Japan stands firmly with Ukraine until peace and justice prevail.

I would like to thank you, Sir, for organizing this meeting, as well as Under- Secretary-General DiCarlo for the briefing she delivered on behalf of the Secretary-General. I also wish to warmly welcome Mr. Sybiha, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, to this meeting. Tomorrow we will mark 1,000 days of war in Ukraine: 1,000 days of death, destruction and displacement — but also 1,000 days of inaction from the Security Council. I have just returned from Kyiv, and while being humbled by Ukraine’s perseverance and determination, I am also deeply disturbed by the dire situation that the civilian population is facing as the country enters the third winter of this war of aggression. Just in terms of the toll on human lives, these 1,000 days have been catastrophic. Last week, I also visited Bucha, one of the many sites where mass graves were found in the first months of the war in Ukraine. In just one of them, 508 Ukrainians are buried. And the bloodshed continues. It is estimated that, in the first half of this year, three times as many people died in Ukraine as there were born. The numbers of civilian casualties are the highest they have ever been over the past two years. That gloomy picture is only about to get worse as Ukrainians brace themselves for the winter. Just yesterday, Russia launched its largest aerial attack on Ukraine in months, hitting energy infrastructure across the country with more than 200 drones and missiles. Continuous, deliberate attacks against energy infrastructure are not just military tactics. They are, first and foremost, attacks on civilians  — by taking away their electricity, cutting off their heating and breaking their spirits. Those attacks are a despicable violation of international humanitarian law. For 1,000 days, we have been discussing the casualties of the war, and each time our deliberations have been followed by silence and impunity. Each day of inaction by the Council has diminished the integrity of international law, including the Charter. A lot is at stake with this war. It is more important than ever that the Council members condemn aggression, that we demand respect for international humanitarian law and human rights law and that we make it clear to the perpetrators of war crimes that they will not get away with their crimes and that they will be held accountable. A single day of war is one too many. There are no words to describe how tormenting 1,000 days of war are. We need a just and lasting peace as soon as possible — a peace that will not come at the expense of the fundamentals of international law — and a peace that will be based on Charter of the United Nations and its key principles, while safeguarding Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. Ukraine, as the country under attack, must of course agree with any such peace plan. That is the only way to stop this war. And this war must stop. Until then, Slovenia will support Ukraine every step of the way.

At the outset, I would like to thank Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo for her valuable briefing. We are holding today’s meeting as the situation in Ukraine continues to be a cause for grave concern. The war continues to claim the lives of innocent people. It has displaced a large number of civilians, who are in search of safe refuge. The clash between Ukraine and Russia has led to a humanitarian tragedy. The protracted war continues to cause considerable material damage and massive destruction of infrastructure. It is truly worrisome that we have almost grown accustomed to that inevitable situation, given the absence of any change in the situation on the ground, despite the many individual and international initiatives to bring positions and points of view together. The parties concerned have chosen the mindset of escalation, confrontation and polarization. However, that mindset will not lead to an end to that tense situation, and Algeria has already warned of it on many occasions. My country continues to call for ongoing efforts to give precedence to dialogue over confrontation and war, because we believe that a solution can be achieved only through peaceful dialogue. That dialogue must be based on the following three key points. First, there is a need to put an end to the hostilities and to protect civilians; secondly, there is a need to comply with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, as well as the rules of international law, whose primacy and just nature we accept; and thirdly, there is a need to address the root causes of the conflict in a manner that takes into account the security concerns of all parties. It is necessary to work together in order to guarantee a permanent solution to the conflict, the repercussions of which are no longer limited to the region. Those repercussions have expanded and now impact the entire world, particularly developing countries. Algeria therefore remains ready to participate constructively in efforts to create a solid foundation to facilitate dialogue among the parties in order to strengthen consultations at all levels and with all parties and to support efforts to establish a permanent and just peace. Algeria remains ready to provide the necessary support to give precedence to the language of peace and to establish security in the region.

I thank Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo for her briefing. I welcome the participation of various ministers in today’s meeting, including His Excellency Mr. Andrii Sybiha, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. Sierra Leone remains deeply concerned about the escalating insecurity and the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Ukraine, which has persisted for 1,000 days. In recent months the conflict has escalated drastically, and the battlefield has expanded, with intensified offensive operations by both Ukraine and the Russian Federation. Against the backdrop of almost two years and nine months of brutal conflict, Sierra Leone takes note, regrettably, of the recent escalation in the form of intensive large-scale drone attacks on Ukraine and news reports that restrictions on the use of long-range missiles to strike targets inside Russian territory have been lifted. That follows recent intelligence and open- source reports that troops from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are now engaged in combat in the Kursk region of the Russian Federation. Those reports, if confirmed, mark a dangerous escalation of the conflict and have the potential to dramatically increase its scope, with severe attendant risks and broader destabilizing impacts on regional and international peace and security. The inability of the Security Council to act further puts at risk its credibility and dependability with regard to the maintaining and addressing threats to international peace and security. Given the regrettable devastating impact of the conflict, let us remind ourselves of the worrisome trend of civilian casualties over the past four months alone. Sierra Leone notes an alarming increase in civilian casualties since March this year, according to the 9 August report of the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine. July was the deadliest month, with at least 219 civilians killed and 1,018 injured. The number of civilian casualties, particularly in Ukraine for August, were similarly alarming, with at least 184 civilians killed and 856 injured. According to reports from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, intensified hostilities and attacks in September led to more alarming civilian casualty numbers, with at least 208 killed and 1,220 injured. We take note, in reports from Ukraine, of multiple attacks in October, targeting civilians and vital infrastructure, such as residential areas, markets, railways and grain storage facilities using guided aerial bombs, strike drones and missiles. Additionally, the attacks have reportedly continued to target and damage numerous civilian facilities across Ukraine, including electricity and gas facilities, despite the looming winter. We note that to address the winter-specific needs, the humanitarian community launched the 2024–2025 winter response plan, appealing for $492.1 million to support 1.8 million people, with critical winter-related humanitarian assistance, as outlined in the 2024 humanitarian needs and response plan. The plan intends to support timely preparedness and response, and Sierra Leone calls on the international community to support it. We have reiterated in the Council that the deliberate targeting of residential or civilian areas, civilian infrastructure and essential services, such as hospitals, schools, water and energy facilities, is unacceptable and prohibited under international law. It poses a significant threat to the safety and well-being of the most vulnerable and protected populations, violating the basic tenets of humanity and the principles of international humanitarian law. Sierra Leone deplores attack on civilians, vital civilian infrastructure and protected objects. We call on all involved parties to take all necessary measures to avoid further civilian casualties and damage to critical infrastructure. In addition to the mounting humanitarian challenges, OCHA has further indicated that humanitarian response efforts face growing challenges, including safety risks. Six aid workers were killed or injured in July and August alone. It noted that, in the first nine months of 2024, the humanitarian community had provided at least one form of assistance to 7.2 million of the 8.5 million people targeted for support. That is despite the 2024 humanitarian appeal for Ukraine receiving less than half the requested $3.11 billion. Additional resources are critically needed to ensure much-needed assistance. The drastic escalation, alarming civilian casualty figures and the devastating humanitarian consequences of the conflict on civilians, including the elderly, women and children in Ukraine underscores the urgent need for the violence to end. All parties to the conflict must prioritize the protection of civilians and refrain from further escalation and pursuit of the option of winning the war on the battlefield at all costs. Dialogue and diplomacy should be the primary tools employed to pave the way for a peaceful resolution of the conflict. Sierra Leone is deeply concerned about the seeming strategic approach to annex territories, and we take this opportunity to reiterate the Secretary-General’s instructive statement of 29 September 2022, in which he recalled that any annexation of a State’s territory by another State resulting from the threat or use of force is a violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. We also recall resolution 2202 (2015), “reaffirming its full respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine”. In a similar manner, we reaffirm the full respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Russian Federation. Let me close by urging all parties to prioritize the pro­ tection of civilians and critical infrastructure, including hospitals, schools and energy infrastructure, in order to ensure essential services for the well-being and stabil­ ity of civilians. Peace is made not between friends, but between parties in a state of disagreement. Peace should therefore be actively pursued and not left to chance. Sierra Leone reiterates its call for meaningful steps to be taken towards the immediate cessation of the hostilities and for constructive and inclusive diplomatic efforts to achieve a just and lasting resolution of the conflict. In taking that important step, we reiterate our call for full respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders and for the legitimate concerns about of all parties to be taken into account in order to find a political and diplomatic solution, as envisaged in Article 33 of the United Nations Charter. The international community, including the Council, must remain steadfast in its commitment to support the pursuit of a just and sustainable peace.

I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing. The Ukraine crisis has been ongoing for 1,000 days. The current situation is indeed at a crossroads and a critical juncture. On the one hand, the fighting on the ground is continuing, the humanitarian crisis is worsening and the spillover effects are intensifying. Both parties to the conflict are yet to give up their obsession with winning by force and keep launching large-scale attacks against one another; those attacks have been expanding in recent days. On the other hand, the international community, in its consideration of the Ukraine crisis, has increasingly focused on settling the crisis through negotiations and pushing for peace. From Asia and Africa to Europe and the Americas, from the South and the North to the East and the West, the aspiration for peace from people around the globe is growing stronger, and the call for peace is growing louder. The conditions for the international community to promote peace are gradually accumulating. During the general debate of the General Assembly last September, China and Brazil, together with Algeria and other countries of the global South, held a ministerial-level meeting and initiated the establishment of the “Friends for Peace” group on the Ukraine crisis, jointly calling for compliance with the three principles of no spillover from the battlefield, no escalation of the fighting and no provocation by any party, and jointly sending a strong message calling for an early ceasefire and for a political settlement. History has proven time and again that military means will not bring lasting peace and that all conflicts will, in the final analysis, end at the negotiating table. We once again call on the parties to the conflict to demonstrate political will, launch peace talks as soon as possible, meet each other halfway, stop fighting and achieve a ceasefire. We once again call on the international community to provide support, create conditions conducive to that end and jointly scale up peace efforts to achieve synergy in promoting peace through negotiations. China’s position on the question of Ukraine has been consistent, firm and clear. We have always been on the side of peace and on the side of dialogue. Since the outbreak of the crisis, China has always maintained that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries should be respected, that the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations should be observed, that the reasonable security concerns of all countries should be taken seriously and that all efforts conducive to the peaceful settlement of the crisis should be supported. We have been declaring loud and clear that dialogue and negotiations are the only path towards resolving the Ukraine crisis. We have maintained communication and exchanges with Russia, Ukraine and other relevant parties, actively carried out shuttle diplomacy and spared no effort in promoting peace through negotiations and pushing for a political settlement. In the current context, China stands ready to further strengthen communication with the relevant parties and continue its unremitting efforts and constructive role in promoting the early arrival of the dawn of peace and the early political settlement of the Ukraine crisis. Just now, in her statement, the representative of the United States once again slandered and smeared China, shifting the blame to China, which we firmly oppose. At previous meetings, I responded firmly on many occasions. I will not repeat those responses today. I just want to briefly point out here that the outbreak and continuation of the crisis in Ukraine has a lot to do with the United States. Whether there can be an early ceasefire and a political settlement in the future will also depend, to a considerable extent, on the attitude and actions of the United States. We hope that the behaviour of the United States will withstand the judgment of future generations and the test of history.

We wish to express our gratitude to Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for delivering a very important statement from the Secretary-General on the Ukraine issue. As the conflict rages on, calls for dialogue and diplomacy continue to be overshadowed by the relentless drumbeat of war. This conflict, pitting two sisterly and neighbouring nations against one another, has pushed the very fabric of our international peace and security architecture to its limits. Now in a phase of protracted attrition and exhaustion, the conflict has inflicted unimaginable suffering upon the people of Ukraine, deepened global divisions and shaken the very foundations upon which the United Nations was built. Moreover, the conflict has widened rifts between nations, eroded trust in international cooperation and introduced grave risks into an already fragile global order, including the looming spectre of the nuclear threat. The humanitarian toll has reached catastrophic proportions in Ukraine, compounded by disregard for international law and international humanitarian law. In addition to its devastating human toll, this war has severely disrupted food and energy supplies, destabilized economies and exposed critical vulnerabilities in an already unfair and unequal international governance system. The Ukraine-Russia crisis represents possibly the sternest test to international peace and security in the twenty-first century, in an interconnected world in which no nation is immune to the suffering of others. In its aftermath, the landscape of global diplomacy has been profoundly tested. The resurgence of the Cold War-era mindset and dynamics, the erosion of trust among major Powers and the growing dependence on military alliances underscore the severity of our shared predicament. We regret to note that that stands in stark contrast to the spirit and understandings that led to the end of the Cold War, which we witnessed in the 1990s, approximately 30 years ago. More leadership and vision based on peace, more commitment to our shared concept to collective security, more dialogue, more respect for the sanctity of treaties and less reliance on modern military doctrines could possibly have brought us to a different outcome and to a more peaceful and less dangerous world, saving us from what an American scholar termed the rise and fall of peace on Earth. At the heart of Mozambique’s position on this conflict lies its unwavering commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and to the country’s own Constitution, which holds as paramount the primacy of peace and the settlement of disputes by peaceful means. We advocate diplomacy and negotiations in conflict resolution, conducted in good faith. They should not be construed as a sign of weakness, but rather as the foundational pillars of peace. Our humble experience as a nation that was built on the bedrock of a liberation struggle has taught us that, while it takes courage to wage war, it takes even greater courage to make peace. It is deeply regrettable that, despite numerous scheduled and unscheduled meetings, debates and briefings, the Council has remained paralysed, unable to overcome divisions and act decisively in the interest of peace and security in Ukraine and in the world. Mozambique urges the Security Council members and all of the parties involved to prioritize unity and collective action in the search for peace, security and stability. We join the wider international community in calling for an immediate end to the conflict on the basis of the principles and ideals that led to the founding of the United Nations and that bring us together in the Chamber today.

I thank the United Kingdom for convening today’s important meeting. I extend my gratitude to Under-Secretary- General DiCarlo for her comprehensive briefing. I also welcome the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to this meeting. As we are nearing 1,000 days since the war on Ukraine started, it is simply deplorable that we continue to witness the loss of human lives, mass displacement and the destruction of critical infrastructure. The war is also shaking the international order. Indeed, the aggression of a permanent member of the Security Council against a neighbouring sovereign State tramples on the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations: sovereign equality, territorial integrity and refraining from the use of force. In addition, we see the global non-proliferation regime, underpinned by the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), precariously eroding. Since the war broke out, Russia, which led global efforts to establish the current non-proliferation regime, has heightened its nuclear rhetoric, suspended the new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty and de-ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear- Test-Ban Treaty. The ongoing war also represents a blatant violation of the Budapest Memorandum, in which Ukraine agreed to join the NPT as a non-nuclear- weapon State in exchange for security assurances that have now been disregarded by a signatory State. The safety of the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant is also under threat. Furthermore, this unjustifiable war has been conducted in a cruel manner, involving wanton attacks on residential areas, schools and hospitals, according to recent United Nations reports. As the war continues, its international repercussions have expanded in both magnitude and scope. Millions of refugees have fled Ukraine into Europe. Global food, fuel and fertilizer prices have soared, particularly affecting the global South. Russia is even bringing in other countries to sustain its war machine. Among the various types of outside help for Russia, the most egregious form of abetting Russia’s aggression on Ukraine has come from North Korea. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is estimated to have shipped about 20,000 containers to Russia since August 2023. That number of giant shipping containers could carry as many as 9.4 million artillery shells. Yet no one knows how many more munitions will be sent from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Among the approximately 200 munitions factories in North Korea, those factories producing weapons to be shipped to Russia are now running at full capacity. We are now clearly seeing yet another level of escalation. My Government confirmed last Wednesday that North Korean troops dispatched to Russia have completed their deployment to the battlefield near the Kursk oblast of Russia and are already engaged in combat operations. It is the first time since the Korean War that North Korea has engaged in actual combat with a massive number of troops  — approximately 11,000. Russia and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea signed a new treaty, the so-called comprehensive strategic partnership treaty, in June, during Putin’s visit to Pyongyang. That follows a 29-year-long hiatus since Russia renounced its 1961 mutual military assistance treaty with North Korea. We see a possible nexus between the ratification of the new treaty and the North Korean soldiers’ engagement in combat operations today. Contrary to Russia’s claim that their military cooperation should not worry anyone as it is not directed against third countries, it does concern everybody, as it clearly infringes on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a State and directly affects many other countries in both Europe and North-East Asia. That demonstrates how the security of Europe is linked to that of East Asia. What is even more troubling is that this movement may be only the beginning. Members may be surprised to learn that the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has a larger number of military troops  — well over 1 million — than Russia. North Korea is a militarized garrison State  — men are required to serve in the military for 10 years and women for seven years. Their mandatory military service is more like enslavement, as pointed out in the recent country report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on forced labour by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Pyongyang has not disclosed to its own people the dispatch of its troops to Russia. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has even relocated the family members of the dispatched soldiers to special sites to isolate them and prevent them from spreading rumours. And those soldiers are even being issued fake identification documents so that they can disguise themselves as Russians. That is more akin to mercenaries than regular State-level military intervention. We do not yet know exactly what kind of payoff the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is receiving from Russia, but we are sure that Kim Jong Un will exploit Moscow’s desperate position to obtain whatever Russia is willing to offer — fuel and energy or high- end military technology for its nuclear and ballistic missile programme. Against all those possibilities, the Republic of Korea will respond to this unlawful military cooperation, which threatens our national security, and will take corresponding measures commensurate to ensuing developments, alongside our partners. As the war has dragged on for 1,000 days now, I would like to offer some points of reflection, as Korea has also experienced a long, brutal war. The Korean War from 1950 to 1953 saw an even larger number of casualties during the armistice negotiations than during the preceding period of war, as both sides fought fiercely to grab every possible inch of land before the armistice was signed. One of the major differences is that the battle front of the Korean War during the armistice negotiations was more or less similar to the border of status quo ante bellum. In contrast, in Ukraine, starting armistice negotiations now would mean dealing with a completely different battle front to what it was at the outset of the war. In retrospect, with the crucial help of the free nations committed to the Charter of the United Nations, the Republic of Korea was able to survive the Korean War and now thrives with freedom and prosperity. That is why the Republic of Korea is helping Ukraine to survive the invasion and then to revitalize, rebuild and flourish. The Republic of Korea will continue to support all international efforts towards that goal and will continue its principled backing for Ukraine through its bilateral Ukraine peace and solidarity initiative.

I begin by thanking you, Mr. President, for convening today’s high-level briefing. I also thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her insightful and sobering remarks. I welcome the participation the Ukrainian Foreign Minister to our meeting today In two days’ time, we will mark the thousandth day since the Russian Federation decided to start a war of aggression against its sovereign neighbour, Ukraine, in violation of the Charter of the United Nations. As we approach that grim milestone, Malta remains firm in its belief that the Security Council must ensure that international law be upheld at all times. Regrettably, Russia’s actions on the ground, and in the Council, constitute a direct affront to the principles and values that unite us. The unrelenting attacks on Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure, in particular on energy infrastructure, which has direct impacts on Ukraine’s social and economic development and on preparations for the upcoming winter months, have to stop. The Council must reiterate, in no uncertain terms, its call on all parties to uphold international humanitarian law and the principles of distinction and proportionality. Malta also continues to call for full, safe and unfettered access for all humanitarian workers currently operating on the ground in Ukraine. Just last Saturday, the Russian Federation launched a massive missile and drone attack on Ukraine, targeting multiple targets, with a focus on energy infrastructure. People were killed and injured, and the country suffered significant damage to its energy plants, which led to blackouts and countrywide restrictions. That was one of the largest attacks on Ukraine in recent months, with the clear intention to deplete Ukraine’s energy production capacity ahead of the winter months. That news is coupled with the increased intensity of missile and drone attacks, which have picked up during recent months. Ukrainian civilians continue to suffer the brunt of the unjustified and unprovoked war. We once again express our deep concern about the transfer of weapons and ammunition from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran to the Russian Federation. The transfers are prolonging Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and continue to exacerbate the humanitarian situation in the country. Some of the transfers violate Security Council resolutions. In addition, the deployment of troops from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea on the front lines in Ukraine represents a dangerous escalation. The presence of foreign troops on the front lines broadens the war. It also directly endangers European, as well as global, peace and security. We call on all States to stop supporting and enabling the illegal war of aggression. We stress the need for full accountability for all crimes committed by Russia in Ukraine and reaffirm our support for the ongoing work of the International Criminal Court, the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine and the Register of Damage Caused by the Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. We also further reiterate our support for the establishment of a special tribunal for the prosecution of the crime of aggression against Ukraine. The Council cannot lose sight of the war and the importance of striving towards setting the conditions for negotiations to secure peace. We need to focus on achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, in line with the Charter. We will support all efforts aimed at achieving such goals, while providing that Ukraine is included at all stages during the process. We can never accept a world in which might is right and, therefore, once again call on the Russian Federation to immediately withdraw all its troops from the internationally recognized borders of Ukraine. Until that day comes, Ukraine has a right to defend itself under Article 51 of the Charter.

I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for the update and welcome the participation of His Excellency Mr. Andrii Sybiha, Minister for Foreign Minister of Ukraine, at today’s meeting. We meet today for yet another important meeting on the conflict in Ukraine, this time on the eve of the one thousandth day since the war began. Guyana is deeply concerned that, for every additional day of the war, innocent lives continue to be lost. We are alarmed by the recent escalations and reiterate our call for a peaceful end to the war. We also demand that the parties uphold their obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law, and take constant care to spare civilians and civilian objects from harm. The war has taken a heavy toll on the civilian population, especially in Ukraine. Millions have been displaced and forced to live as refugees in foreign lands. Those unable to flee live in constant fear of losing their lives, loved ones and livelihoods. It is time to end the suffering, death and destruction that have been inflicted upon innocent civilians for almost three years. In its latest situation report on the protection of civilians in armed conflict, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) documented at least 183 civilian deaths and 903 injured in Ukraine in October. OHCHR has also consistently documented cases of arbitrary detention, torture, summary executions, sexual violence, transfers and deportations of children and forced conscription of protected persons. The Security Council has a duty and responsibility to respond to what is taking place. We must continue to demand that the parties comply with their legal obligations and find a peaceful end to the war. We have the entire United Nations mechanism at our disposal, with eminently qualified and skilled experts in all fields. We must put the system to work for peace. While we work to find a way to end the conflict, civilian lives must be protected. We must do more to agree on practical measures to minimize civilian harm. We appreciate the important contribution that United Nations agencies and international and local non-governmental organizations have made in responding to the humanitarian crisis in Ukraine. We hope that those positive efforts will continue and call for independent monitors, including OHCHR, to have regular unimpeded and confidential access to all detained persons. We further call for continued international support for the victims of the war, including medical, psychological and legal support, with particular attention to children and survivors of sexual violence. Guyana is encouraged by the momentum building in various capitals to advance peace initiatives and ensure that children and prisoners of war are safely returned home. We remain hopeful that those initiatives will yield concrete results. It is without any doubt that the prolongation of the war poses increasingly grave risks and consequences for all concerned and for international peace and security. It has brought nothing but suffering and trauma for generations of Ukrainian and Russian citizens, not to mention its regional and international ramifications. Guyana reiterates its call for an immediate end to the hostilities. We also join the international community in reaffirming the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and calling for full respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. In that regard, we reiterate our call for the complete withdrawal of Russian military forces from the territory of Ukraine. Finally, we urge the parties to commit to a serious political and diplomatic process towards ending the conflict and to the continued engagement of the United Nations, led by the Secretary-General. We will continue to support all peace efforts.

I thank Ms. DiCarlo for her briefing. Tomorrow will mark 1,000 days since Russia launched its illegal, unjustifiable and brutal war against Ukraine — 1,000 days since Russia decided to attack a sovereign State, which posed no threat to it, in order to annex its territories in contempt for the Charter of the United Nations and its principles. For 1,000 days, Russia has conducted this war, while piling up violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. It deliberately is carrying out strikes against the civilian population and civilian objects in Ukraine, the tragic human consequences of which continue to grow. It continues to target the country’s energy infrastructure, forcing the Ukrainian people to face a third winter of war in the cold. It is jeopardizing global food security by hitting port and grain infrastructure, despite the efforts of France and its partners to allow Ukrainian grain to be sent to civilian populations, for example in Gaza. Russia uses sexual violence as a weapon of war and does not back down from forcibly transferring and deporting Ukrainian children. Those responsible for these crimes will be held accountable. For 1,000 days, Russia has persisted in continuing its war of aggression despite the increasing cost of its war effort. To that end, Russia is ready to undermine the foundations of the global non-proliferation architecture, sourcing weapons, ammunition and ballistic missiles from Iran and North Korea, in violation of Council resolutions. The presence of North Korean soldiers on Russian territory and their potential involvement on the Ukrainian front represent a new flagrant violation of international law and a serious escalation of the conflict. For 1,000 days, the Ukrainian people have been defending themselves against Russian aggression, with admirable courage. From the first day of the war, France has chosen, with its partners, to stand by Ukraine. We are providing Ukraine with the military and humanitarian support it needs. Ukraine must be able to fight for its independence and for its territorial integrity. It must be free to choose its alliances and its destiny. Ukraine’s right to self-defence includes the possibility of striking any military target involved in operations targeting its territory, in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. Ukraine must be put in a position to defend itself and, when it so decides, to enter into negotiations with a view to achieving just and lasting peace. There can be no viable peace if we allow the aggressor to impose its will by force. Ukrainians’ struggle concerns us all. This war of aggression is a violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, including sovereignty and territorial integrity. It is weakening the foundation of an international order of which we are the guarantors. This war was widely condemned by the General Assembly. Allowing this war to achieve its objectives means taking the risk of seeing survival of the fittest, policies on an aggressive revision of borders and the claim of spheres of influence, in defiance of the sovereign equality of States, prosper everywhere. It is in no one’s interest to allow the law of the jungle to take hold. That is what our commitment to Ukraine means. We will continue to support President Zelenskyy’s peace formula, as part of which France hosted a conference on nuclear security and safety in Paris on 17 October. We will continue to work for just and lasting peace, in accordance with the resolutions adopted by an overwhelming majority in the General Assembly.

I thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo for the briefing she provided on behalf of Secretary-General Guterres. I also welcome the presence of high-level officials here in the Chamber. Millions of people continue to be victims of this conflict. The forced abandonment of homes by thousands of families is not stopping. Scars, which will take generations to heal, are multiplying. The damage being done to the environment is unfathomable. The devastation of homes, schools and healthcare facilities, as well as critical infrastructure, especially those in the energy sector, continues unabated. The humanitarian situation puts millions of people at risk, which, in the face of winter, produces despair. Offensives and waves of drone and missile attacks are increasing, at the risk of becoming endemic. Geopolitical divisions are intensifying, affecting global stability and challenging the pillars that support international peace and security. Based on those lamentable facts, speeches could be made that would lead to an indisputable conclusion  — the Charter of the United Nations, international law and international humanitarian law continue to be undermined in an alarming way with each development in this unjustifiable war. As I said in this morning’s meeting on the war in the Middle East (see S/PV.9787), lives lost cannot be recovered, and that is particularly jarring when children are involved. Enough is enough. The violence must end now. The parties are required to protect civilians and fully respect international humanitarian law. Humanitarian aid must arrive unfettered to those in need, especially in the occupied territories. Humanitarian actors must be able to work safely and without restrictions. We cannot underestimate the risks posed by further escalation of the conflict and its implications for international security. It is crucial that the parties find paths towards de-escalation and avoid any action that could further aggravate the situation. Respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of States is non-negotiable. There is no provision in the Charter that authorizes or legitimizes the use or threat of use of force as a means of settling disputes between nations. One thousand days after the beginning of the aggression against Ukraine and approximately 100 formal meetings on the war in Ukraine, the positions raised are clearly known. It is now up to the Council to discuss concrete, responsible and courageous steps that will contribute to stopping the conflict and to evaluate any initiative in good faith that may further that shared objective of the international community. Let us recall that, despite the existing divisions, this organ has already shown that it is united, as reflected in the presidential statement of 6 May 2022 on Ukraine (S/PRST/2022/3), and recognized that, under the Charter, all Member States have undertaken the obligation to settle their international disputes by peaceful means. In line with its call for peace, Ecuador promotes the peaceful resolution of conflicts through dialogue and diplomacy. We therefore reaffirm our commitment to continue working towards solutions that allow peace to be achieved, in strict respect for the principles established in the Charter of the United Nations, international law and the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine.

It is rather symbolic that it is our British colleagues — they are presiding over the Council — who pushed through today’s meeting, timing it to coincide with 1,000 days since the Ukrainian crisis reached the hot phase. Once again, we have had a wonderful opportunity to see that, for the Minister and his colleagues, today’s briefing is nothing more than an eye-catching media opportunity to vilify Russia and place trite labels on it. These are the kinds of labels that predictably abounded in the statements by the Western members of the Council. In your country, the United Kingdom, Mr. President, Russophobia had become part of the national policy long before February 2022. Let me remind you, Mr. President, that while preparing for today’s meeting, you missed another media opportunity that has much more importance in the context of the Ukrainian crisis than the date you chose. Last Friday, 15 November, marked exactly 950 days since the visit of former United Kingdom Prime Minister Boris Johnson to Kyiv. That day, and we all know it for a fact now, he dissuaded the head of the Kyiv regime from signing the peace agreement with Russia. The agreement had already been initialled in Istanbul and would have stopped hostilities. At that time, we were very close to it. As a gesture of goodwill, Russia even withdrew its troops from the north of Ukraine, in particular from areas in the immediate vicinity of Kyiv. In other words, 50 days after the beginning of our special military operation, when the losses in the ranks of the Ukrainian army were not so significant, the hostilities would have had every chance to stop, had it not been for the interference of the British Prime Minister, who convinced Zelenskyy that he should continue fighting and that, with the Western weapons and support, he could well inflict a strategic defeat on Russia. The British Prime Minister and his Western accomplices were very interested in such a scenario. Therefore, in order to somehow explain such a shift to Ukrainian and global public opinion, an entirely crude provocation was concocted in Bucha, with the direct involvement of the British security services and the media. After the withdrawal of the Russian army, corpses were brought to Bucha and arranged in the streets there; no one has ever taken the trouble to explain the origin of those people or the the real cause of their deaths, despite our repeated requests. In other words, it appears that the United Kingdom has brought the Kyiv regime closer to its inevitable defeat, forcing it to opt for continued confrontation with Russia. I think Ukrainians will long remember the fact that it is as a result those actions that their country is in a dire economic state and lost the bulk of its army and military equipment and at least four regions, in addition to Crimea, which seceded from Ukraine in 2014. Ukrainians have long been unwilling to fight; for two years now, the Ukrainian army has forgotten what volunteers look like. The Kyiv regime prohibited men from leaving the country and is now plucking draft evaders off the streets, including at gunpoint, only to cast them — with barely any training — into a senseless meat grinder. The Ukrainian army’s eastern front in Donbas is collapsing before our very eyes — Council members are well aware of the pace of our army’s advance. And in an attempt to retain Western support, the Zelenskyy regime made a wholly reckless incursion into the Kursk region and attempted to capture, and lay mines at, the Kursk nuclear power plant, which resulted in Ukraine losing tens of thousands of well- trained troops. That misadventure was a fatal mistake and has only accelerated Ukraine’s imminent defeat on the battlefield  — an inevitability, irrespective of any new Western weaponry Kyiv might receive. As a matter of transparency, the instigators of today’s meeting should have imparted to us information about how astronomical the United Kingdom’s profits have been during almost three years of military support for Ukraine, how its arms companies have enriched themselves by the blood of ordinary Ukrainians and their tragedy and how its Ministry of Defence has safely disposed of ageing military equipment, of which, in any event, it would have been necessary to dispose. It would also have been good if it had told us about the corruption inherent in those processes, which is on a scale about which we can only speculate. According to the Ukrainian media, after Donald Trump’s victory in the United States elections, panic gripped the Ukrainian elite. The panic was sparked not only by the fact that the United States might reconsider its aid to Ukraine but also because the new authorities might want to look into all the money that was sent there and undertake a full audit of the assistance already provided. That, as all Ukrainian experts point out, is a much more frightening prospect for Zelenskyy, in that much of the aid has been simply plundered and pocketed by the Ukrainian President, whose term has expired, and by his entourage. The military aid provided by the United Kingdom to the Kyiv junta since February 2022 alone has amounted to $9.7 billion. That being so, that country is undoubtedly contributing to mounting corruption in Ukraine. However, we are unlikely to see investigations of any kind by the British authorities, because in such cases it is most important for investigators not to end up pointing the finger at themselves. As a matter of fact, those familiar with the history of the United Kingdom are not in the slightest surprised at its long-standing intervention in Ukraine, which culminated in the actions to which we previously referred. After all, pitting neighbours against each other, sowing discord between nations and peoples and then supporting one side against the other is something that, for centuries, the United Kingdom has relished and excelled at — all its former colonies can so recount in graphic detail. Incidentally, out of the 193 States Members of the United Nations, only 22 can boast of never having been invaded by Great Britain, or of never having been at war with that country. And my country is no exception: the last such invasion was the British intervention following the 1917 revolution, when various predators and vultures sought to tear Russia apart. But we stood our ground, we endured hardship and grew stronger and now have to counter another indirect intervention by NATO members, including Great Britain, which are fighting Russia in Ukraine. That is how we can construe not only the continued pumping of weapons and intelligence into the Kyiv regime but also the presence of British instructors and mercenaries — hundreds of whom have already been eliminated — as well as attempts by British specialists to start the productio of drones, missiles and uncrewed boats in Ukraine. We understand that, even in the twenty-first century, it is extremely difficult for the United Kingdom to leave Ukraine and Russia to themselves. It is the genes of those colonizers who rampaged through Asia, Africa and Europe for centuries that dictate the nature of the United Kingdom’s actions today. We all know that, for 250 years, the British Empire brutally and cynically suppressed the resistance of its colonies, resorted to forced assimilation and racial discrimination and neglected basic human values and the rights of the peoples under its control. It was the peaceful citizens of the colonized countries who paid for the colonial Power’s imperial ambitions with their lives and freedom. It suffices to recall only the ethnic cleansing in Ireland, where the British conquest left only 850,000 out of a population of more than 1.5 million. And during the Second Boer War at the turn of the twentieth century, it was the British who were the first to invent concentration camps into which they herded civilians to ensure that they would not help the Boer army. How many people perished then? We know not because the British did not regard the indigenous population of Africa as human beings and did not record any African deaths whatsoever. What we do know, however, is that in Kenya, following the Mau-Mau rebellion, the British unleashed mass repression, killed approximately 300,000 members of that population, drove a further 1.5 million into camps and enslaved them. India also suffered great harm during the period of British rule, during which 15 to 29 million people fell victim to famine engineered by Great Britain. The consequences of the actions of former colonizers continue to be felt, even in today’s modern world. Even though, officially, colonial empires are a thing of the past, the old methods  — pressure, manipulation and interference in sovereign affairs  — are still being deployed and simply have taken new forms. Britain is no exception here; rather it is a trendsetter. Therefore, suffering phantom pains on account of the empire over which “the sun never sets” and feeling nostalgic for lost world hegemony, Great Britain, together with its like-minded Franco-Saxon associates, resorts to blackmail, sanctions and the toppling of undesirable regimes through “colour revolutions”, with Ukraine a victim of one such revolution in 2014. I say all that to show that the United Kingdom has no moral right to level accusations and reproaches at my country, or will it ever have. We have set the goal of getting rid of the nationalist and neo-Nazi hornet’s nest on our borders nurtured by the West. As long as the threats it poses, which includes Ukraine’s incorporation into NATO, are not eliminated, as long as discrimination against the Russian-speaking people on the grounds of the language, faith and history is not ended, as long as Ukraine does not stop whitewashing and glorifying Hitler’s accomplices, our special military operation will continue. Its goals will be implemented in any event — be it diplomatically or militarily — irrespective of any peace plans and schemes that might be developed in the West in the interests of saving the entertainment actor Zelenskyy and his clique. We will achieve our goals regardless of the militaristic woes of the Democratic Administration, which, after its epic failure in the presidential elections in which it lost the confidence of most Americans, has given Zelenskyy’s regime, according to some media, suicidal permission to use long-range weapons to strike deep into Russia. Joe Biden himself, for many reasons, might have nothing left to lose. But what astonishes us is the shortsightedness of the British and French leaders, who are falling over themselves to go along with the outgoing Administration and are dragging not only their own countries but all of Europe into a full-scale escalation, with drastic consequences. That is precisely what our Western former partners should mull before it is too late. It should also be borne in mind by those who have recently started speaking of some kind of freezing of the front line and by those who are trying to devise various schemes akin to the Minsk agreements, which were at some point rejected by Ukraine and its Western patrons. They should not waste their time: we no longer trust those fraudulent schemes and will accept only a solution that eradicates the root causes of the Ukrainian crisis and prevents something similar from happening again. As for defeating Russia on the battlefield, I suggest that they abandon the idea. Europe has already tried to do that many times, and Council members are quite aware of how those attempts ended.

In my national capacity, I do not propose to dignify that statement with any kind of response other than to note that it was a series of lies, misinformation and deflection. I will allow Ukraine to speak for itself in terms of its own actions in the conflict. I resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of the United States has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

I apologize for taking the floor, but I need to respond to some comments that were made by the representative of the People’s Republic of China. Let me just say very briefly that the United States will not ignore the support being given by China to Russia’s military industrial base. We will continue, as I have said many times, to call out and condemn the support by China and others abetting Russia’s illegal war of aggression against Ukraine, which, as we all know and should not need to be reminded of, is in blatant violation of the Charter of the United Nations. Countries cannot claim to support peace and Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity while taking actions that undercut both. My last point, in response to my Chinese colleague’s comments that the United States will be judged badly by history for in some way instigating the war against Ukraine, is that, on the contrary, it will be China, through its no-limits partnership with Russia as it carries out an illegal war of aggression against the Ukrainian people, that will be judged by history and undoubtedly very badly.

The representative of China has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

My colleague from the United States would do well to understand the current situation before speaking. The current situation is one in which the calls for peace are louder than the calls for war; the efforts to promote unity and cooperation prevail over the attempts to provoke division and confrontation. I hope my colleague from the United States will understand that attempts to deliberately extend the crisis and prolong the war and use the war to suppress other countries and advance the geostrategy of the United States will not succeed.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine.

Similar to my British colleague, I will not dignify the lies of the Russian representative. I would like to thank the presidency of the United Kingdom for convening this meeting and for its strong leadership. We really appreciate it. As we mark 1,000 days of Russia’s full-scale invasion, let us not forget that Russian aggression against Ukraine has already lasted over 10 years. I departed for this meeting during one of the largest air attacks in months. Russia launched more than 200 drones and missiles at peaceful Ukrainian cities. I spent a sleepless night with my family, with my kids, just like thousands of Ukrainian families. Russia struck critical civilian infrastructure once again — ordinary residential buildings, energy systems and transmission substations of our nuclear power plants. That is a direct threat to nuclear safety and security. In some cities, such as Odesa and Sumy, many people are without power and heating. Ten people were killed in Odesa, and 12 people, including two children, were killed in Sumy. Many more were injured. Those strikes are Russia’s response to everyone who recently called and visited Putin, asking him for peace. Putin wants war, not peace. We must increase the price of the war for him. One thousand days is a very big number. On one hand, it is proof of the Ukrainian bravery in the face of brutal Russian aggression, as well as the support of our partners, for which we are grateful. On the other hand, that number is proof of the failure of the international community, including the Security Council, to stop wars of aggression and atrocities. We must be honest. International mechanisms have failed. They are not working. We need to create new tools. We need to be principled and united to restore respect for the Charter of the United Nations. One thousand days of resistance to a total war is an enormous price to pay for a nation that simply wants to be free and live a normal life. Today I will speak about the price of the war — the price we, Ukrainians, are paying; the price people around the world are paying; and the price the aggressor must pay. But most important, I will speak about the price of appeasement, in other words, what the world will have to pay if it chooses appeasement instead of just peace, the price the world will have to pay if world leaders choose weakness instead of strength. The goal of achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace is urgent. Whatever the price of achieving it now, the price of further failures will be much higher. By launching its invasion, Russia harmed many more countries and people than only Ukraine. The invasion has worsened many global crises. Russia weaponizes food, energy and other resources  — affecting millions of people. Russia’s naval blockade of Ukrainian ports led to food shortages and record-high food prices. Approximately 400 million people around the world rely on Ukrainian grain. Many of them were put at risk of hunger. Russia is also weaponizing energy and endangers people not only in Ukraine but also in other countries. The war was one of the primary factors that slowed global economic growth and increased inflation. Furthermore, such a blatant violation of international law caused a global security crisis. If Russian aggression succeeds, other aggressors will be tempted to attack their neighbours and commit atrocities. Since the beginning of its aggression in 2014, Russia has violated approximately 400 international treaties. That is the reality. Defence spending around the world is rising and taking resources away from education, healthcare, tackling climate change and other important global issues. No one in the world pays a higher price for Russian aggression than the people of Ukraine. That is why they, and only they, must be the ones to define the terms of peace. Imagine what it is like to lose in one second one’s beautiful young wife and three children aged 10, 2 and just two months, because one’s home was struck by a Russian drone. That is what happened a few days ago to 34-year-old Maksym Kulyk from Kryvyi Rih. That is the price of the war. This year Russia intensified executions of Ukrainian prisoners of war. We are currently investigating 49 criminal cases involving the killing of 124 of them. According to the United Nations, 95 per cent of our prisoners of war faced brutal torture in Russian captivity. Some of the most horrible crimes of the war are crimes committed against Ukrainian children. Russia stole every Ukrainian child’s normal childhood. At least 659 children were killed by Russia since 2022 — numbers that continue to rise. That is the price of the war. And let me be clear, for us in Ukraine, it makes no difference where a child suffers. Whether it be in Ukraine, the Middle East, Africa, Asia, Latin America or other regions, no child in the world deserves to suffer from the war. Widespread crimes and human rights violations are being committed right now against millions of Ukrainians who remain in the occupied territories. The forcible deportation of at least 20,000 Ukrainian children might be the largest State-run children kidnapping operation in history. Thousands of them remain in Russia. They are subjected to indoctrination, forced Russian citizenship, adoption or foster placement with Russian families and even name changes. Those actions by Russia violate the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Fourth Geneva Convention. In that regard, I refer to the pledge signed in Montreal by participants in the recent ministerial conference on the human dimension of Ukraine’s 10-point peace formula. They pledged to support the return of children, and I urge everyone to join those noble efforts. Thousands of Ukrainian prisoners of war and civilian hostages are still held in Russian captivity without proper access to international monitors and medics. We remember all of our people, and we will not rest until we free all of them and return them home. The list of Russian atrocities committed in Ukraine proves that the current international tools are not working. We need new mechanisms to ensure accountability for the crime of aggression and all subsequent crimes. If that requires setting a precedent, let us set a precedent. If that requires amending the Rome Statute, let us amend it, We must act to restore international peace and security. The price of inaction or appeasement far exceeds the price of strong steps. If we allow Russia to continue aggression and go unpunished, it will create unacceptable risks for global security, nuclear safety, the environment and migration, among other things. Russia is now aligning itself with such rogue States as Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. That emerging axis is in an active phase of undermining the global order. The involvement of regular North Korean troops marks a new level of escalation and the global proliferation of war. In my hand is a real part of a North Korean KN-23 ballistic missile that struck Ukraine. Such deadly missiles fall on our people constantly. They can carry around 500 kilograms of explosives. The most recent hit was in Brovary, near Kyiv, on 13 November. We know precisely what North Korea wants to get from Russia in response: technology for missile, nuclear and other military programmes. That will have an impact far beyond the borders of the two States, including in the Indo-Pacific region. The same applies to the deepening of Russia’s defence cooperation with Iran. By the way, we have proof that Russia started using thermobaric warheads on Iranian Shahed drones to cause maximum destruction. The question is: what does Tehran want from Moscow in return? Again, very specific things that can further worsen the security situation in the Middle East. The war is much larger than Ukraine, and its price for the world may get much higher if we do not stop Russia now. In total, between February 2023 and October 2024, the Ukrainian defence forces recorded more than 4,600 cases of the use of ammunition containing hazardous chemicals by Russia. Today’s report by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons is a timely reminder of all the red lines crossed by Moscow. It confirms the evidence provided by Ukraine, in particular a grenade marked “RG-VO” and the corresponding soil samples. We have proven that Russia uses prohibited chemical substances on the battlefield. For Russia, this is also a war for natural resources. In a very colonial approach, it tries to capture Ukraine’s rich deposits of manganese ore, uranium, titanium and other resources. We must stop the aggressor from proceeding further if we want to avoid those critical resources falling into the hands of Russia, North Korea and Iran. Russia currently loses approximately 1,500 soldiers, either killed or wounded in action, per day. In 10 days in Ukraine, Russia loses a comparable number of soldiers to those lost by the Soviet Union in Afghanistan in 10 years of war. Ours are the bloodiest square metres of occupied land ever. It also shows how low the price of human life is in Russia. The world cannot afford peace at any cost in Ukraine because, in the end, the price will be too high. It might lead to an even larger and possibly global war. We witnessed that in 2014. Then, the prevailing argument among appeasers was that Russia only wanted Crimea and it would not go further. But it did, and the weak response did not deter Russia — it encouraged further violations. Russia started the war in Donbas. Ukraine signed the Minsk Agreements and held almost 200 rounds of negotiations with Russia. There were 20 ceasefire agreements. Eight years of a peace process ended when Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. By the way, next month will mark the thirtieth anniversary of the Budapest Memorandum. Today that document stands as a reminder to the whole world to never trust Russia. Its word has no value. Therefore, why should anyone believe that Putin will act differently now, or that he will honour new agreements? Not before we raise the price of his aggression. As a core principle of our approach, we must recognize that there can be no compromises on territorial integrity and sovereignty, whether in Ukraine or anywhere else. The fastest way to end the war is to increase the support that Ukraine needs to defend itself and to compel Russia’s withdrawal. Equipping Ukraine with the necessary means and removing artificial limitations on weapon use will speed up just and lasting peace. Tightening sanctions will deprive Russia of funds for the war. Next year, Moscow plans to feed $146 billion into its war machine. At the same time, Russia’s shadow fleet can bring in at least $120 billion in oil revenues. We must cut those bloody revenues. Supporting Ukraine and President Zelenskyy’s victory plan and peace formula is the only realistic path to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace for Ukraine and the world. One more important point: there is no justification for putting Ukraine and Russia on the same footing as two sides of the war. This is not a conflict between two parties; this is a war of aggression. Russia is the aggressor, and Ukraine defends itself. False moral equivalence must stop. Let us realize the price we have already paid for this war  — a war that no one except Russia wanted. Let us realize the price that we will have to pay for appeasement. Let us take real action for real peace — peace through strength.

I wish to remind all speakers to limit their statements to no more than three minutes in order to enable the Council to carry out its work expeditiously. Flashing lights on the collars of the microphones will prompt speakers to bring their remarks to a close after three minutes. I now give the floor to the representative of Türkiye.

I thank Under-Secretary General Rosemary DiCarlo for her valuable briefing. I also welcome the participation of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, Mr. Andrii Sybiha, in this meeting. As the war is about to enter its fourth year, the highly attritional nature of the conflict remains unsustainable for all parties involved. The cost of the war is mounting, having already inflicted profound suffering on millions in Ukraine and beyond. In addition to the worsening humanitarian crisis, the current situation continues to threaten nuclear security. Since the beginning of the war, Türkiye has maintained a principled policy on three main fronts: first, a commitment to Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty; secondly, supporting any initiative aimed at achieving peace; and thirdly, mitigating the fallout of the war. The risk of an uncontrolled escalation, posing a threat not only to Europe but also to global stability, is still a possibility. That escalatory trend could reach an unmanageable level, with severe regional and global repercussions. Despite the risks involved, there is still no strategic vision on how to end the war. Both sides are still investing in a military victory. However, the world cannot afford a prolonged war in Ukraine. That is why we need to focus our efforts on finding a workable, pragmatic and realistic plan to achieve peace and avoid a global catastrophe. We remain convinced that the conflict can end only through negotiations. In line with the Charter of the United Nations, the peaceful resolution of conflicts must advocate for a just peace rooted in international law. We must jointly continue our calls for restraint in the use of force and leave room for diplomacy. Ultimately, a just peace can be achieved only through direct dialogue and mutual understanding. A results-oriented approach should be developed jointly, before it is too late. Negotiations on various tangible topics, such as food and energy security, maritime safety in the Black Sea and exchanges of prisoners of war, could be the basis for peace talks. The time has come to identify common ground to discuss how to reach a just and lasting negotiated settlement between the sides. Türkiye is prepared to play a facilitating role again, when the sides are ready, in order to establish the much- needed peace in Ukraine.

I now give the floor to the representative of Czechia.

Tomorrow we will mark a solemn milestone — 1,000 days since Russia began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. However, it bears remembering that Russia’s war of aggression actually commenced in February 2014, with the illegal annexation of Crimea. For more than a decade, a permanent member of this very Council has perpetrated atrocities, bombarded civilians and committed egregious human rights abuses in blatant violation of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Let me state it loud and clear — Russia continues to violate the basic principles of the United Nations Charter system, such as territorial integrity and national sovereignty, through its naked attempt at a land grab. Czechia is gravely alarmed by the recent escalation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s direct involvement in this war of aggression. Not only is Pyongyang supplying ammunition and ballistic missiles to Russia, but it is now also deploying its troops in Russia to be used against Ukraine. Russia is brazenly violating the very Security Council resolutions for which it voted, undermining both the global non-proliferation regime and the authority of the Council. Moreover, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s direct involvement in Russia’s war of aggression poses a dire threat to Indo-Pacific security. We have repeatedly urged fellow States Members of the United Nations, including China, to cease enabling Russia’s aggression against Ukraine by providing Russia with political and military support. We are deeply concerned by credible reports that Chinese companies have been supplying goods with clear military applications, including one-way attack drones and engines for military uncrewed aerial vehicles. China’s ongoing delivery of tools that Russia needs to continue its aggression against Ukraine and its people represents an intolerable perpetuation of this conflict. That, in turn, directly threatens European and international peace and security. As we mark 1,000 days of Ukraine’s unwavering resistance against Russia’s full-scale invasion, Czechia reiterates its unequivocal condemnation of the Russian war of aggression. We remain fully committed to providing political, financial, humanitarian and military support to Ukraine and its people as they exercise their legitimate right to defend their homeland. In conclusion, I remain convinced that our common goal now must be to intensify efforts to ensure that Ukraine emerges victorious from this horrific war and secures a just and lasting peace in accordance with the United Nations Charter.

I now give the floor to the representative of Lithuania.

I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for convening today’s Security Council briefing. I also thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her valuable insights. I have the honour to speak on behalf of the three Baltic States — Estonia, Latvia and my own country, Lithuania. We also align ourselves with the statement to be delivered on behalf of the European Union. Today we must recall the horror of the peaceful towns and villages of Ukraine that, 1,000 days ago, were turned into rubble overnight, their residents becoming victims of Russia’s war crimes. The town of Bucha alone, which was under the control of Russian troops in March 2022, suffered more than 100 targeted killings. This past weekend, Russia launched more than 120 missiles and 90 drones targeting Ukrainian civilian infrastructure. In Odesa, 10 people were killed and more than 40 were injured. Russia continues to violate the Charter of the United Nations, disregarding multiple resolutions of the General Assembly, including its resolution ES/11-6, on the principles of the Charter underlying a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, which was adopted in February 2023 by a majority of 141 votes. Russia is ignoring the order of the International Court of Justice to immediately suspend all military operations in Ukraine. Also, on 17 March 2023, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants against Vladimir Putin and Maria Lvova-Belova over allegations of involvement in the war crime of child abduction during the invasion of Ukraine. More than 19,000 Ukrainian children have been taken from Ukraine to Russia. Ukrainian people continue to fall victim to Russia’s attacks. The most recent report by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has documented that conflict-related violence since 2022 has killed more than 11,000 civilians and injured more than 24,000, and the actual numbers are much higher. We are witnessing a disturbing surge in aerial attacks by Russia, targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure. Over the past two months, the use of long-range drone attacks by Russia’s forces has escalated dramatically. In that regard I would like to express our appreciation for the work done by the United Nations in Ukraine. The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the United Nations Development Programme and other humanitarian agencies are working tirelessly and under threat to alleviate the suffering of the Ukrainian people facing Russia’s war of aggression. In 2024, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were included in the regional refugee response plan for Ukraine, coordinated by the UNHCR, which complements Government-led responses to provide protection and support for refugees from Ukraine. More than 170,000 refugees are being hosted in the Baltic States this year. Russia has stepped up its war of aggression by turning to its alliance with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, which violates multiple Security Council resolutions  — namely, resolutions 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009) and 2270 (2016)  — all of which Russia supported and committed itself to uphold. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s involvement, by providing ballistic missiles and now troops and heavy weapons, in Russia’s war against Ukraine poses an increasing threat to regional stability in Europe and Asia, with severe global repercussions. This escalation by Russia and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea demands a firm international response. We call on the Technical Secretariat of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to monitor the situation in Ukraine closely, as Russia is reportedly using chemical weapons in Ukraine. We fully support Ukraine’s victory plan. First and foremost, it includes Ukraine joining NATO. Ukraine’s membership in NATO is the key to long-term security and stability in Europe  — and our own security is incomplete without it. We strongly reject attempts to pressure Ukraine to negotiate on unfavourable terms, at the expense of its sovereignty and territorial integrity, as this approach has nothing to do with a just and sustainable peace. Ukraine alone shall define the terms of peace, in accordance with the principles of international law and Ukraine’s peace formula, prioritizing its sovereignty and territorial integrity and holding Russia fully accountable. Only a just peace can be truly sustainable. We demand Russia to unconditionally, completely and immediately withdraw all its military forces and equipment from the entire territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders.

I now give the floor to the representative of Romania.

I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for the briefing and also to express my delegation’s appreciation to the United Kingdom for allowing us to convey to the members of the Security Council our deepest and legitimate concerns, as a neighbouring country, about the Russian aggression against Ukraine that will have been continuing for 1,000 days tomorrow. I must say that that is 1,000 days too many. This war of aggression unequivocally violates the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity and the Charter of the United Nations. It constitutes an intentional breach of international law and an attempt to change the peace and security architecture. Ukraine’s response to this war of aggression is a legitimate mode of action  — self-defence  — in line with the United Nations Charter, and Romania has been supporting Ukraine from the beginning. It is our shared political and moral responsibility to support Ukraine in its fight for independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty. We place our trust in international law and in the principles of the United Nations. We believe that every sovereign nation is free to decide its foreign and domestic policies. We strongly condemn deliberate attacks against civilians and critical civilian infrastructure, including the recent attacks over the past few days. Today we heard from Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo, as we heard from other briefers over the past 1,000 days, and from Mr. Sybiha just now, the high price civilians have paid in Ukraine.. And we are all too familiar with the war’s severe effects on food security, not only for Ukraine but for many countries around the world. As mentioned by Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo, we are also confronted with a considerably high risk for maritime security and the freedom of navigation in the Black Sea, with Russian missiles endangering commercial ships. My final point today regards the future. The United Nations Charter needs to be at the core of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine. Accountability is at the forefront of that. No country should assist a war of aggression, regardless of when or where it happens. The only option is an immediate and complete withdrawal of Russia’s troops from the entire territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. That message has been valid since day one of the aggression, just as it is now, 1,000 days after.

I now give the floor to Mr. Lambrinidis. Mr. Lambrinidis: I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union (EU) and its member States. The candidate countries North Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Georgia, as well as Liechtenstein, Andorra, San Marino and Monaco, align themselves with this statement. I would like to thank the United Kingdom for organizing this meeting and Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her very important briefing. Tomorrow marks a sombre milestone: 1,000 days since Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified full-scale invasion of Ukraine, a war of aggression that continues to shake the world; 1,000 days of senseless human suffering; 1,000 days of an unprecedented violation of the Charter of the United Nations; and 1,000 days of the inspiring courage and resilience of the Ukrainian people. In the light of those grim circumstances, I would like to insist on three key points. First, Russia’s violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and its attempts to acquire territory by force concern every single Member State of the United Nations. We must all condemn such actions today, because otherwise we will end up condoning similar blatant attacks on any and all of us tomorrow. Protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all Member States, regardless of their size and power, is our collective duty. Secondly, Russia must abide by the will of the global community, as expressed in several resolutions of the General Assembly, and immediately and unconditionally cease its war of aggression, including its deliberate attacks against Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure and energy sector. Attacks on civilian infrastructure have surged, leading to the highest civilian casualty rates since the start of the war. Yesterday morning we witnessed yet another such massive Russian attack. Russia has a plan to weaponize energy and to pressure the Ukrainian people ahead of a freezing winter — into submission it hopes, and shame on it for that. Russia disregards civilian lives in the territories it currently occupies through extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, the systematic use of torture, sexual violence and crimes against humanity. Russia and its leadership must be held fully accountable. Beyond Ukraine, Russia of course continues to weaponize food. It has intensified its efforts to disrupt the Black Sea corridor, with attacks on civilian port infrastructure in and around Odesa. That, too, deserves our full condemnation. Thirdly, we urgently need a comprehensive, just and lasting peace anchored in the Charter of the United Nations. To that end, Russia, the aggressor, must withdraw all its troops from the entire territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. No initiative about Ukraine can be taken without Ukraine, and any serious proposal for peace must be based on the Charter and international law. We urge third countries to cease all assistance to Russia’s war of aggression. That includes not only direct military support but also the provision of dual-use goods and other sensitive items. We condemn the deepening military cooperation and arms transfers between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Russia, in flagrant violation of numerous Security Council resolutions. The participation of troops from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in Russia’s illegal war of aggression against Ukraine would represent a unilateral hostile act by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, at the reckless invitation of Russia, with grave consequences for European and global peace and security. In conclusion, for the past 1,000 days, a brave Ukraine has been exercising its inherent right to self- defence in response to Russia’s illegal, unprovoked and brutal aggression. We must continue to defend Ukraine’s right to protect its territory and its people in line with the Charter of the United Nations. And we must continue to protect the integrity of the Charter itself and to continue to do so for as long as it takes.

I now give the floor to the representative of Iceland.

I have the honour to deliver this statement on behalf of the Nordic countries, namely, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden and my own country, Iceland. I extend my appreciation to Under-Secretary- General DiCarlo for her briefing on behalf of the Secretary-General. Let me also welcome the participation of Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha of Ukraine in today’s meeting. There have been two extremely serious situations on the Security Council’s agenda today. Following this morning’s meeting (see S/PV.9787) on the devastation in Gaza and Lebanon, particularly for civilians, we have now turned to the devastating consequences of Russia’s war. This week marks a grim milestone: 1,000 days of Russia’s harrowing war of aggression against Ukraine; 1,000 days of devastation and suffering for Ukraine’s people; and 1,000 days of Russia’s massive attacks on civilian infrastructure in clear violation of the Charter of the United Nations. Russia bears sole responsibility for the humanitarian crisis it has caused, depriving millions of civilians of access to housing, water, heating and electricity. Russia’s attacks have severely damaged or destroyed more than half of Ukraine’s energy production capacity. Russia’s full-scale war of aggression has had devastating consequences, not only in Ukraine but across the globe. In recent weeks, Russia has intensified its attacks against civilians, critical infrastructure, grain storage facilities, ports and civilian vessels in the Black Sea. Those attacks have serious repercussions for the world’s most vulnerable populations — those who rely on grain from Ukraine. We cannot stand idly by in the face of such actions. We will not accept a world in which States can invade and subjugate their neighbours with impunity. Let us not forget that, in the Ukrainian occupied territories, Russia is conducting a brutal campaign of cultural indoctrination and assimilation of Ukrainian children. The United Nations was created precisely to prevent such acts of aggression and to protect the principles of peace, sovereignty and the right of all nations, large or small, to exist in security and dignity. While Russia continues its onslaught, others are working doggedly to find a way out of this nightmare. The Ukrainian 10-point peace formula, the joint communiqué on a peace framework and the recent ministerial conference on the human dimension of the peace formula, hosted by Canada, with Norway and Ukraine, make vital contributions to finding a way to peace. Any peace initiatives must be in line with the rules and principles of the Charter, including respect for Ukraine’s territorial integrity and internationally recognized borders. Any peace plan must also be crafted in collaboration with Ukraine. Russia continues to reject peace and presses forward with its brutal assault on Ukraine. Russia has engaged the largest ground forces to be seen in Europe since the Second World War. In addition to the massive Ukrainian civilian and military casualties, Russia’s aggression over the past 1,000 days has resulted in hundreds of thousands of Russian soldiers killed or wounded, another testament to the depravity of this war. Those massive losses, mainly of young men in their prime, have driven Russia to seek external support to sustain this illegal war. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Russia have engaged in illegal weapons transfers, ammunition, artillery and ballistic missiles, fuelling and prolonging Russia’s aggression and violating numerous Security Council resolutions. All States have an obligation not to aid or assist in an aggression. Russia’s decision to train and deploy troops from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea on the battlefield marks a dangerous escalation that further threatens regional and international security. The Security Council has a duty to condemn that escalation unequivocally. The Russian Federation continuously violates international law, in addition to undermining the status and authority of the Council itself. Russia’s desperation will not deter our resolve. We will continue to stand up for the United Nations Charter and for Ukraine’s right to defend its people and sovereignty, in line with international law. We demand that Russia immediately withdraw its troops from Ukraine, reverse its illegal and dangerous course and end this destructive war. While 1,000 days is a long time, there is one thing that has not changed  — the Nordics will continue to stand with Ukraine, as we have done for 1,000 days, and we will remain by its side in its struggle.

I now give the floor to the representative of Poland.

We are approaching a tragic milestone: 1,000 days since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, a blatant violation of international law, including the Charter of the United Nations. Moscow not only continues to flout the most basic rules of international conduct, but also seeks support from third States and is involving them in its aggression. This war therefore not only threatens regional stability and global security, but also exacerbates the world’s most pressing political and economic problems, including the disruption of food supply chains. Russia’s relentless onslaught against Ukraine escalated this weekend, with one of the largest aerial attacks in recent months. Targeting critical energy infrastructure across the country, Russia caused widespread power outages, significant property damage and, tragically, the loss of innocent lives. Such attacks not only inflict immense physical and psychological harm, but also aim to undermine Ukraine’s resilience as the harsh winter approaches. The looming energy crisis in Ukraine is further aggravated by the nuclear threat arising from the situation around the Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plant. Poland unequivocally condemns those heinous atrocities and demands an immediate end to Russia’s brutal war. We also remind Russia that attacks directed against civilians, including stealing children and destroying civilian objects, as well as indiscriminate attacks on densely populated areas, are clear violations of international humanitarian law and constitute war crimes. Those responsible must be held accountable, and justice must be served. Russian propaganda inverts reality, twisting the definitions of victim and aggressor — even here in the Chamber. That blatant distortion directly contradicts the relevant General Assembly resolutions, which recognize this war as Russian aggression and condemn it. In that context, we reiterate that, through its defensive operations to diminish Russia’s capacity to wage its illegal war, Ukraine is exercising its inherent right to self- defence, in full compliance with international law and as enshrined in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. We will back the victim of this aggression for as long as it takes. Poland has earmarked almost 5 per cent of its gross domestic product for that assistance, with 1 per cent of its gross domestic product allocated to support Ukraine and 4 per cent of its gross domestic product dedicated to the cost of assisting Ukrainian refugees. Everyone yearns for a new chance at peace. However, any peace agreement must be forged through consent. No one should be compelled to accept a peace that does not align with the interests or aspirations of the victim. That being said, let me be very clear: there is no shortcut to peace. A just and lasting resolution must be agreed upon with Ukraine, with the participation of all affected countries and the support of the international community. Any other path will lead only to potential further suffering and instability.

I now give the floor to the representative of Germany.

One thousand days of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine  — a grim milestone in modern history. So many lives  — too many — have been lost, including those of Ukrainian children, civilians and soldiers. Our thoughts are with all those who have suffered and lost their lives due to Russia’s aggression, including those affected by this weekend’s wave of massive air strikes, which killed civilians and caused severe damage to Ukraine’s power system. Targeting civilian infrastructure is unacceptable and constitutes a potential war crime. The Security Council must remain consistent and firm in condemning such actions and demanding that civilians be protected. Around the world, we hear resounding calls for an immediate end to this devastating war. And yet, in our pursuit of a sustainable peace in Ukraine, we must be clear: Russia’s occupation and annexation of Ukrainian territories are unmistakable violations of international law and a blatant affront to the Charter of the United Nations that cannot be justified through sham referendums or the like. In that regard, the Foreign Ministers of the G7 and its partners expressed grave concerns regarding the deployment of troops from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to Russia, as well as Russia’s unlawful procurement of ballistic missiles from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, in breach of multiple Security Council resolutions. We condemn Russia’s increased attacks on civilian critical infrastructure and reaffirm our support for Ukraine’s energy sector. Italy, in particular, is contributing to ensure Ukraine’s resilience providing, in addition to our bilateral aid, targeted financial support to the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development project for the country’s hydroelectric output. In 2025 we will host the Ukraine Recovery Conference. Together we will lay the foundations for a prosperous independent Ukraine within our common European family. We must now call for even greater involvement of all United Nations Member States to contribute to the solution of this devastating, senseless war. We also need diplomacy in order to sustain the legitimate concerns and expectations of developing countries, which are impacted by the broader repercussions of this conflict, in terms of disruptions to global supply chains and food security. We remain committed to collaborating with all partners ready to support peace efforts. Now is the time to intensify our collective efforts to achieve that goal.