A/32/PV.41 General Assembly

Before starting my statement on Namibia I wish to express the deep shock and concern that we all feel at the reports during the past three days of the ban on all black major groups, leaders and avenues of expression which the racist regime·of South Africa has imposed in the most brutal crackdown in two decades. It is not only an affront to the world conscience and the efforts to eradicate apartheid which have been the universal expression and will of the United Nations bu~ also a most ominous sign of the serious retrogression which has been permeating South Africa's abominable attitude towards the gradual eradication of apartheid. It is an open invitation to racial violence, and I am sure that the General Assembly will promptly declare its unequivocal condemnation of and concern over this latest bombshell. 2. The question of Namibia, which has been on the agenda of the United Nations as long as the question of Palestine, since 1946, is the classic example of deviancy and oddity which the United Nations fmds itselfunable to overcome or resolve. It highlights one of the most fundamental issues with which the United Nations must come to grips, sooner rather than later, even ifthat should require an amendment of the Charter to make the United Nations an effective instrument of implementation rather than, as some consolingly or complacently suggest, a necessary and convenient forum for letting off steam in boiling-hot issues. 3. The facts of the situation are incontrovertible. Namibia and its oppressed people are the sacred trust ofthe United Nations, it J.taving inherited the Mandate of the defunct League ofNations granted to South Afric~ in 1920. NEW YORK 4. The General Assembly has co~.5istently opposed South Africa's capricious and ruthless designs against South West Africa. In 1966, despairing of 20 years of persuasion and supported by the ruling of the International Court of Justice,! the Assembly revoked South Mrica's Mandate [resolution 2145 (XXI)}. which revocation was mbtequently endorsed by both the International Court of Justice and the Security Council itself. A special session of the Assembly in May 1967 set up the United Nations Council for South West Africa, renamed Namibia, to establish United Nations authority there [resolution 2248 (S-V)] -interim authority, of course. 5. RaLter than enumerate the long list of resolutions demanding. the withdrawal of South African troops from Namibia, which have been launching raids against contiguoas sovereign African States, suffice it to recall Security Council resolution 385 (1976) of 30 January 1976, which embodied all relevant United Nations resolutions, condemned South Africa's continued illegal occupation of Namibia and its brutal repression of thP. struggling people of Namibia as well as its efforts to destroy the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia by resorting to the establishment of cosmetic and illusory bantustan homelands, and contained other articles with which repre~n" tatives are all too familiar. But has the resolution, or had the previous ~nes, moved Namibi~ and Zimbabwe my nearer to freedom? Have they made South Mrica budge from its course of remaining at loggerheads with the whole world? Not at all. 6. The International Conference in Support ofthe Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia met in May of this year at Maputo, Mozambique. The meeting-place of the Con.. ference, Maputo, and the declarations of concrete support for the liberation struggles of the two oppressed peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe represent significant milestones in extending the frontiers of struggle and freedom to the very doorsteps of the oppressors. 7. But this also •symbolizes the erosion of faith in the ability of the law-enforcement organs ofthe United Nations to fulfIl their obligations solemnly undertaken under the Charter. When I refer to the United Nations as an organization I am mindful and deeply appreciative of the assistance through which many Member nations have been channelling 11,~lp to the struggling and oppressed people of Namibia. Nor is my delegation unmindful of the monitoring, the studies, the reports and the dissemination of information which the United Nations as an institution has been painstakingly preparing and carrying out. 1 South West Africa, Second Phas~ Judgment, LCJ. Reports 1966, p. 6. 9.. As the publication entitled Issues before the 32nd General Assembly of the United Nations, published by the United Nations Association of the United States, aptly descrihes the situation: "The stakes in Namibia are high. 'It is a territory rich in mineral.s: copper, lead, zinc, uranium, and most of all diamonds, over a million carats a year. De Beers Consolidated Mines, Ltd., and the American-controlled Tsumeb Corporation together account for 90% of mineral production. Most of the profits are normally exported in the fonn of shareholders' dividends and taxes to South Africa, and the Africans are demanding retention of that income. or at least a sizable portion of it, for distribution within Namibia to increase liVing standards for the black majority."2 10. Is that too much to ask in all equity and justice? And is it not anathema that the inhabitants of Namibia should remain in bondage because human fieedom is bartered by the human greed of the few? And if there must be a barter in legitimate t;'~ding, why no.: make the deal with tlle rightful inhabitants and lawful Government of Namibia, rather than with an illegal occupation regime, which openly practises apartheia and has extended its doctrine to encompass Namibia as wen? After all, it should be assumed that an indtpendent Namibia will continue to require the tedr licaI know-how, the capital outlays and the world-wide marketing for its precious mi'1erals. 11. Having axhausted all possible means of persuasion, including a stem and unequivocal Security Council resolution, we as United Nations have only two options open to us. The flIst, and the more merciful, is that the Security Council shnuld decide to start implementing fhe preventive or punitIve Articles-call them what you will-outlined and spelled out in grad\~ated fo~m in Chapter VII of the Charter, with a view to preventing or suppressing threats to international peare and security. The second is that tile Security Council should refrain from taking effective measures ag:dnst South Africa, which not only would herald a further erosion of United Nations authority, but would also be a virtual green light to the aggrieved to accentuate their armed struggle against South Africa, from within as well as from without, and thereby spark a r.acial war ofindefmite duration and unforeseeable magnitude. 12. What our brethren on the African continent need and deserve is a helping hand: to build themselves up in education, to erase or mitigate poverty and to fIll the gap left by centuries ofexplfJUation and neglect as the legacy of the "wl.'ite man's burden". Must they and ~'!e qsurpers of their country undergo the ordeal of,blood-bath;~ before the world, rev:'·~sented through us, realizes this ine'vitable fact and does something-for the good of all, regardless of 2 See Issues before the 32nd General Assembly of the United NQoons, 1977-78 edition, (New York, United Nations Association of the United States of America, 1973), p. 46. 13. In this context, and in the most earnest hope that rationality will prevail, Jordan welcomes the efforts of the five Western countries members of the Security Council to bring about an acceptable solution, based on Security Council resolution 385 (1976); with a view to ensuring free elections under the auspices of the United Nations. Such free elections can be held only after the withdrawal of the armed forces ofSouth Africa from Namibia.

The discussion of the question of Namibia in the plenary General Assembly testifies yet again to the fact that the international community is gravely concerned with the situation in southern Africa, where the actions of the c91onialist, racist regimes, in particular the continuing occupation by the racists of the international Territvry of Namibia, and the further deterioration of the situation in that country have created a dangerous source of tension. 15. The actiyities of the racists, seeking to keep alive the last vestiges of cokcnialism, are a challenge not only to Africa but to all proglessive mankind. 16. As is known, the process of improving the f:.fiternational climate is now under way and is being promoted 'by such factors as the historic victory of the peoples of Indo-China over the forces of imperialist aggression, the collapse of Portuguese colonialism in Africa and the emergence of a number of new progressive States in that continent. 17. Detente is clearing the way, despite the constant defiance and opposition of those who want to slow down the liberation of peoples from national and social oppression. That is precisely what the racists of southern Africa are trying to do, together with their protectors, the imperialist Powers, which seek to preserve the last bastion of colonialism in that part of the world. That is the precise meaning of the stubborn refusal of the South African racists to relinquish their occupation of Namibia. The racist regime of Pretoria not only is subjecting the indigenous African population of Namibia to cruel oppression but also is exporting to that Territory its own inhuman system of apartheid, . which has been condemned by the United Nations as a crime against humanity. According to the data in the reports of the Special Committee on the Situation with re~ard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [A/32/23/Rev.l, chap. Vllf] and the United Nations Council for N~mibiaIA/32/24], the South African regime is resorting to the extensive introduction in the Territory of its repressive legislation as well as pursuing its policy of the bantustanization of the country on the model of South Africa itself. The attempt of the Vorster regime to annex the Namibian port ofWalvis Bay cannot be viewed as anything but yet another criminal act in the chain of racist crimes designed to undermine the territorial integrity and national uttity of that country. In this connexion, my 19. The main reason for Vorster's stubborness in oc·, cupying Namibia is certainly the fact that he enjoys the direct and indirect support of the Western imperialist Powers and their transnational corporations, In defiance of world public opinion and in flagrant violation ofthe many resolutions of the General Assembly and other United Nations bodies, these Powers and their monopolies are continuing their broad co-operation with the Republic of South Africa and are making huge capital investments in Namibia's economy with a view to extracting enormous profits. According to the estimates of economists, more than one fourth of the national income of the country is exported in the form of profits, dividends and interest to the monopolies of Western countries and the Republic of South Africa. As was stressed in the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia: "The rapid depletion of the natural resources of the Territory owing to the reckless plunder in which foreign economic interests engage in collu3ion with the illegal South Mrican administration i& a grave threat to the integrity and prosperity of an independent Namibia". {A/32/24, vaL I, para. 124.} 20_ The imperh~;st Powers, operating individually and through their aggressive bloc, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization {NATO}, are also giving enormous military assistance to Vorster's racist regime. As is known, the army and police of the racists in the Republic ofSouth Africa are using this assistance to crush the national liberation movement in the Republic of South Africa and Namibia and to perpetrate aggression against neighbouring African countries. 21. Ail these and other facts testify to the duplicity of the Western Powers, which condemn racism and apartheid in words and pretend to be "defenders of human rights", but in fact use all kinds of measures to help the regimes of terror ~d oppression in southern Africa. 22. We are also seriously concerned at the fact that the Pretoria regime, with the direct assistance of certain Western countries, is preparing to acquire nuclear weapons, which will increase even further the threat to international peace and security. This is why it is imperatively necessary that the United Nations-primarily, the Security Council- 23. In the face of the growing struggle for liberation in Namibia and in the Republic of South Afrit:a itself, the racist Pretoria regime and its protectors have been forced to resort to political manoeuvres in order to prolong their existence there. Particular evidence of this is the consultations being held by five Western Powers with Vorster on the question of Namibia. In this connexion our delegation believes that, without the imm~diate withdrawal of all occupation troops and administrative personnel of South Africa from Namibia, and without the exercise by the Namibian people of their right to self-determination and independence as well as without the participation of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO}, the lawful representative of the Namibian people, there cannot even be talk of a just solution ofthis problem. 24. We express fIrm support for the Declaration of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held at Lagos,. and which called for increased assistance to liberation movements in southern Africa. 25. Mongolia, which more than 50 years ago; broke free from the oppression of colonialism and imperialism, thanks to the inspiration of the Great October Socialist Revolution, has always considered it to be its international duty to give every kind of assistance and support to people who are fIghting for their national and social liberation. The First Secretary of the Central Committee ofthe Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party and Chairman of the Presidium of the. People's Great Khural of Mongolia, Comrade Tsedenbal, stressed: "The Mongolian People's Republic is unswervingly on the side of the just cause of the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe, South Africa and other countries which are fIghting for freedom and independence, and it stands solidly at their side in their struggle against the forces of imperialism, colonialism and racial oppression." On the basis of these principles, we are in favour of the unconditional transfer of all power to the Namibian people, led by its mHitantV2Jlguard.. SWAPO. 26. In conclusion, our delegation expresses the hope that the General Assembly will adopt the kind of decision that can real;y promote the immediate granting ofindependence to Namibia and thus fulfIl the aspirations of the people of that country_

May I frrst of all extend a cordial welcome to the representatives of the national liberation movement of the people of Namibia-SWAPO, whose participation in our deliberations reflects the fact that· the United Nations recognizes SWAPO as the only legitimate representative ofthe people of Namibia. 1.8. The qlsestion of Namibia has been on the. agenda of various United Nations bodies since 1946. Despite the 4 See Repon of the World Conference for Action l18aUut Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2). chap. X. 29. South Africa's presence in Namibia and its activities there are a challenge to the entire international community. With the active \and intensive assistance and co-operation of certain NATO countries, South Africa is constantly building up its military potential and armed forces, which have long ceased to be a threat to the people of Namibia alone. The military build-up in South Africa poses a grave threat also to the neighbouring African countries, to international' peace and to security in general. In thi~· connexion, one cannot disregard reports that South Africa has established nuclear-test installations in the Kalahari Desert region of Namibia, and that it is carrying out preparations for nuclea:-weapons tests. The racist regime expects that the PQssession of nuclear weapons will help it to consolidate its shaky positicfl. The danger posed by nuclear weapons in the hands of racists to the countries of Mrica, and to international peace and security has been very emphatically pointed out by the Council for' Namibia in its statement of 9 September this year: "The United Nations Council for Namibia strongly condemns South Mrica for exploiting the uranium r<OOUIces of Namib~a and for pursuing reckless policies of nuclear adventurism with incalculable consequences for the people of Namibia and southern Africa and for international peace and security. The designs of the Pretoria regime to acquire nuclear weapons capability to intimidate neighbouring States and thus perpetuate its colonialist and racist regune in Namibia are an indication of the extremes to which the unprincipled rulers of Pretoria are willing to go in order to challenge the civilized values of the United Nations and its Charter."5 30. In the light of the aforementioned facts> the Czechoslovak delegat\on fully suPp<'Jrtsthe demand by the Afritan countries and the progressive international public for the adoption by the United Nations of effective measures to achieve the immediate termination by certain Western countries of their weap'':>ns deliveries and their military assistance to the Republic \')f South Africa. We support with particular emphasis the requirement that co-operation with the Republ\c of South Africa in the field ofnuclear energy be immediately halted. 31. The people of Namibia are exposed to repressive measures every day. Fundamental human rights and freedoms in Namibia are being constantly trampled upon. The people of Namibia have theref(lIe the sacred right to fight by all meanst including armed struggle, for the termination of the unlawful occupation by the Republic of South Mrica. The United Nations, as well as the entire international community> must exte:nd full political> moral and pu1Slic opinion•. Being unable, through military and political persecution, to weaken SWAPO's strength of actiont it resorts to unsavoury manoeuvre~. It is trying to impose on the people ofNamibia a puppet neo-colonialist regime. This testifies to the fact that the South African regime and the imperialist States supportil,g it have no intention to withdraw from Namibia and tJtat they.believe in a solution through the establishment of a formally independent entity of the Transkei type which would pose no threat to the economic presence of the monopolies and would not affect tha privileges of the white settlers. The only objective of this policy is to consolidate, in a refurbished form, the illegal occupation of Namibia. , 33& Just as the States Members of the United Nations and international public opinion rose up against the proclamation of the so-called independence ofTranskei, we must resist with equal determination the attempts by the Republic of Suuth Africa to establish a puppet regime in Namibia composed of collaborators and venal e~~ments among the indigenous population. The only way to form a Government of the people of Namibia is through free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations, without any presence whatsoever of the Republic ofSouth ~fricain that Territory. 34. The policies of occupation and apartheid pursued by the Republic of South Africa in Namibia are made possible only because the imperialist States, rJticularly some countries members of NATO, are extending full political, military and economic support to South Africa. Fdrsuing its own designs, the Republic of South Africa assumed in Namibia the role of the protector of the interests of imperialist monopolies. The report of the Special Committee on decolonization clearly reveals the growing interest of imperialist monopolies in the uranium depositsin Namibia, as well as the existence ofnew investments by the monopolies of some W~m countries in the mining of coal, iron ore, diamonds, oil and other raw materials, an cC which brings immense profits to the imperialist countries, profits that would rightfully belong to the people of Namibia. 35. Namibia's raw material resources, the stra:egic interests of the imperialist countries and their close co-operation with, and support for, the South Mrican racists constitute the main reasons why no progress has so far been achieved in the solution of th<; question of Namibia. 36. It is therefore more urgent than ever to force the imperialist States to discontinue imulediately all economk'lmilitary and financial relations with the Republic ofSoum Africa, as long as that country persists in the unlawful occupation of Namibia and in practising the policy of apartheid. 38. In this regard the Czechoslovak delegation fully supports the statemc-ot by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of 5 October 1977 on the complete elimination of the vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid IA/32/259, annex]. The document is yet another proof of the dedication of the Soviet Union and its people to the cause of struggle against an forms of social and racial oppression. Born with the Great October Socialist Revolution 60 years ago, the Soviet Union has, from the very first days of its existence, genuinely supported the struggle of the peoplr,s of the whole world for self-determination and independence. 39. The Czechosiovak delegation wishes to emphasize that the Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has supported, and will continue to support, endeavours by the United ~\~tions, the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and indIvidual African States, to solve the problem of Namibia by granting full independence to the people of Namibia, while fully respecting th~ requirement that the territorial integrity of Namibia be preserved. The Czechoslovak Government is prepared to give its support to all measures adopted to this end within the United Nations. The people of Namibia are ever more clearly demonstrating their determination and their ability to exercise their authority over the Territory, which lawfully belongs to them. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic wishes to express its full ;upport to the people of Namibia and to their only genuine representative, SWAPO, which is striving in extremely difficult ~nditions to implement the inalienable rights of the people of Namibia. 40. Based on the main principles of Czecho.;lovakia's foreign policy, the Czechoslovak position proceeds from the conviction that the gaining of freedom and independence by all peoples is one of the priority tasks of our times. While supporting the right of the people of Namibia to independence, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic will actively and resolutely co-operate in efforts aimed at the achievement of that goal which we regard as a common cause for all mankind.

The situation in Namibia is not only very tense and explosive. Today more than ever it imposes on the international community the duty to act forthwith in order to put an end to the situation that has prevailed there for many years. It is incumbent upon our Organization today to assume its responsibilities before history. 42. Despite the numerous resolutions adopted by the United Nations in an atteMpt to initiate the process of ending the, implacable hold of the racist minority regime over Namibia, this anachronistic regime persists in trying to 43. This means, too, that the Vorster regune, which, together with that of its accomplice lan Smith, represents the last vestiges of obsolete colonialism on our continent, persists in its attitude of defIance of the irreversible movement taking place on the African continent. Thus, neither General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI) of 1966 ending South Africa's Mandate over Namibia, nor tlie creation in 1967 of the United Nations Council for Namibia, thus recognizing the international status of the Territory, nor the advisory opinion of the International Court ofJustice which in 19716 proclaimed the illegality of South Africa's presence in Namibia, nor, fmally, the considerable political changes that have occurred since the dismemberment of the Portuguese colonial empire-none of these appear to convince the racist Vorster regime of the need to submit to the opinion of the international community, as represented by the United Nations, and to make the necessary radical changes. At most, the Pretoria re~e, desiring above all to prolong its racist conception and colonial domination, craftily resorted to strategems in an attempt to,show that it was resigned to political change in the region. The purely hypocritical actions undertaken by Pretoria last year are, in everyone's opinion, more attempts at falsifying the facts and are unlikely to deceive anyone. Thus, the so-called Windhoek Constitutional Con- - ference suffered the fate we all know because, in fact, it was no more th2Il a tribal masquerade condemned by international public opinion. The situation in the international Territory of Namibia has steadily worsened, and is now alarming. The miserable lot of the brave Namibian people and the provocations, humiliations and oppression to which it has been subjected for over 30 years have shocked international public opinion. How much longer must we tolerate this chmIenge to our Organization? 44. On behalf of my Government I wish to renew here our unconditi~nal support of our brothers, the people of Namibia and to pay a tribute to SWAPO, the worthy authentic representative of the Namibian people. We believe that the time has come for all efforts to be combined in an attempt to put an end to the tragic situation of our brothers in Namibia and to fmd at long last a durable and just solution to this distressing problem which might be quickly put into effect. 45. My delegation follows with keen interest the attempts at such a solution being made by the five Western countries, 6 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstandinK Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion. LCJ. Reports1971, p. 16. 46. The South African Government, which illegally occupies the international Territory of Namibia, must for its part unconditionally withdraw Us troops in order to permit a climate of freedom and neutrality to be installed. At the same time it must release all political prisoners, thus allowing the necessary talks to take place on free participation in the elections. Needless to say, all these measures'" must be envisaged in the context of the Territory's complete national unity and territorial integrity cwithout any ulterior motives ofa segregationist or tribal nature. 47. This is the process that should have been followed by the Pretoria Government long ago if it had truly wished to prove its good faith. And yet it is the process advocated by the international community and stipulated in the relevant resolutions of this Organization. 48. Unfortunately, the Pretoria Government, by its very nature, deliberately refused to abide by the will of the international community. What is more, that racist minority regime has just given new evidence of its evil intentions by stubbornly opposing the withdrawal of its troops from Namibia before arrangements for the general elections are made. 49. Even more serious is the blow struck at the territorial integrity of Namibia by the illegal decision to annex the Namibian port of Walvis Bay and to consider it an integral part of South African territory. This is both a serious blow to Namibia's territorial integrity, and clear evidence of a desire to strangle it economically. Are not these attempts but further obstacles on the road to a negotiated solution? 50. These same attempts reveal the true face of the l1SUrping, racist ~egime which is seeking to perpetuate its hold on the fundamental potentials of Namibian territory. 51. The int.rnational community, as represented in this Assembly, is in duty bound to remafu on the alert in the face of such attempts. Our Organization, which is at once the depositary and the guarantor of the inalienable rights of the people of Namibia in respect of its national unity and territorial integrity, must spare no effort to clearly apply those rights and put an end to the anachronistic and 52. The people of Namibia, of Africa as a whole and of the rest of the world are turning to this Organization and expect it to assume fully its responsibilities and to act effectively. Only if it does can there be justice, peace and security in the whole of southern Africa. 53•.Mr. HOVEYDA (Iran): It is regrettable that the latest initiatives in the effort to make South Africa relinquish its grip on Namibia have not yet resulted in a fmal break- .through. 54. We sought for many years and in many ways, all of them peaceful, to make South Africa fulfil its obligations of sacred trust which it undertook when receiving the Mandate for South West Africa. Instead of behaving as a trustee ought, South Africa conducted itselflike a sovereign within the Mandated Territory. It extended the application of the hateful policy of apartheid beyond its own borders to the Mandated Territory. It apportioned the poorest areas to the people of the Territory and conferred advantages on those it favoured racially. In the end, the only course left open to the United Nations General Assembly was the termination of South Africa's status as Mandatory. That decision was up1}.eld by the International Court of Justice in an advisory opiJiion, and thus South West Africa became a direct ward of the United Nations, which arranged to discharge its functions of guardianship through the United Nations Council for Namibia. 55. Once relieved of its functions as Mandatory, South Africa no longer had any excuse for staying on in Namibia. The General Assembly, the Special Committee and even· tually the Security Council called for South African withdrawal from Namibia. We all know what South Africa's response was. What had previously been obstinate failure to perform its obligations in the sense ofthe plain meaning of the provisions of the Mandate now became a stubborn refusal to comply with the commands of the only legal authority over Namibia-the United Nations. . 56. What followed was no legalistic struwe between claimants relying on documents of title. The people of Namibia organized themselves in vindication of their determination to be free and to govern themselves. There followed recognition of SWAPO by the United Nations as alone capable of reflecting the genuine aspirations of the people of Namibia thus far. South Africa has sought to meet this United Nations challenge by putting on the so-called Tumhalle meetings. These have not served to deceive the world. South Africa's efforts in setting up bantustans have been rejected by the United Nations; its actions are an unlawful interference in the internal affairs of a United Nations ward and an infringement of the political independence and territorial integrity of Namibia. 57. As early as January of last year when the Security Council adopted resolution 385 (1976), South Africa was 58. It is difficult to characterize the conduct of the rulers of South Africa. It must be clear to them that sooner or later Namibia will be free. The only question is whether that freedom can still· be won peacefully or only after bloodshed. Even now, in our opinion, it is not too late to turn back from what must otherwise be inevitable disaster. 59. It is vital that the role of the United Nations in the process of Namibian self-determination be effective and independent. Our duty is to make sure that when the people of Namibia go to the election places they will be able to express their wnI freely and without interference of any kind from any quarter. 60. We, like all those here who are mindful of the Charter obligations they have agreed to uphold would wish to continue seeking an answer to the problem of Namibia in peaceful ways. The Security Council will have to meet on the question of Namibia in the discharge of its primary responsibility for the maintenance of peace. In discharging that responsibility the Council will be mindful ofwhat has been said here in the General Assembly. It is therefore of the utmost importance that we close ranks and speak with one voice in order that all concerned may be brought to understand that the international community is unanimous on the question of Nanubia. 61. Even at this late stage, my delegation believes another effort should be made to persuade South Africa to leave Namibia peacefully. Otherwise, it is all too clear that the venue for the problem of Namibia will be moved to non-peaceful planes. All of us seek to avoid this but not at the cost of the freedom ofthe people of Namibia. 62. The choices we face are hard. If I urge that we seek once again to fmd a peaceful way out of our difficulty, it is not because I am confident of the outcome. On the contrary, bearing in mind the recent discouraging events in South Africa including those ofthe past few days, the least one can say is that these developments leave little room for optimism. 63. All I can do is to close with an expression ofhope that wisdom will inspire all those who must take decisions in this fateful matter and that they may succeed in bringing it to a peaceful outcome.

Having r~cently assumed my position as Permament Representative of Liberia to the United Nations, I now speak on this subject for the frrst time. In doing so, I fmd the question of Namibia before me. 65. Consistent with the words "the love of liberty ..." from the motto of my country, Liberia, and as an advocate of liberty and freedom for all peoples throughout the world, my delegation desires briefly to express some '!iews on this most important question which is of the utmost urgency, because it involves the denial of the fundamental rights of peoples within a territiJry of Africa who are 67. Taking into account the current situation in Namibia, the Secretary-General wrote in his report as follows: "The United Nations has made repeated, but unsuccessful, attempts to have the problem of Namibia resolved. This question requires the widest measure of agreement on fundamentals if an acceptable and workable solution is to emerge. Most recently a number ofWestern States have taken an initiative in an effort to move the situation forward. I welcome any effort which can help us to make progress. In view of the leading role which the United Nations will have to play in any solution to the problem, I have kept in close touch with all the parties, keeping in mind the essential principles and guidelines set out in Security Council resolution 385 (1976)." [see A/32/1, sect. Ill) 68. It is hardly necessary for me to repeat what many preceding me have catalogued as crimes perpetrated by the racist South African regime against Nanu"bians. However, my delegation considers it appropriate to state that Liberia's assessment of the question of Namibia must be based on our keen concern for the interests and well-being of the Nannbian people, coupled with our own ~tive involvement in the pursuit ofa peaceful solution. 69. This body is aware that Ethiopia and Liberia instituted proceedings against South Africain the International Court of Justice. Ours was a clear pursuit of a peaceful solution through the Court. The result of that endeavour did not decrease our resolve as we continue with new efforts in·the Council for Nanubia. There have been some private initiatives taken by us regarding Namibia. 70. As of today, my Government recognizes and accepts the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) as the best means whereby the United Nat: ,ns can totally fulfJi its special responsibility towards t.....mibia and the Nanu"bian people. 71. The initiative taken by the Governments of Canada, France, the F.ederal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States, in an effort to move the situation to a peaceful solution, provides grounds for cautious optimism and is viewed with an open mind by my Government. However, It should be emph2siZed that while the talks are going.on, unfortunately South Africa has, ac~ording to reports, continued to increase the number of its military and paramilitary forces stationed in Nanubia and also has expanded its network ofmilitary bases in that international Territory. In Qurjudgement, such a~ts are not fa.vourable or conducive to peaceful talks. They an~ intended, it appears, to keep alive the war situation in that Territory. 72. Two additional phenomena have alsc develG~d while the talks are going on: the nuclear threat and the 74. In the light of such developments, my delegation fmds it difficult to accept the logic that South Africa's reference to a "peaceful initiative" to solve the Namibian problem is completely serious, genuine and. devoid ofinsincerity. 75. Again, referring to Security Council resolution 385 (1976), we .wish to make it quite. clear that a peaceful solution of the Namibian problem must conform to both the provisions and the spirit of that resolution. • 76. While we appreciate the strong words of condemnation of the South African Government uttered by certain representatives in this Assembly in respect of its abhorrent apartheid policy and the unfortunate situation which prevails in NamIbia, the deplorable and wanton killing of innocent Africans by the military forces of the racist South African regime, the unprovoked assault on innocent civilians and the extent to whichthe Namibians are being, as it were, dehumanized, we believe that these statements are, at best, only declarative in nature and do very little service to the cause of Namibia which is also our cause. We believe and are convinced that rhetoric should be matched by equal, concrete and concerted action by those States Members of this Organization which, my delegation feels, have not strongly exerted their influence with a view to accelerating the granting of independence to NamIbia. 77. In conclusion, my delegation suggests that the time is ripe for positive action to resolve the problems of Namibia-and not only those of Namibia but all the problems of southern Africa, including independence and majority mle for Zimbabwe and the complete abolition of apartheid The mere adoption of resolutions is not enough to achieve the desired results. The Security Council and this Assembly have already adopted enough resolutions. What is most essential at this stage is a manifest spirit of genuine goodwill and sincerity on the part of all concerned for the effective implementation of the various United Nations resolutions on Namibia. 78. Liberia is a peace-loving country, and the President of Liberia is an apostle of peace. On several occasions he has risked his very life for the cause of peace. Therefore, my delegation hopes that very, very soon, without resort to clash of arms, viol~nce or further bloodshed, Prime Minister John Vorster and the Government of South Africa will heed the timely warnh,g of President Tolbert and other African leaders who prefer peaceful negotiation mstead of bloodshed. 79. Let us pray that the time is not too late to fmd and apply the right fonr.ula for the problem of Namibia and for an the otlter pro'?lems of southern Africa.

I ,address myself to the vexed question of Namibia, which has been on the agenda of every session of the General Assembly since 1946,-and in doing so I am mindful of the fact that I shall have spoken on this subject at each of those sessions over the 31 years, first at Lake Success and now again here on the ~ankof the East Rher. 82. We share the common view that the United Nations has exercised more patience on the question of Namibia than could reasonably be expected. It escapes human understa.nding how a minority regime can expect to hold on to the international Territory of Namibia against the universal opposition of the international community and in the light of the opinion of the International Court of Justice, which categorically declared that South Africa is illegally occupying the Territory. The implementation by South Africa of the provisions of the relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions, in particular resolu.tion 385 (1976)-which the Philippines continues to support-is, in our view, long past due. 83. This troubled situation has been exacerbated by documented evidence that South Africa is on the verge of becoming a nuclear Power-I repeat: on the verge of becoming a mlclear Power-using the Kalahari Desert for its nuclear tests in violation of Namibia's territorial integrity. In our considered view, South Africa's actions constitute a clear and present danger to international peace and security. '84. The Philippines associates itself with the recommendations of the United Nations Council for Namibia and the Special Committee on decolonization on the question of Namibia. As the Administering Authority, the Council must be allowed to exercise direct administration over Namibia in accordance with the United Nations mandate. In this light, the United Nations has no choice but to compel South Africa to comply with the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) calling for free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations in the whole of Namibia as one political entity. 8~;' The General Assembly has recognized that SWAPO is "the authentic representative of the Namibian people" {resolution 3111 I (XXVIII)]. The question of Namibian independence should, therefore, be between the representatives of South Africa and SWAPO, under the auspices of the Umted Nations, and for the sole purpose of discus-sing the modalities for the transfer of power to the people of Namibia. We continue to abide by that decision of the General Assembly and the Security Council. 86. In concert with the vast majority of the international community, we deplore the farcical Turnhalle talks. They are as much a farce as the establishment of the so-called independent Transkei, which I had occasion last year in this very fomm to describe in my statement' as a sinister plan for exterminating the black African~ politically by depriving them of their citizensh\p and reducing them to non-citizens, to non-persons. In sum, my delegation rejects the extension of the so-called homeland or bantusta..'lization policy ofSouth Africa into Namibia. 88. We support the Council's demand for the payment of reparations by South Africa to Namibia "for the damage caused by its illegal occupation of Namibia and its acts of aggression against the Namibian people" [see A/32/24, vat I, para. 270 A (20)]. 89. We support Namibia's stand against the annexation by South Africa of Walvis Bay and share its view that such annexation constitutes a present "act of colonial expansion" [ibid., para. 270 A (6)J. 90. The record of the Philippines against racism in all its aspects 'has be~n firm from the foundation of the United Nations. In respect of Namibia, we have extended assistance to the people of Namibia and supported SWAPO through the United Nations. We will continue to extend that assistance, in particular through our contributions to the United Nations Fund for Namibia, the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa, the United Nations Institute for Namibia in Lusaka, and the Support and Solidarity Fund for Southern Africa established by the non-aligned group of countries in Colombo last year.9 91. In May 1977 the historic Maputo Conference in Mozambique approved by consensus the Declaration in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the Programme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia. At the request of the Secretary-General, the Philippines had the privilege of assisting the OAU and the. decolonization committees of the General Assembly in convening that Conference. For the fust time all five permanent members of the Security Council joined in the consensus for the adoption of the Declaration and Programm.e of Action. 92. In our view it is time to implement those decisions. My delegation is keenly awaiting the results of the mediation efforts initiated by the five Western members of the Security Council. If those laudable mediation efforts should fail, my delegation is ready to join other delegations in considering calling urgently for a special session of the General Assembly to consider the question of Namibia, as recommended in the Maputo Declaration and Programme ofAction. 93. Time is short and there is need for speedy action on the part of the United Nations. If we are to avert an internecine racial war in southern Africa all men of good will must rally now to the cause of South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia. 94. It is surely of some significance that the question of Namibia has been elevated to the General Assembly for the

Mr. President, as this is the fust time I have spoken in a plenary meeting of the General Assembly during this session, allow me to congratulate you on your election to the demanding office of President of the thirty-second session of the Assembly. My delegation is convinced that your able leadership, buttressed by the dedicated and efficient services of the Secretary-General and his staff, will enable us to complete the work before us successfully. 96. My delegation wishes to th.ank the Secretary-General sincerely for his untiring efforts in the exercise of the onerous duties entrusted to him by the international community. The role that he has played in the difficult and subtle problems of southern Africa will undoubtedly stand out as one of his great contributions to the work of this Organization during his tenure of office. My delegation wishes to thank the Council for Namibia also for its continued efforts to assist Namibia in its difficult path to freedom. We commend most favourably the report submitted in document A/32/24. In the same way, gratitude and appreciation are due to the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for having submitted the well-balanced and detailed report in chapter VIII of documen~A/32/23/Rev.1. 97. For the past 30 years or so the question of Namibia has been on the agenda of every session of the General Assembly and on the agenda of the Security Council. In the course of those years the United Nations has not been able to secure freedom and independence for the Namibian people. This failure is regrettable. 98. The South African Government had the Mandate under the Trusteeship System to administer Namibia on behalfofthe United Nations. It had the duty to prepare the inhabitants of that Territory for self-determination and independence. However, it flouted the Mandate and did nothing to fulfJI in good faith the obligations assumed by it in accordance with the Mandate. Instead, if adopted repressive methods to hold the black African people of Namibia in bondage. 99. Under the requirements of the Mandate South Africa was in duty bound to transmit infonnation regarding the political, economic and social development of Namibia to the United Nations. It did not oblige. 100. The United Nations, as a consequence, terminated South Africa's Mandate in 1966 and thereafter appointed the Council for Namibia to administer the Territory until independence. Under General Assembly resolution 214S (XXI) of 1966 South Africa was also reqUired to evacuate Namibia and hand over administrative power to the Council. It refused to abide by the resolution and even 102. The South African Government continues to occupy Namibia illegally. and to defy systematically every resolution of the United Nations. It is establishing bantustans in the Teriitory, enforcing its policy of fragmentation, with its attendant evil of apartheid, in complete disregard of world-wide condemnation and the mounting opposition of all sections of the Namibian people. , 103. To date, of the proposed bantustans-the so-called self-governing native nations-six have been established along ethnic lines in conformity with the evil system of apartheid. 104. The determination of South Africa to continue its illegal presence in Namibia against the wishes of the inhabitants of the Territory and to impose its apartheid policies there must be vigorously opposed. Already the Territory of Namibia is a military camp equipped with all manner ofsophisticated weapons which are directed against none other than the black African people. Enough evidence is available to the international community to confmn the brutal treatment and torture that South Africa unleashes against the civilian population of Namibia. As though this were not enough, the South African Government is employing indiscriminate arrest and imprisonment as a means of maintaining control over the Namibian people, and continues to persecute all dissenters under various repressiVe laws. 10S. My delegation considers South Mrica's presence and the imposition of apartheid in Namibia offences against the dignity ofthe human person punishable under international law. We condemn them in the strongest terms possible and call upon the Security Council to consider taking the necessary measures to redress the situation under the terms ofthe Charter. 106. The announcement by the South African Government that it intends to annex Walvis Bay gave rise to protests against the move. My delegation is strongly opposed to that move meant to dismember Namibia. We are also of the opinion that severance of Walvis Bay from the Territory of Namibia would constitute a further act of aggression; the move would increase the dangers of confrontation, both now and in the future. My delegation holds Walvis Bay to be part of the Namibian Territory, irrespective of its torturous history at the hands of the colonialists. 107. The role being played by foreign economic interests in Namibia is based on illegality and unequal arrangements. ~ foreign economic interest groups are taking advan- 108. Since the last sessions a group of Western countries has contacted South Africa and persuaded it to change its attitude and hand over Namibia to the Namibian people. While we appreciate such initiatives, we cannot fail to be appalled by the fact that no visible progress has been achieved. Indeed, the exercise appears to have been designed to buy time and to circumvent this Organization in order to prevent it from exercising its responsibilities as prOVided by the €harter. In our view, the time is ripe for enforcement measures to be taken against South Africa in order to evict it from Namibia. 109. The people of Namibia have suffered far too long. Territories in a similar status and similar conditions have already attained their freedom and independence. The prolonged suffering of the people of Namibia has been brought about-by the wavering and indecisiveness of the international community and the delaying manoeuvres that South Africa has been able to deploy. We should therefore address ourselves squarely to the target and decisively tackle the problem without introducing power politics into it. We are only interested in the welfare of the Namibian People. 110. The Namibian people, through their legitimate an4 only recognized political party, SWAPO, have declared their wishes. We know who obstructs their peaceful path to freedom and independence. Further, we know there can be no genuine and permanent solution to the Namibian problem unless the people of Namibia are consulted through their proper representatives. 111. The so-called constitutional conference, the main vehicle created to side-track the issues at stake and to deceive the international community, has been exposed for what it is_ Even the non-white hand-picked delegates, who are stooges of South Mrica, unrepresentative as they are, could fmd dissatisfaction with the conference proposals. They have expressed their awareness that the conference is being used to subvert their goals. The proposals submitted to that so-called constitutional conference by the National Party of South Africa attempted to manipulate the purposes of the conference and install a regime in Namibia subservient to South Africa. 112. My delegation is opposed to the whole concept of the so-called constitutional conference, which did not involve SWAPO or the Council for Namibia. Any genuine constitutional conference must involve SWAPO and be held under the auspices of the United Nations. We call upon the entire membership of the United Nations to reject the validity of the so-called constitutional conference and its recommendations. We believe the conference was illegally convened. In the same way, we find no legal basis for the racist regime of South Africa to appoint an Administrator- General for Namibia. 114. South Africa's flagrant defiance and disrespect of the United Nations still obtains. Its illegal occupation of Namibia is being strengthened; violations and denial of fundamental human rights continue unabated. We call upon the Security Council to consider the question of Namibia, to give it its full attention and to take appropriate action to dislodge South Africa from Namibia without delay. 115. In conclusion, allow me to state once more that we call on South Africa to get out of Namibia. We stand fmnly for majority rule on the basis of the principle of"one man, one vote". We recognize SWAPO as the sole true representative of the Namibian people. We consider Namibia as one Territory, including Walvis Bay. We call for the release of all Namibian political prisoners and the return ofall Narnibians currently in exile to their motherland, and we fmally call upon the Security Council to take effective measures to bring to an end South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia.

As has been said by most of the preceding speakers, the question of Namibia has been on the agenda of the General Assembly every yeai' since the very establishment of the United Nations. Today, after more than three decades of international deliberations and efforts, the Territory ofNamibia is still under illegal South African occupation, and its heroic people remain subjected to the most ruthless and oppressive racist alien domination. 117. Thus, in addition to its countless crimes against the Mrican people in South Africa itself and' its persistent practice of the inhuman policy of apartheid, the racist South African regime continues its illegal occupation of Namibia in violation of the United Nations Charter and of the numerous resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, and persists in its brutal repression of the Namibian people and the violation of their human rights. 118. Obviously, such criminal behaviour on the part of the racist South African regime and such shameless defiance of the who!e international community would not have been possible without the overt and covert support and encouragement of certain Western Powers and similar racist regimes. It is ironical that those Powers maintain, and even increase, their various ties and exchanges with the South African racist regime and, in fact, act in international forums as its protectors from censure and sanctions while at the same time claiming to be strongly opposed to the policies and practices of the regime ofPretoria. 119. The United Nations can no longer remain idle in the face of the deteriorating situation in the Territory of Namibia. The international community has repeatedly made categorically clear its position that South Africa's occupation of this international Territory is illegal, that its 120. In spite of the much publicized recent international diplomatic efforts, the situation in Namibia continues to constitute a serious threat to international peace and security. The political and military activities that.were carried out in recent months in the Territory by the racist South African regime surround with doubts the hoped-for outcome of such diplomatic (ef(orts and raise serious questions about the usefulness and adVisability of these endeavours in the light of the real intentions ofthe Pretoria racists. 121. The South African regime has, in fact, adopted several "administrative" and "legisiative" measures and programmes with a view to fragmenting Namibia and dismembering it through the policy of bantustanization. The racist regime has also embarked on a sinister plan to destroy the national unity of the Namibian people and to sow the seeds of civil strife and disunity through the creation of so-called "tribal" armies and the eventual imposition of a puppet interim regime. 122. The racist pretoria regime committed y~t another act of naked aggression against the territorial integrity of Namibia by proclaiming, on 31 August, the annexation of Walvis Bay in violation of the most elementary rules of international law and in defiance of the United Nations Charter and resolutions. 123. At the' same time, the racist Government of South Africa is pursuing its massive milit-ary build-up in Namibia in a clear attempt to perpetuate its illegal domination over the Territory and to use it as a spring-board for its aggressive attacks against neighbouring countries. The adventuristic military designs of the racist South African regime have lately assumed very dangerous dimensions in the light of the reported establishment by that regime of nuclear-test installations in the Kalahari Desert region of Namibia and its preparations to conduct in the near future a nuclear test in the region for military aggressive purposes. Here again the Western Powers, which have helped the racist regime of South Africa over the years to develop its nuclear industry and technology, bear the greatest responsibility for the serious threat to world peace and security that such dangerous·South African nuclear adventurism represents. One cannot overlook here, also, the dreadful CQmplications resulting from the reported increasing collaboration in the nuclear field between the regime in Pretoria and the other racist regime installed in Tel Aviv in the context of their unholy alliance against the African and Arab nations at the two poles of the African continent. Several indications point to the fact that the latest nuclear activities of the racist South Mrican regime are not unrelated to the secret agreements that have been cOI1cluded between Israel and South Africa during the visit of the South African Prime Minister, Mr. Vorster, to Israel last year. Many other less publicized high-level contacts have since then taken place between the two racist regimes, including a 48-hour surprise stop in Tel Aviv by Mr. Botha, the Foreign Minister of Pretoria, early last month on his way to Europe and the 124. The only possible peaceful settle·ment of the question of Namibia lies in the immediate termination of tile illegal occupation of. the Territory by the racist South African r6gime and the exercise by the Namibian people of their tight to self·determination and independence within a united Namibia in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). and through free elections held under the supervision of the United Nations. Any negotiations to ensure that objective must be conducted with SWAPO, the sole authentic representative of the Namibian peopl~, and any such negotiations cannot extend beyond the procedures and modalities for the transfer of power to the people ofNamibia. 125. The goodWill of the Namibian people as reflected in the agreement by tfteir authentic and legitimate represeatative, SWAPO, to give the present international diplomatic efforts a chance, must not be misinterpreted by the racists of Pretoria. Nor must these tacists be permitted to exploit such goodwill on the part of the Namibian people ;n order to gain time for the carrying out of their aggressive plans apinst the unity of the people of Namibia and against its territorial integrity. As a matter of fact, the campaign of repression and terror on which the South African racist r6gime embarked yesterday against the black African people in South Africa itself. proves beyor.d any doubt that the international community cannot rely on any sense of honour, decency or moderation on the part of the oppressive racist regime of Pretoria, even in the very utional territory where it has maintained power for more than three decades. 126. The Namibian people and their national liberation movement are entitled to liberate tlleir territory by all means available to them, including recourse to armed struggle, and the United Nations, which bears a special artd direct responsibility for this international Territory, must take, through its competent organs, all the necessary measures, in accordance with the Charter, in order to put an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia. 127. Members of the United Nations have the duty and responsibnity under the Charter to withhold any support or encouragement·from the racist South African regime. The Western Pcwers and their allies which are the traditional supporters and trading partners of this ntegal regime must be the first to respect this overwhelming desire of the international community and must cease all material, economic, technological and mnitary exchanges with the racist South African Government if they are really sincere in their proclaimed opposition to the abhorrent policies of aparthtid and to the acts of aggression committed by the white minority regime against the African peoples. 129. The Syrian Arab Republic supports equally the decision of the Special Committee that a special session on Namibia should be convened in the event ofany attempt by the Government of South Africa to transfer any powers to a puppet interim regime. We insist equally that the Security Council exercise its responsibilities under the Charter, namely through the applicatior: of Chapter VII, in order to ensure that the South African racist regime abides by the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations and puts an end to its illegal occupation of Namibia. Untll independence, the sole legitimate authority for the international Territory of Namibia, in our eyes, is the United Nations Councll for Namibia. 130. Let me conclude by reaffirming the staunch and firm position of my Government in solidarity with the heroic people of ~amibia and their brothers struggling against the racist regime of South Africa. This unshaken support and solidarity with the struggle of oppressed peoples against colonialism, neo-colonialism, apartheid, racism. racial discrimination and zionism is clearly manifested in Syria's membership and active participation in the Special Committee, the Special Committee against Apartheid, and their various subsidiary bodies and organs. 131. We arc confident that the downfall of the racist minority regimes in southern Africa is imminent. We are equally confident that the dawn of freedom and e~ver· eignty for the struggling peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe m~d South Africa is already visible on the horizon. To accelerate this process, the heroic African peoples can count on the support and solidarity of the overwhelming majority of United Nations Members and all peace-Iovmg countries in the world.

Before calling on the next speaker, I should like to remind the Assembly tllst because of the long list of speakers, about which 1 have already informed Members, we shall proVide some additional meetings for the consideration of the item on Namibia. Also I am informed that extensive consultations are going on among the regional groups for consideration ofthe draft proposals concerning this item. After consultation with.the Chairmen of regional groups, I propose to defer the deadline for submitting proposals on the item on Namibia until Monday, 24 October, at 5 p.m. If I hear no objection. we shall defer tile deadline as I have proposed. 134. Security Council resolution 385 (1976) makes plain the basis upon which a solution of the Namibian question must turn. This pivotal resolution has also been rendered inoperative to a large extent by the intransigence of South Africa. This world body has an inescapable responsibility not to relax the pressure on South Africa for a single moment. South Africa's refusal to bow to the wnl of international public opinion as enunciated through the United Nations presents an acid test of this Organization as the principal instrument for maintaining order, peace and security in the world. 135. The Government of Barbados believes that pressure on South Africa must be intensified for already this pressure has forced the racist regime to shift from one subterfuge to another. The universal condemnation of the pantomime at Turnhalle, which South Africa called a constitutional conference, forced South Africa to abandon that undertaking when it was made clear that the world would not stand idly by and acquiesce in the establishment of a South African client State in Namibia. Desperate to fmd a way out of this situation, the South African racist regime practically attempted to transfer its programme of bantustanization to Namibia by creating Balkanized enclaves which would have the appearance of autonomy but in fact would be governed 'by tribal puppets taking their orders from Pretoria. "P/us fa change, plus c'est la mlm.e chose. " 136. The principle of territorial integrity must be adhered to in any solution for Namibia, and Barbados therefore condemns the annexation of Walvis Bay by South Africa. Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia, and any solution must not countenance the dismemberment of that country. 137. It is no secret that the natural resources of Namibia have attracted predatory foreign interests whose intervention in this region has served to strengthen the position ofthe illegal regime in South Africa. 138. Barbados ~Is on all countries whose multinationals operate in Namibia by plundering the resources of that country to the detriment of Namibians to restrict their operations within that region. Such countries whose multinationals function in this way are accessories to the crimes that are committed against the people of Namibia by the overt theft of th~!r wealth, while Namibians continue to suffer from hunger, disease and other deformities orought about by poverty. Mr. .A~nsio·Wunderlicl· (Guatemala), Vice-President, took the Chair. 140. We call on the Security Council as well to impose a mandatory embargo on arms which must command the support of all civilized nlltions in the world. All countries which stand in the way of the implementation of a mandatory arms em~go must no longer lay claim to being civilized, no matter how highly developed their technology. Countries which stand in the way of an arms embargo wnl never convince anyone that they have given up their greed and racism, notwithstanding their protestations to the contrary. 141. The Government of Barbados also welcomes the work of the Ad Hoc Committee on Uranium Hearings. It is absolutely necessary for the international co:rununity to prevent the racist regime in South Africa from utillzirg this na:ural resource for their evil objectives in building up a nuclear arsenal. Nuclear weapons in the hands of racist madmen in South Africa constitute a threat to the entire African continent. It is plain that the white supremacists in South Africa, who stubbornly refuse to concede the humanity of African peoples, will not hesitate to use weapons of mass destruction against the people of that continent 142. The Government of Barbados is not deceived by the racist proposals emanating from the regime in South Africa, and therefore joins in the chorus of voices that h&ve supported the follOWing conditions for a political ~ttle­ ment ofthe Namibian problem. 143. The illegal regime of South. AfriCA must ~oognize SWAPO as the sole legitimate representative of tbe people of Namibia. SWAPO cavnot be wished out of existence simply because that organization refuses to accept a colonial relationship with the illegal regime in SmIth Africa. n would therefore be a charade for any elections to tne place in Namibia without involving SWAPO in the political process. There must be free elections in Namibia UilC::- t'l~ supervision of the United Nations without interference. from the illegal regime of South Africa. The mere holding of an election is not enough in itself to ensure fairness as there is abundant evidence to support the belief that the illegal regime of South Africa isintent on manipulating the outcome. South Africa must therefore withdraw its forces from Namibia as its presence constitutes a coercive factor which will militate against the dewocratic expression of the will of the people ofNamibia. 144. To sum up the points made, there is a complex of forces at work in Namibia. A white minority regime is in full retreat before the forces of liberation. This illegal regime is attempting under various legal and constitutional pretexts to hold on to the economic privileges that it has enjoyed from decades of exploitation of Africans. It is given succour by fmancial groupings whose Governments pretend to be dissociated from their sordid activities. The$e fmancial groupings try to extract every penny from a 145. But it is the considered view of my Government that the Namibian people represent forces of history that are irreversible. The courage that they have displayed against the ruthless enemy, surreptitioasly aided by powerful forces in the metropolitan world,'is a credit to the organizational skill and integrity of the SWAPO leadership and the detennination of the' Namibians themselves to be rid forever ottheir white supremacist ruler~ It is for this body to mobilize international opinion and assistance to SWAPO'and the Namibian people in arder to accelerate the achievement of thQseobjectives which the laws of history have rendered inevitable.

On this, my delegation's frrst participation in the debate, on behalf of my Government, we extend sincere congratulations to the President on his assuming the high honour of presiding over the thi&-1y-second session of the General Assembly. It is a tribute he rightly deserves. My delegation is also pleased to extend congratulations to the r,epresentatives of the other Member Stat~s selected to assist him in his task, and also (0 the representatives and to the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam on their admission to the United Nations. 147. The delegation of the Bmamas is honoured to interYene on the question of Namibia, not because it proposes to add anything new, but JJecause it has a moral obligation to join the many who have spoken and who will continue to speak out against the ne(lllious practices and policies of the South African regime, which geprives the Namibian Pflople of the right to self.detennination, independence rmd territorial integrity. 148. First of all: the Bahamas delegation fmds no difficulty in endor&1ng the report of the Special Committee and commends the United Nations Council for Namibia for its detailed and comprehensive account, which focuses on the stubbornness and inhumane tactics of the South African regime. 149. Secondly, my delegation gives it unconditional support to the implementation of the proposals adopted in previuu3 resolutions of the Assembly, and sincerely hopes that special attention would be given to the follOWing: fust, release of Namibian political prisoners; secondly, declar:aion of Y~alvis Bay as an integral part of Namibian territory; t~tirdly, accepta!lce of SWAPO as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people, and a chanc~ Jfor fre~ elections; fourthly, condemnation of South Mricill vioJation or the mandates of the Charter and illegal occupation of N2n-tibia's territory-to name a few. 150. These are all very important concerns and efforts are being made to iTllplement. measures to protect the rights and ltovereignty of the Namibmn people. But my delegation feels that th~ Namibian situation is not isolated from the whole })rob~em which exists in South Afric~ today, much of 151. It is extremely important and necessary to ban the South African regime from claiming and occupying Namibian territory, but at the same time continued measures must be taken to deal with a policy that usurps the dignity and identity of a people. 152. My delegation is heartened that circumstances have forced the whole world to feel a sense of indignation, even anger, against a minority rule which continuously perpetrates atrocities against the majority. It is heartening to note that Member States have taken a much closer look at the illegalities of the South African regime and are speaking out asainst, and. condemning, the injustices and discriminatory practicas. 153...What is happening to the black majority in Namibia, and indeed in South Africa, is not only a crime against humanity; it is the total usurpation of man's dignity and ·cf·mtity. 154. My delegation can understand, and in some cases comply with, the ambivalence that many now feel regarding the implementation of any means that would bring to an end the illegal occupation of Namibia; but, based on the development that is going on, my delegation hopes that all efforts would still be directed toward negotiations for a peaceful settlement of the Namibians' inalienable rights to freedom, independence and self-det~rmination. 155. In this regard, my delegation commends the initiative of the Western States involved in the search for an urgent yet peaceful solution to this matter. My delegation is also proud of the attention that Member States are devoting to the issue. But most of all, my delegation applauds the patience and courage of the Namibian people and, in congratulating the President of SWAPO for his determination to continue to struggle for independ~nce, human dignity and respect for all Africans, would like to thank him for his statements which enlightened us on the work that is being carried out in Namibia. 156. My delegation acknowledges the fact that the implementation of resolutions adopted by the General Assembly on the question of Namibia should not and cannot be underestimated. But there are· other ways in which help can be rendere"d. Financial and technical assistance, training programmes and scholarships should all be considered as tangible means for helping Namibians to govern themselves and decide their own destiny. It is to this end that my delegation would continue to request my Goversnent's participation. My delegation concurs with the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia in chapter VIII of document A/32/24 which speaks specifically about the subject of assistance. 157. My delegation, in conclusion, reiterates the view which m.J.IlY hold: the success of this venture rests with the United Nations. There is great urgency for this body to act swiftly in forcing the South African regime to comply with the Mandate of the United Nations Charter and the resolutions adopted by this Assembly.

Once again our Organization fmds itself discussing the question of Namibia. Once again the United Nations has to debate a problem which is a typical example of South Africa's violation of the Charter and of the resolutions of United Nations bodies. And this year again our attention is drawn in plenary meeting to the sufferings of a population whose national territory, although enjoying international status, is under the unlawful occupation of a foreign Power which persistently flouts the principles of the Charter and scorns the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. And yet there are certain clear elements in the question of Namibia which, in my delegation's view, make it a test case for the United Nations; for there can be no justification for the non-implementation of the relevant resolutions of United Nations bodies. 160. My delegation would lik~ to express here its serious concern about this state of affairs. The fact that a foreign, indeed a colonialist, Power can in these days flout the most fundamental principles ofthe Charter provides no cause for optimism. Quite the contrary, it arouses serious concern as to the development of the problem which, ifthe possibility ofa peaceful rettlement recedes, might lead to an escalation -:If violence and jeopardize peace in that part of the world. 161. My country vigorously condemns the loathsome practices of apartheid as well as any policy which is designed to maintain indigenous peoples under colonialist regimes such as bantustanization. 162. With regard to Namibia in particular, my delegation is vigorously opposed to South Africa's unlawful occupation of the Territory and denounces the suffering and persecution inflicted on its population. The South African Government, defying the disapproval of the whole world and the clear opposition of all sectors of the Namibian people, as is mentioned in the report of the Special Committee, is also acting contrary to the dictates of commonsense. It is precisely commonsense which should lead it to the conclusion that the law of the minority in the end benefits no one, especially those who hold power contrary to the will ofthe majority. 163. An inevitable destiny is leading the oppressed peoples to the restoration of their rights, to human dignity, and to national sovereignty and independence. Nothing can change the course ofhistory. 164. My country condemns the !ncreasing recourse to violence and intimidation against the population of Namibia, ~s well as any act which prejudices th~ integrity of Its territory. It endorses the recommendations of the Special Committee made in its report, and it is ready to give . its support to any effort desigl1ed to ensure the application 165. I would not wish to conclude without expressing my congratulations to the members' of the United Nations Council for Namibia and of the Special Committee for the excellent reports they have provided for us, which have given us a fully documented background of th" question before us.

Mr. President, after reading the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia, the legal authority for the Territory, and hearing the President of SWAPO, the sole and authentic representative of the people of Namibia, as well as the well-documented statements of many representatives, we can abide by your request for breVity, since the need to implement scrupulously Security Council resolution 385 (1976) is quite clear. 167. Although the latest despotic actions of the Vorster Government appear to eliminate the possibilities of success for the peace negotiations undertaken by fIVe members of the Security Council, we support those negotiations and consider that, if they fail, they should prompt those members of the Se(,ourity Council to act more vigorously, within and outside the Council, to put an end, peacefully, through the most ~ffectivemeasures at their disposal, to the unjust and painful oppression to which the people Qf Namibia is subject. The United Nations can and should fmd peace and justice for Namibia:. 168. That is the earnest hope of the Dominican Republic because we would not wish the people of Namibia to be compelled to increase the price in bloodsh~d that they are already paying to liberate themselves from racism and coloniallim. 169. Mr. ALBORNOZ (Ecuador) linterpretation from Spanish): It is not only out ofsolidarity with a country and a region that is'emerging into independent life that Ecuador has been supporting all resolutions relating to the question of Namibia, but also for reasons connected with our own history as a free people and the principles we unswervingly uphold in the international community_ We stand as one with our brothers of Africa in respect of this question, which involves both a danger to world peace and a threat to the validity, effectiveness and responsibility of contemporary international law, as expressed in majority resolutions of the most important organs of the United Nations system. 170. The Pretoria regime is in open rebellion against the General Assembly, the Security Council and the International Court ofJustice, and is therefore violating the United Nations Charter. Its racist practices are an affront to the enfor~mentand implementation of Security Council reso· luction 385 (1976). We therefore hope that the steps undertaken by the five members of the Se.curity Council wi111ead. to a rapid solution of the ptoblem. We tIust that that joint effort which represents the last open door for th*: peaceful settlement of the problem will achieve positive results. in a short spalIl of time. Such a settlement must perforce contf~mplate) togetner with .the recognition ofthe right of the people of Namibia to self..detennination and independen~" respect for its t~rritorial integrity~ free "elections und~r United Nations. supervision, theiInIw:diate withdrawal of the civilian and military administration of South Africa, release ofpolitical detaineesand the fun right of SWAPO as the authentic representative of the people to participate in the whole pro~ss. 172. Two' days agO, before a number of Foreign Ministers and African ambassadors \'isitiflg Quito, the Head of State of Ecuador stated: "..•. the Ecuadorian society, by vocation and convic.. tion~ is anti-racist and therefore opposed to racial segregation,. discrimination and colonialism, as it has clearlY shoWI;l. in supporting the resolutions adopted by the United Nations against the racist and colonialist regimes. ofsouthern Africa." 173. In the United. Nations we have consistently rejected any SQuth African attempt to take over Namibia. It sl1oul1 be recalled tha.t the General Assembly" when it dealt with this questkln in 196-5, expressed the opinion t~·lt any manQeuv~ of this kind on the part of Sol1th Africawould constitute act Qfaggression[t'e$alution2074 (XXll. TherefQ:tef the announced dec,ision of the Pretoria regime to anneX. W&lvis. ~y-which is and should continue to be an integral part of Namibia-is null and void. My country, a zealous. champirJn of the {ii1nciple: uf respect for temtorial integrity, has. always supported the condemnation of the racist regune for such attempts and has proc1aiL~ed. that Namibia must ernl;;rge to independent life with its territorial heritageintact.. 1'14. The lat~st news on the prevailing. situation in South Africa is. dis4':tmraaing. in the ex.t~eme" We: cannot but reject the measures.. rept\:5enting a violation of human rights,.. 175. My country feels that the solution of this question, because it is: based on a rightt would reaff'trm the prinCiples on which we bue international life, namely, the right of people to self-determination,. respect for their independence and integrity, the condemnation of colonialism, IIOn.. recognition of the acquisition of territory through the use of force, the legal equality of States, the solution of international disputes by peaceful and legal means and the prohibition of the use of force or coercion in relations between States. 176. Faced with the defWlce ofthe South African regime, we mustreafium the strength of world public opinion in order to bring to a happy conclusion the painful processof the emergence to independent life of this oppressed country on whose territory South Africa maintains 50,000 men at arms. That imposition, which in. no. way engenders rights, will not last for ever and will not prevail against the he.roism of the Namibian population. We might recall that the independence of the peoples ofSouth America was not attained ma short span of time and that many years of hardship elapsed before our independence was reaffinned and recognized. Since then, however, a century and a half has elapsed and we nourish the hope that the independence of new countIies can be achieved" in shorter perioch of time and without b!ovr...med or suffering" a10und the negotiating table in the United Nations. That is whyf' in reiterating our solidarity with the people of Namibia,. we express the hope that an end will be put shortly to the ludicrous. and unjust situation which seeks to impede a justified historic process and that oppression will be succeeded by an opportunity for free elections under United Nations supervision~so that Namibia. may occupy its rightful pLace among the free countrie5ofthe world.