A/31/PV.72 General Assembly

Having very closely followed the development of events in Africa, particularly southern Africa, we have noted the following two trends. 2. First of all, the resistance of the people of southern Africa has bec:Jme greater in opposition to the policy of repression practised by the white racist minority Govern- ment. 3. Secondly, relations between the white racist minority Governments of southern Africa and racist zionism, which occupies Palestine, have expanded in the nuclear, economi.::, military and trade fields, as we read in the reports which have been brought before us by the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/32/22 and Add.1-3/. 4. These trends have a great significance, since they are interdependent. Thus, for example, the struggle of the African peoples h'ls allowed them to redouble their political activities both inside and outside the country. 5. Ir.side, opposition demonstrations turned into an armed struggle between the demonstrators and the racists, as in Soweto in 1976 and 1977. The people refused to accept the policy of apartheid. which was designed to prevent the African people from exercising their legitimate rights. The NEW YORK aim was to relegate Africans to an inferior status as third or fourth class citizens, and treat them as a source of cheap labour at the disposal of the foreign monopolies who exploit the riches of the black man in his own country. 6. On the political level the African people refused to surrender to local and international isolation by rejecting the policies of bantustanization, the last of which was that of the false independence of the Transkei in October 1976. 7. Outside political support for the African people has increased, and the recognition of the legality of their struggle against the racist minority has increased also. That support has been demonstrated by a number of conferences that have denounced apa!"theid In addition, serious efforts have been made to. put an end to military, political, economic alid trade ties with South Africa. In the United Nations resolutions on the subject have been supported by the majority of Member States, except for a small number of countries which still pursue imperialist and colonialist policies, as th~y did in the past, or which are trying to protect the interests of monopuly undertakings in the region. 8. Political support and recognition of the right of the people of southern Africa to take over their own destiny because of their overwhelming numbers have shown the invalidity of the attitude that rejected a military, economic and trade embargo against the racist'regime on the grounds that that would preclude a peaceful solution with regard to the renunciation by South Africa of its claims to Namibia or its racist policy, vis-a.-vis its African citizens. The three members of the Security Council which used their veto last yea. did so without considering the needs of the African peopie. Nevertheless, this year those States were induced to vote for resolution 418 (1977) of 4 November, requiring States Members of the United Nations to cease the sale of anns to South Africa and to cancel manufacturing licences for such arms, or licences likely to allow that country to develop nuclear weapons. 9. I must now turn to the question of the relations between the Governments of Pretoria and Israel. Those two GO~lemmentssuffer from and complain about the political, economic and trade isolation imposed on them both regionally and internationally. They are both intruders in their respective regions, for t.ltey have adopted the same ideology, based internally on terrorism and externally on racism, which they apply against the citizens of the lands they have occupied. Moreover they are doing all they can to pillage the resuurces of the lands they have seized. Consequently they have had to strengthen their bilateral relations in the military, nuclear and economic spheres. Their behaviour is founded on the principle that they are encircled by hostile nations, forgetting that this hostility 10. It would be logical, therefore, for us to ask in the near future for the application of Chapter VII of the Charter at all levels. namely, an embargo on the sale of weapons or on the granting of licences for their production or the production of nuclear weapons. Those measures should apply against the Zionist State, since it is practising the same policies as those applied by the racist Government against the people of South Africa. Furthermore, it is the only Government that helps to increase the number of victims in Africa and occupied Palestine. 11. We stand in solidarity with the people ofSouth Africa, and we shall continue to give them OUt political and material support until they have won total victory over racism in all its forms.

Events which may be of great and historic importance are in the offing in the Middle East. In view of this it seems to me appropriate that this event should be reflected in this Assembly both in its plenary meetings and in its committees, in that the acrimonious and counter-productive debate on the Middle East, which seems to be at the centre of most of the deliberations, should be suspended. 13. In the circumstances I shall ignore all the matters extraneous to the subject ofapartheid which were raised in this debate, and will devote my remarks to the subject under discussion, namely apartheid, bearing in mind that a specific draft resolution has been introduced against Israel. 14. Since the subject of this debate is the policy of apartheid, I shall begiil by addressmg myself to this issue. The position of the Government of Israel witl]. regard to apartheid remains unchanged and indeed our position as a people has remained unchanged for more than 3,000 years. The basic tenets of Judais'l1, as enshrined in the Bible, are totally irreconcilable with any form of racism and racial discrimination. The dictum that ••... God created man in his own image ..." [Genesis 1:27J applies to all peoples of all races, while the Bible unambiguously rejects a system whose legal code does not apply equally to all citizens: "You shall have one law for the sojoumer and for the native ..." [Leviticus 24:22J. And the Book 0 - Leviticus states clearly that freedom is a universal principle: "And you shall proclaim liberty throughout the land to all the inhabitants " [Leviticus 25:10J. We are ourselves a multiracial people of all colours and backgrounds, whose religion can be freely adopted by all, regardless of race, colour or sex. lY. But the traditional Jewish support for the struggle against racism stems not merely from a deep-rooted abhorrence of the very notion of discrimination based on race, colour or creed, but also from the fact that for centuries the Jewish people have been the classic victims of racial discrimination. Our ancient history began with slavery and the yearning for freedom. During the Middle Ages Jews lived for hundreds of years in ghettos, subject to an unending succession of pogroms and expulsions and suffering the most ruthless persecution and oppression. 16. Our modem history, as embodied in the rebirth of a free and sovereign Jewish State, begins with a proclamation of emancipation, while Jewish communities throughout the world have transformed their own historical experience into an active stmggle against racism. In the words of Vernon Jordan, Director of the National Urban League in the United States, the Jewish community "stood with us in the darkest days of oppression anet marched by our side in the brightest days of the common struggle". The Reverend Martin Lutherr King Jr. wrote that "Jews have identified with Negroes voluntarily in the freedom movement, moti- vated by their religious and cultural commitment to justice". Martin Luther King, Nobel Peace Prize winner and one of the greatest symbols of the fight against racism in this century, knew full well that racism is indivisible and he vigorously denounced anti-Semitism, warning just 10 days before his death that: "It is not just that anti-Semitism is immoral"-he wrote-"though ·that alone is enough. It is used tp divide Negro and Jew, who have effectively collaborated in the struggle for justice. It injures Negroes because it upholds the doctrine of racism which they have the greatest stake in destroying". That warning could not be more appropriate today as we hear representatives in this hall engaged in a vicious anti-Semitic campaign which grievously harms the very struggle against racism which is the ostensible purpose of this debate. 17. Israel itself has remained faithful both to Herzl's aspirations and to its ancient heritage. As a democracy, and with regard for its diverse ethnic, religious and linguistic groupings, the State of Israel has from its very inception been guided by the principles of freedom, justice and peace, and has done its utmost to ensure equality of social and political rights for all its inhabitants. Given the sea of hostility which surrounds us, it is SUf(;;:Y no mean achievement for Israel to have consistently upheld the rights, both personal and national, of its Arab citizens, so that they are represented in every walk of Israeli life, ranging from our Parliament and Government to our defence forces. The same is ~rue in the territories adminis- tered by Israel since 1967-the only place in the whole Arab world, incidentally, where the Arab inhabitants have been able to conduct free elections. In a word, the modem State of Israel embodies traditional Jewish attitudes to- wards racism, for it has created a free and multiracial society in which racial discrimination simply does not exist. 18. I appreciate that many of those who have taken it upon themselves to attack Israel do not understand these concepts which Rre the very foundation of democratic life in Israel. But I would remind those delegates of the ancient Arabic proverb which proclaims: "Like the muezzin of Homs, he calls the people to prayer, but he himselfgoes to his work". That proverb can have no more appropriate application than to the hypocritical singling out of Israel for its relatiolls with South Africa by those countries that themselves deal with South Africa. For two years now I have come to the Assembly with one simple demand: apply the same standards to all nations whose representatives are assembled here. If it ') trade that is to be discussed here, then let us receive a full account of all trade, investment, tourism, gold purchases, oil supplies and visits, both overt and covert': before passing judgement on anyone nation. 19. But once again we have witnessed the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid applying the most cynical double standards to its proceedings, and engaging in such selective duplicity as to cast veI'! serious doubts on its credentials. I refer of course to tht Committee's report contained in document A/32/22/Add.3, .entitled "Relations between Israel and South Africa". If the Committee's purpose and raison d'etre is to attack Israel, then it is undoubtedly performing its function. If, however, its purpose is to combat the policies of apartheid and to expose all relations with South Africa, then the Committee has betrayed its . mandate and failed both the Ge!leral Assembly and the African world. 20. Seldom have I encountered a more cynical document than the special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid on relations between Israel and South Africa. The one-sidedness, the trall_sparent hypocrisy and selec- tivity, of that document make it evident that we have here before us a document that has been inspired by discriminatory and biased motives that bear no relation to the problem ofapartheid. 21. Indeed what this document reveals is that the mem- bers of that Committee have deliberately avoided the issue in question in order to pursue a partisan, private war against Israel-in pursuance, presumably, of the dictate which they received from the Arab delegations. The Committee has thus failed in its dLlty to this Assembly and should in my humble opinion be censured for a document which is dishonest, biased, discriminatory, and an insult to the intelligence ofthis Assembly. 22. If ever a Committee has failed in a task assigned to it, it is the Special Committee against Apartheid. Let us co~sider a few of the pearls of wisdom it has cast before this Assembly. 23. The report opens with the alarming statement that: "The Special Committee has followed with grave concern the continuing and increasing collaboration by the Government of Israel with the apartheid regime of 24. So on the basis of these tendentious reports, which have no basis whatsoever in fact, and in respect of which no proof is adduced, Israel is to be condemned. The Govern- ment of Israel has denied these allegations, and I take this opportunity once again to deny them formally. 25. The sources of supply of South Africa's nuclear reactors have been publicly discussed of late in the world press. But these reports have been conveniently ~liminated from the special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid. This fact did not deter the Specim Committee from expressing "grave concern" about sometlUng which Israel has denied, concerning which HO evidence has been adduced because it does not exist, and which is nothing more than the product of hearsay and malicious propa- ganda. 26. An analysis of this report shows it up for the oiased superficial document it is. The Special Committee refers to the World Conference for Action agai..'1stApartheid, held in Lagos. True, Israel accepted the invitation and nominated a delegation. The reason for withdrawing its participation was not a spurious one as the report would suggest. It was . because the request of the World Jewish Congress to attend the Conference was rejected. It was because the Palestine Uberation Organization, which has nothing to do with this issue, was invited. It was because the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People was invited although it bears no relation to this problem other than that of giving an additional excuse to the Chairman of that Committee to waste public international funds by taking more unnecessary trips around the world at public expense. In the circumstances, we withdrew from the Conference. Although lsra~l's reasons for doing so were laid out in detail in my letter to Secretary-General Waldheim dated 16 August 1977 and circulated as docu- ment A/32/166, the Special Committee cho~ to slur Israel on this matter without referring to an official United Nations document containing Israel's position. 27. The Committee publishes the figures for trade in 1976 between Israel and South Africa. How can one possibly draw conclusions from such figures without comparing them to the figures for South Africa's trade with other countries? These figures are public. They have been published everywhere, except in the Committee's report. 28. Are there no limits to the depths ofhypocrisy to which one can descend? You in the Committee talk about Israeli 29. I could go on and tear this document apart line by line but it is not worth taking the Assembly's time to do so. It is a cheap smear, absolutely unworthy of being con- sidered as an international document, and a sad commen- tary on the ~veI of international morality which motivates the Committee'. It is an insult to the members of this body. Indeed, any delegation that votes on the basis of the prejudiced, one-sided hearsay published in this document is condemning itself as the Committee has done. 30. By its selectivity and indulgence in tendentious in· nuendoes against IS!8el alone, the Special Committee has consciously engaged in a cynical cover-up operation by withholding from this Assembly information which it knows to be relevant to the subject of relations with South Africa. Since the Committee's information about Israel is based entirely on newspaper speculation, it is remarkable that it missed all the recent reports about. for example, arms shipments from the Soviet bloc tQ SOUUi Africa. Is it possible that the Committee failed to notice the numerous press report~ describing the very intricate invol\'~ment of the Arab States with South Africa in matters such as gold purchase and oil supplies? 3I. If the Special Committee against Apartheid has decided to use the press for a published polemic against [srael, and if a draft resolution is to be proposed on this basis, then the least this Assembly can do is demand that the same sources be used without discrimination to expose an relations with South Africa. Since the Committee has . _ faUed in its duty, [ have no choice bUd: to reveal the facts ...- and statistics as thev are, and to put Israel's relations with South Africa into proper perspective. 32. International financial statistics reveal that Israel's trade with sOuth Africa constitutes a mere two fifths of I per cent of South Africa's foreign trade, The question of who carries on the remaining 99 and three fifths per cent of South Africa's SI4 5 billion trade is a question the Special Committee clearly felt was unimportant. In citing trade statlitics on Israel. the Special Committee chose to quote The Star of Johannesburg as its source. However. I have available here for perusal by any representative who is interested in seeing them the published details of South Africa's foreign trade as released in the July 1977 Direction of Trade report of IMF. Why did the Special Committee against Apartheid not publish a special report on each of the m.any countries whose trade. with South Africa dwarfs that of Israei? The United Nations Association, in its monthly newspap~r, has made quite clear who accounts for the other 99 and three fifths per cent of South Africa's trade. An article entitled "Who trades with South Africa" states: "The list of nations which currently trade with South Africa is as long as, and in many cases identical to. the Only one of these countries apparently merits a special report and resolution. If two fIfths of 1 per cent warrants such extensive reporting in United Nations documents and speeches, then let the same treatment be accorded to all South Africa's trading partners-without exception-on a proportional basis equal to that accorded Israel. 33. I mdst confess that, until I examined the many recent articles analysing foreign trade and investment in South Africa, I myself was unaware of just how minuscule was Israel's proportion of that total. Could it be that members of the Special Committee missed the detailed economic analysis provided. in the last few weeks by The New York limes, on 30 October, 1 November and 6 November, 11ze Washington Po~t, oc! 27 October, Newsweek and Time, on 7 Novt;mber, and NewsdDy, on 2 November? 34. From The New York Times of 6 November, for example, I learned that Europe's investment in South Africa amounted to more than $13 billion, that Africa had invested S572 million, and Asia $400 million. Israel's total investment in South Africa is in the thousands of dollars, and comes, I believe, to something in the region of approximately one tenth of 1 per cent of the investment in South Africa of Asia alone. 35. Adopting one resolution for every country with a stake in the 520 bil!ion total foreign investment in South Africa would seem an appropriate way for the Assemobly to pass the next six weeks.. After aU, its principal task in the next six weeks is only to acctJmulate resolutions con- demning Israel. 36. I have occasionally asked some of the representatives of the major Powers about their billion-dollar trade with South Africa, and I have invariably been told that any major reduction in that trade would cause those countries serious economic difficulties. Similarly, I have been told by representatives of some of those African countries which according to the IMF account for 8 per cent of South Africa's trade that their vital economic interests would be affected if they reduced or cut off their ties with Pretoria. Why is it that such considerations do not apply to Israel? Does Israel not have vital economic interests and economic -difficulties? 'Is not the national interest as important to us as it is to all those countries that will continue trading with South Africa as they hide behind a resolution condemning Israel in order to assnage their own consciences? I would merely remind many of those countries that it was not Israel that decided to cut off the fruitful and productive programmes of economic co-operation that Bilked us in the common struggle for development which is so vital to all our national interests. 37. Unfortunately, the unwarranted attacks on Israel by some countries in the course of this debate leave one no alternative but to provide a few more detdls on South Africa's trading partners which the Special Committee apparently overlooked. The newspaper went on to comment: "Research has revealed that black Africa gained much more from Israel before the Yom Kippur war in terms of trade, technical assistance and training of personnel than they have gained from Arabs' petro-dollaN." The promise of financial aid to offset the African nations' rising oil bills "turned out to be a big bubble that fIZZled away", said the Kenyan newspaper. 39. In the Daily Times of Nigeria of 27 July ofthis year, a correspondent reported that: "Arab oil still fmds its way to South Africa. Arms and armam2nts meant for some Arab countries still fmd their way to South Africa." 40. And in the Sunday Times of Nigeria of 10 April, under the headline "We should reopen diplomatic ties with Israel" a correspondent wrote: "It is disgusting to see that we are prepared to go to any length with the Arabs even when they Eupply oil to South Africa. Or do we pretend not to know that the Arabs still sell oil to the apartheid administration in Pretoria? " 41. The COV~ri nature of the Arab oil supply to South Africa was noted by the Lebanese newspaper AI-Radaf, which wrote: "[The Arabs] met with maximum success in their attempts to conceal the fact that South Africa is receiving Arab oil, reciprocating African support for the Arabs . [With] the flow of oil to black Africa's major . enemy" According to page 18 of the Economist Intelligence Unit's Specitzl Report 3:. dated July 1976, ~ne of these suppliers is Iraq, which chooses to slander Israel in this hall while supplying oil to South Africa from its Basra fields. 42. I could go on with details of the major Kuwaiti holdings in the London and Rhodesian Corporation, Lonrho, Ltd., of offers Qf Arab loans to the bantustans which they here noisily denounce and of the many other aspects of what The Rand Daily Mail of South Africa has described as the "hush-hush dialogue" between the Arab States and Pretoria. 43. If ever we saw an example of bare-faced hyPOcrisy it was reflected in the statement in this debate of the representative of Kuwait [70th meeting} attacking Israel and denying any connexian between Kuwait and South Africa, while we know that members of the Kuwaiti ruling family continue to hold what is in effect the controlling interest in the London and Rhodesian Corporation. True, after my revelations to this Assembly last year, 1 the ] See Officiol Records of the Geneml Assembly, ThirtY-first Session. PlenoTy Meetings, 49th meeting, paras. 103-]48. 44. It is noteworthy that President Nyerere of the United Republic of Tanzania was himself constrained to complain about the hundreds of millions of dollars worth of trade between the Arab States and South Africa in which they exchange oil for gold. Referring to the massive increase in the price of gold, President Nyerere stated, "This is Arab money, and most of it is going to South Africa". Indeed, just a few days ago, on 4 November, The New York Times. reporting on the soaring price of gold bullion, remarked: "Today the hungriest market for gold is the oil-rich Middle East, which last year absorbed almom: 16 million ounces, or one third of the total mine output." The Metal BuUetin of 14 June 1977 was even more specific, naming Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States, Iraq, Egypt, Syria, Jordan and Yemen as being among the Middle Eastern ~ountrie8 which "provided the main thrust for gold demat...d": "Dfreet shipments to these countries amounted to 500 tons of gold, one third of the global supply." 45. I can but remind the Saudi Arabian representative ofa statement he made in the Security Council earlier this year in which he said that: "... e~ch country has a glass house and each country has stones. Let each country, each Government and each people reform itselfbefore it tries to reform others ...".2 Those Arab States that would throw stones at Israel for its minuscule trade with South Africa should beware lest they shatter the fragile walls that hold the enormous quantities ofSouth African gold stored in their <?wn glass houses. 46. The absurdity of singling out Israel has now reached new heights in the accusations levelled against us in the matter of arms supplies. We had understood this issue to have been resolved by the recent Security Council resolu- tion declaring a mandatory arms embargo; in formulating our policy after the adoption ofSecurity Council resolution 418 (1977) we shall act in accordance with that resolution. One wonders, therefore, what purpose is served in this debate by flogging a dead horse. 47. There is an Arabic proverb that states, "He who knows the truth but keeps silent is like him who tells lies". The Special Committee against Apartheid has knowingly con- cealed information from this General Assembly and has thereby done a grave disservice to the struggle against racism. It has chosen to smear Israel as a cover-up for its refusal to report on relations with South Africa, infor- mation on which it must have in its possession if its members read the newspapers as assiduously as their report on Israel indicates. The only difference between us and our accusers in this matter is that we do not conceal our trade while they do. 48. Israel, as a country which has iJeen subjected to an international Arab boycott for the past 30 years, rejects in 2 See Officiol Records of the Security Council, Thirty·second Yeor, 2000th meeting. para. 193. 49. Furthennore, an economic boycott is, in the final analysis, counter-productive, as the representative of the United States" Mr. Andrew Young, was quoted as saying last week in The Washington Post. 50. Boycotts are not the way to solve international problems. Rather, Israel's position is that change can best be effected thro.llgh persu'asion and constructive dialogue, in which· trade and economic relations can play an important role. We have always maintained that relations with Governments which have different policies and ideol- ogies in no way imply acquiescence in those ideologies. If they did, we would all fmd ourselves in an embarrassing and untenabl.e position, ~ of us without exception. 51. When leaders of the United States confer with their counterparts in the Soviet Union and China and carry on an expanding trade,. or when East and West Gennany consult on future relations between their countries, those States are demonstrating that dialogue can produce understanding, progress and change, without any implication that ~they agree with each other's systems of government. Such all attitude appears to us infmitely more mature, for example, than the continued hitherto obstinate refusal dfmany Arab representatives to meet with their Israeli counterparts. 52. The specious singling out of Israel for its relations with South Africa therefore serves no one and no purpose but tb.e fruitless campaign of political warfare to which most of the Arab States are addicted. payard Rustin, a veteran black civil rights leader in the United States, recently wrote: u ••• I do not interpret American trade with the Soviet Uni~>n as approval of the persecution of Jews, intel- lectuals, artists and scientists. Nor do I think that trade relations with South Africa represents Israeli or the black African nations' approval ofapartheid." 53. The fact is that Israel is singled out for special treatment not because of its inconsequential trade with South Africa, but because most of the Arab States will use each and every opportunity at their disposal to attack Israel. As the publication West Africa bluntly stated: "The Arabs identify with the black Africans only because of their votes in the United Nations and other conferences". 54. Many African leaders and writers have expressed concern both at the use of petro-dollars and economic pressure to exercise political influence and at the con- tinuing increase in oil prices, which is crippling much of ¥rica economically. 55. Finally, it is indeed painful to see these factors I have mentioned still at work today, in this very debate on a subject where there could and should be a universal consensus. For every time an international conference raises a matter of vital importance to the Africans, the Arab 56. In short, if the issue of economic relations is to be raised, it must be raised in respect of everybody. If that is the: aim, let us compile a full compendium of economic transactions with South Africa and let us open the books for all to see. But let us once and for all abandon the hypocrisy of selective accusations which serve no purpose other than to undermine the moral stature and credibility of the United Nations itself.

The situation resulting from the policy of apartheid in South Africa appears more serious than ever. A number of significant developments have taken place both within and outside that troubled nation since this subject was last discussed here in the General Assembly. Tensions have increased considerably and the perils implicit in a prolongation of that state of affairs have reached an alarming stage. 58. Inside South Africa we have witnessed an intensified wave of repression against those who, in opposing the Government's policies, claim their fundamental rights and freedorns. Mass demonstrations and boycotts occur ever more frequently, met by police brutality against peaceful demonstrators, many of them children, and by mass arrests and detentions. The precarious position of Africans living in urban areas has been further weakened. Forced transfers and evictions, the intensification of measures to control and police the population add to the frustration. The repression of dissent reaches more and more segments ofthe people as they-convinced of the injustice and untenability of the system of apartheid-voice their concern and advocate change. These people include journalists, artists, trade unionists,. spokesmen of the churches and religious organi- zations. The ill-treatment of political prisoners is arousing public opinion all over the world. The death ofSteven Biko and others, under circumstances not satisfactorily clarified, will remain unforgotten. Refugees, in particular students, are crowding into neighbouring States, adding to the eccnomic problems of those States. The efforts of the South African Government to cope with the increasing dissatisfaction and unrest have remained largely ineffective. Reforms introduced on a moderate scale and under internal and external pressure, though a step in the right direction, do not appear far-reaching enough to represent real change. The policy of bantustanization, unanimously rejected by the world community, is meeting with serious stumbling- blocks. The so-called Transkei remains totally dependent 59. Other factors contributing to the mounting concern are the possibility of the development of a nuclear potential by South Africa and its increasing military expenditures. 60. As the news of recurrent waves ofunrest, violence and repression reaches us, our concern about the present situation and the injustice inflicted upon a majority of the people of South Africa and about the future of that great nation, if change should not be forthcoming soon, moves us once again to urge those responsible to do everything within their power to avert the prospect of racial confla- gration by abandoning the inhuman system on which the precarious supremacy of a minority rests. 61. It is our fmn conviction that apartheid is not only morally unjustified and incompatible with the most funda· mental human rights but it also does not provide the basis for a viable society. This, we believe, is now also being recognized by more and more white South Africans. They too, must be saved from the consequences of the course taken by the South African Government in contempt of the rights and wishes of the majority and in defiance of the world community. Their burden wnI not be an easy one. Economic difficulties are mounting, with the outside world increasingly relu~~ant to inve.... in South Africa or to provide loans. The political lsolation into which the leadership of that country has led its people contributes to the feeling of uncertainty. 62. As this situation has evolved over the past year, international support for the struggle of the South Africans against apartheid has broadened and intensified. This sympathy and active solidarity were amply demonstrated at the World Conference for Action against Apartheid. held in Lagos in August, which can indeed be termed a milestone in the long struggle for human rights in South Africa. The Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid,3 unani- mously approved, reflects the broad consensus of the world community on the issues involved. My country was glad to participate in that Conference and to join its voice to the many others calling for the immediate abolition of apart- heid and for a society in which all South Africans, regardless of race and origin, share in shaping their country's future. 63. Support for the just struggle of the opponents of apartheid has also been forthcoming, more strongly than ever, from individual States and international governmental and non-governmental organizations. Thus my country continues to contribute to the various United Nations funds for the victims of racism in southern Africa. 64. The United Nations continues to play a key role in our common efforts to bring about rapid and peaceful change by maintaining the necesso:~ pressure on the South African regime and by supporting the forces instrumental in such change. These efforts are :x:'c~ted to gain in strength in the 3 Sce Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publicatioil, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2). chap. X. 65. The decisions recently taken unanimously by the Se\:urity Council represent a monumental step in our long struggle against apartheid. My country, which already has been observing a voluntary arms embargo, welcomes those important decisions. 66. Finally, let me express the conviction that the pressure on the South African rulers from within and without must be maintained and intemdfied and that such pressure will not fail to have its effect. As the well-known British publicist, Lord Goodman, recently put it: "'The vulnerability of South Africans to non-violent pressures must be unique. Their highly organized indus- trial system... is almost wholly dependent on black co-operation." 67. Chang~ must be coming and it must be soon, for the present policies cannot continue. The pressures will in- crease, and the prospect for the future is too terrifying to contemplate. Leaders of the oppo"tion to apartheid have time and again stressed their determination not to relent in ~heirstruggle. Nelson Mandela put it this way: "'During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to. this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and enjoy equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I alT' prepared to die." 68. We appeal once again, strongly, to the South African Government to heed such sentiments, to listen to the voice of reason and to abandon its inhuman and disastrous policy. Though time is running i out rapidly there is still room for sincere and earnest efforts to succeed; for, as another prominent black South African, Petcy Qoboza, said: "It is never too late to do the right thing. It is never too late to transform llie might of South Africa into the might of justice and dignity for all. It is never too late to build a South Africa where people of all races can live togetherin mutual respect and tolerance."

For many years now the apartheid policy of South AfriCa has dominated the deliberations of the United Nations, and yet, despite the 70. These repressive measures, in actual fact, add yet another dark chapter to the bloo~-stainedhistory ofSouth Africa. For 300 years, ever since the coming of the Europeans to South Africa, the people ofthat unhappyland have known nothing but abuse, harassment and deprivation of basic human rights. Indeed the path of South African history is ~trewn with the corpses of brave fighters for freedom and human dignity. 71. In this context, then, one might say that the recent repressive measures are not surprising. They had to be anticipated, given the nature of the regime. What is surprising is why, and by what logic, the international community can tolerate for so long the continued ~xistence of such a regime, a regime that disregards the normal civilized standards of behaviour acceptable to ciVilized man everywhere~ That is the essential question. 72. One thing is certain in all this gloomy history; historically repression has not silenced the legitunate protest of the people of South Africa. The recent panic measures taken by the apartheid State will not silence it. Instead, the heroic peop~e of South Africa, like millions of . other human beings elsewhere under similar conditions, will devise new and more effective methods of protest. This they are bound to do until. a society ofequals, regardless of race, colour, creed or .::rigin, has been created in South Africa. Man's love for freedom will aiways enable him to surmount all difficulties in pursuit ofthat sacred inalienable right. 73. A!low me to applaud the heroic people of South Africa, including the unflinching schoolchildren whose brave protest has won the admiration of the internation&l community for their persistent refusal to be slaves in their own country. We all know that racism thrives on myths, for it has no' other basis than that. The history of Nazi Germany, with its racist myths that destroyed millions of human beings, is too recent and too painful for us to be complacent when we see another such phenomenon loom- ing on the horizon. 74~ South Africa is formulating and propagating several myths based on abominable racism. The aim of thos~ myths is to hoodwink the international community and thus buy time for the apartheid State. The dominant myth is that the white race must rule South Africa in perpetuity. a myth based on bogus theories of racial superiority. In an attempt to deceive the world into bc!lieving that the apartheid rulers have now abandoned that myth and their age-long goal of dominating the blacks for ever, tJiey are terung the world that, as a matter of fact, they are granting blacks independence ill their so-called historical lands-the ban- tustan5. We are told that they are even contemplating legally referring to the Africans as "blacks", rather than "Bantu", a derogatory tenn in South African usage; pemaps they ate already doing so. 76. Another myth propagated in order to whitewash apartheid is that in South Africa the blacks earn higher salaries than in independent Mrican States. "So what?" one mi~t ask. In any case, even if it· were totally true, which it is not, would it be a valid comparison? Of course not. The only valid comparison is that between the salaries of blacks and whites in South Africa. The racists are nfraid to make that comparison because they know that the gap is appalling and that, in fact, blat;k labour subsidizes the salaries ofwhite workers by design of the State. 77. Here is a society then where you fmd one racial group deliberately impoverishing another on no other grounds than that of race. The whites who live in opulence have free and compulsory education up to the secondary level, whereas the blacks, the deliberately impoverished groups, are denied that privilege and have to pay for inadequate, inferior education.. One could go on and on enumerating the disparities, bat they are all too well known to us to merit elaborate repetition here. 78. The apartheid State not only oppresses the people of South Africa itself, but it is also involved in Namibia and rebel Rhodesia. The illegal racist minority regime in Salisbury would not have lasted for so long had it not been sustained by South Africa, the greatest of sanctions busters. It is this support which has emboldened the rebel regime and enabled it to launch vicious attacks against neighbour- ing African States. 79. In Namibia, the regime seeks to create a client State whose dependence on Pretoria can be assured. For this reason, Pretoria is hostile to the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the only movement in Namibia recognized as the authentic representative of the Namibian people by both the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations. It is clear, therefore, that South Africa contributes directly and indirectly to the oppression of the people of Namibia and Zimbabwe. This is·why the General Assembly and, more recently, the Security Council, though in a limited sense in the latter case, have recognized that the policies and actions of the apartheid State are a threat to peace. 80. The repression in South Africa has rendered homeless thousands of South Africans of all ages wh6 are now languishing in exile. We in J3Qtswana have first-hand 81. It is gratifying that the international community has rallied to meet the need of those people in a variety "f ways, for example by offering them asylum and places for education and training, and by making fmancial contribu- tions. In.this context, Botswana would like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for so effectively mobilizing this assistance. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and several non-governmental organizations also d~serve special commendation. It is hoped that all States and non-governmental bodies wnI ('.()ntinue generously to give this assistance. But, ofcourse, such assistance can only be a temporary measure. The real and fmal solution lies in the complete elimination of apartheid, in the creation ofa free society ofequals in South Africa. 82. We note with appreciation the efforts of the interna- tional community to eliminate apartheid and to liberate southern Africa. The Maputo International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the Lagos World Conferenct" for Action against Apartheid are landmarks in the history of international action against oppression in southern Africa. The organizers should be comrnended for mounting these Conferences. It now remains for the international communUy to impl~mentthe Declarations of these Conferences.4 83. We note that there is increasing awareness interna- tionally at both the individual and State ~evels that action must be taken against apartheid. But so far' not enough pressure has been forthcoming, even though the'regime is beginning to feel more and more isolated. We urge those with the ability to do so to exert pressure on South Africa to persuade it to abandon apartheid in order'to avoid the catastrophe that is bound to come if the apartheid State continues with its inhuman policies. 84. In the meantime the international community should intensify its support for the people of South Africa in its struggle against oppression.

This is not the fmt time that the General Assembly has considered the question of the policies of apartheid of the racist Pretoria regime; indeed, it has discussed it many times. The representatives of African countries have eloquently and pertinently reminded the Assembly that this question is of extreme importance, and that the question of apartheid and the policies of the Republic of South Africa arose at the same time as the establishment of the United Nations itself. 86. As one mounts this rostrum, one asks oneselfa simple question; Why is it that so shameful, inhuman and racist a .. For the Maputo Declaration in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe. and Namibia, see Officilll Records of the Security Council, Thirty·second fur, Supplement fOl' July, AUlUst and September 1977, document S/12344/Rev.l, annex V. 87. The racists of Pretoria are no fortuitous phenomenon; they were not born today or. yesterday, and it might be timely to remind the Assembly that the ParJia~nt of the Union of South Africa, as that State was then knc>wn, had some difficulty in rejecting a proposal that the Union-or, as it is today called, the Republic of South Africa--should join the aggressive Fascist bloc in the course of the Second World War. 88. As one can see, the kinship between the racist spirits of nazism defeated in the Second World War and today's racists in the Republic of South Africa has long been evident, and the racist policies of Pretoria, the slave status of 18 million Africans in the Republic of South Africa are no accident. 89. The present discussion of the problem ofapartheid in our Organization is explained by the fact that, notwith- standing the considerable efforts already made by the United Nations, other international organizations and public opinidn in many countries, it has not yet proved possible to put an end to the mass repre~.sion, exploitation and oppression of the indigenous population, which includes both Africans and persons of Asian, including Chinese descent, at present living in that country. Unfor- tunately, the continuing discussions of this question in the United Nations is explained by the fact that there are. serious obs~acles preventing the adoption of effective measures which, in the final analysis, would lead to the definitive elimination of the dangerous hotbed of colonial- ism, neo-eolonialism, racism and apartheid that is still maintaining itselfin southern Africa. 90. It is perfectly obvious that the existence and the . direction ef the hateful policies of the racist regime contradict the most elementary cOilcepts of humanity and the equality of races and nations. 91. The younger generation today, which has grown up since the Second World War, thinks of the Second World War and fascism as a matter ofpast history, something that is not going to be repeated. But those who today wish correctly to understand what a dreadful fate was being prepared by the Nazis for the peoples of the whole world should direct their gaze towards the Republic of South Africa. That country is in fact a relatively small contem- porary model of the racist emflire headed by the "super- men" that the Hitlerites and their henchmen were preparing for the entire world had they won. 92. The Soviet people, together with their allies in the anti-Hitler coalition, made a decisive contribution to the victory over fascism, which helped to preserve human civilization and created auspicious conditions for the collapse of colonial empires. When the Soviet people now see that in the Republic of South Africa the overwhelming majority of the indigenous population is subjected to cruel and vicious exploitation by the South African racists, when tbey learn that the racists of the Republic of South Mrica have arrogated to themselves the uright" to attack young, 91. What is the Republic of South Africa. cnd its. policy in our day'~ A great deaf fuM been said about this and said eloquently. 94. It is said that the Republic: of South Afnea is a preserve ofcolonialisnt in the south'of Afdca. 95. It i$ said that tbe Republic of South Africa is.~, ~est and a bastioiJ offl{1Q7thdd and massgenocide. 96. It is said that tbe RepubJic of South: Africa is a country that has become a strike-fcrce of neo-coloniaJists, that it has created a serious threat to independent Africa~ countries, a threat to peace throughout Africa and not only in Africa: 97. This is all true" indeed more than troe. The Republic of South Africa flagrantly vioJates the United N.:tions Charter and the purposes and principles embodied in that Charter. The Republic of South Africa is flouting the numerous decisions of the General Assembly and other organs of the United Nations tJ1at have stigmatized apart- heid as one of the gravest crimes against mankmd and that have recognized the legitimacy of the struggle of the South African people in order completely to wipe from the face of the earth these shameful phenomena that are a heavy burden on the conscience ofmankind. 98. Let no one hesitate to speak the truth here. Apartheid is contemporary fascism in action. Everybody has long known of the kinship between the racists ar.<f the Fascists and Nazis. I have already·talked about the difficulties· that the Parliament of the Republic of South Afi:ica. had at the: time in rejecting the proposal of the racists to' take that country into the Second Wodd War on: the side of the aggressive Nazi bloc_ Those whoO t..ried ttl secure the rejection of that decision succeeded by such a small majority that the fingeIS of one hand would Iiave: been too many to count that majority_1'he present head of the South African leade~ VQIste:r,. at the: beginning of the Second World War took an: activ.e' part in. pro..Fascist activities and his. present actiYity i$ not an evolution away from racis.m and arpartlwid but rather the: epntinuation of hi3 views and past actiNities- 99. Through t~ fault of racists. and their patrons, the SQ\lth ~f Af~a is ~ of the: most sensitive hotbeds of ten$,{oo o-l\ oox' ~t~ Peace- and security there, the frfldQD\ Qf ~ .!Et'" can De achieved only by ~limma~t» ~ ~ on: the- basis.of the complete ~ID~~Qt~ti,QJ;t; ",f ~ piinciples and. provisions of the Umt~ Na~ (~te-,t~of ~ Declaration on the Granting ,,If l~~~ tQ' Colonial Countries and Peoples: and Q-~"~~~ taken by the' United:Nations on this (t~~ .~t:~ ~ dli~Qn: of the- vestiges of colonialism and t~~ w~ ~ of v$1; and truly historic importance not ~ fQJi t~t but a1:$O for future: generations, because it w~ ~QV€t I'J.'Ot only th~ present but also the future ~~~re in that region, throughout Africa ~~b-~the wodd~ 10l. As was indicated in the Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid adopted in August of this year. the policy and practice of the Pretoria regime have already created an explosive situation throughout the south of Africa and events have now entered upon the stage of acute crisis. further ~xacerbation of that crisis may become unavoid- able because 9f many factors. We entirely concur in this important Declaration on the matter made at the Lagos Conference. . 102. The apartheid regime. as most recent events- not to mention less recent events-have shown, is continuing its poHcy of mass repression against democratic public opinion in the country and against the entire African population and is most flagrantly violating the most elementary human rights, All attempts to express ideas or convictions which are contrary to the official inhuman racist doctrine. that doctrine by which the leaders of Pretoria are guided in their actions. are mercilessly crushed. 103. Recently a group of Western European countrie~ published a code of conduct for their affiliates in South Africa IA/32/267, annex! which envisages the setting up of unions for African workers, a possible increase in thei:' wages, better canteens, better benches in the parks. and so forth. This is all well and good, but these things should h ~ been done long since in southern Africa·-in the Republic of South Africa. Namibia and Zimbabwe. But that code will not change apartheid. The policy and practice ofapartheid and tbe policy and practice of racism will remain. Can we point to a single enterprise, a single afttliate of any monopoly in the Western countries today which has actually put into practice the good intentions written in the code of conduct'? Perhaps somebody will tell us about this? Perhaps somebody will name such an enterprise and perhaps someone will tell us about the pnblic garden_ restaurant or cinema where white, black. yellow and other peoples living in South Africa are all able to rest and to live together quietly in peace. 104. No~ the time for good intentions is already past. Apartheid will not go away voluntarily. The struggle of the peoples, and only that struggle, together with the assistance of all other peoples fUi the struggling. peoples, will put an end to radsm, apartheid and the blood·baths perpetrated by the racists. The liberation struggle will inevitably be victorious, and no evasions or manoeuvres by the racists can prevent this. 105. It is: difficult fc.~ us to have any assurance that the racist leaders in the south of Africa can be persuaded to become more humane. Moral appeals are hardly likely to cut much ice with the racists. Just read the, bare-faced statements of the racist bosses after the recent moral pep-talb given them by representatives of certain Western ~pplicable to the leaders in SalisbblU~ty~._,-------~g~f~l:h~e:::rpIT.·.~e~ad~o~if.nucle3J' weapons throughout the world: __ they are incompatible witlt the demand of the African 107. Apartheid, the criminal 3ctions and the entire policy countries that Africa be tut.ied into a nuclear-free zone, in of the racist regime in Pretoria, have arouset:l the just and accordance with United NatiOlli resolutions. HaYinl em- angry condemnation of all those who cherish ihe ideals of barked upon that road, which is one of extreme danger to freedom and peace, all those who cannot reconcile them- peace, SouthAfricais openly threatening war. selves with the existence of a preserve of slavery. The acts of the Pretoria regime were strongly condemned in the 112. I should like to remind those present that the Soviet course of the recent discussion on this quest:on in the Union has already issued a serious warning in connexio,n Security Council. The repressive measures by the South with this new and extremely important factor, which very African 3uthorities against the population of the country much exacerbates the already feme situation in the south should also be sternly judged in the decisions that will be of Africa. We contiJlue to believe that a reLi~ble barrier taken after the discussion of this question here among us in must be raised against such acts by the South African the General Assembly in the course of this session. radsts, and that we must block any attempts on their part to possess nuclear weaponc 108. Deep ('oncem is being expressed by public opinion throughout the world at the fact that the South African authorities are not only stubbornly refusing to give up their policies of rar.ial oppression inside the country but are also perpetrating numerous acts of aggression against neighbour- ing, independent, young African St8tes. The racists of the Republic of South Africa, as representatives know, have arro~ted to themselves the right to bring pressure to bear by forc~ of arms on the policies of young African States if they do not like those policies. They even arrogate to themselves the right to iJwade those countries ift-ley wish, even as f.'lr as to the Equator. But who gave them the right to invade countries as far north as the Equator? As I have saids apartheid within the Republic of South Africa is a collection of cruel, Draconian and Fascist laws applied to the indigenous African population which red~ces them to the level of animals. Apartheid with respect to the neighbouring African peoples and Africa as a whole is a direct Fascist threat to their freedom and independence. The nuciear-equippedracists are a monstrous evil which must be eradicated forthwith before it brings tragedy to the whole ~f Mrica and all the world. The aggressiveness is not an accidental phenomenon. 109. The aggressiveness of the Republic ofSouth Africa is not accidental; it is inherent in the very system ofapartheid since the theory and practice of the racists stem from the long-since refuted principle of racial supremacy which ~xperience proves false. That is the meaning of the rapid growth in the direct military expenditures of South Africa which have increased almost fortyfold in the last 15 years. That increase needs to be soberly weighed and appraised by the States neighbouring on the Republic of South Africa. and not only by those States but also by all the independent States of Africa and not-even by Africa alone. no. It is no longer a secret that the Republic of South Africa is working to develop its own nuclear-weapon potential and is preparing for tests of such weapons in Namibia-a Territory illegally seized and occupied by it-in 113. The serious danger to peace in Africa-and not only in t.fuca-posed by the Republic of South Africa wu recently noted by the Urtited Nations Council for Namibia. The Council stressed that the South African authorities are carrying out preparatioJi$ to test a nuclear device fo·r military and aggr:ss~e purposes in th~ near future. The Council's statement IA/32/213-5/12398, annul contained an appeal to all States Memb~n, of the Uni~ed N3tions to endeavour to the utmost to prevent South Africa from pursuing its policy of developing its military and nuclear potential. 114. It is also alanning that the Pretoria leaders are . sharply increasing the tempo of the miUtarization of the country in the field of conventional annarnents as well. A reading of the latest statements of Vorster shows that they already have a suffJi:ient number of tanks. artillery and other weapons and ammunition, even if they should, let us suppose. receive no further shipmenU of spare parts and ammunition from any country for three years. The military budget and the amount of offensive weapons are growiRg rapidly in South Africa. That. ofcourse, is no~ the result of any :hreat to the country from its neighbours: it is clear evidence of the .preparations of the racists for further aggressive attacks against tile national liberation movements and for further acts ofaggression against African St~tes. 115. Unfortunately. we have to note here that in stepp,ing up its military production and acquiring the latestarma~ ments South Africa, despite the well-known decisions of the United Nations prohibiting any assistance to the racists in the field of armaments, is making active use of its economiclinks with a number ofWestem States. The States Members of our Organization and the world's public have expressed the hope that the Security Council's recent important decision in resolution 418 ( t977)--a histo,rjc first-to order a mandatory embargo on arms shipments to South Af1'ica will be stringently complied with. For our part, we are in favour of active support for this Illajor 116. However, Olte cmnot but realize that a military embargo alone is obviously inadequate. that has been said already. We believe that that step should s~rvP, as astart and as I basis: for further effective steps against the racist r6gime, aimed at stopping any co-operation With it in all flelds-i'n the economic field. the commercial field, the field of capital investments and so on. It.is no secret that the system of llfJllrthtid would long since have collapsed completely if the Pretoria leaders had not enjoyed the wide support of the monopoHes of a number of Western countr!cst members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza- tion IHA TOI. In this regard, the aims of the South African na~ists and of the foreign transnational monopolies ob.. vk.ml1y coincide completely. The foreign monopolies appear in South Africa not merely as concomitants of nC()-eo~.)[da1isll1~they appear also to be directly aiding and abetHng the racist r6gime. The foreign monopolies are cootinu'ing to strengthen their positiorts in the economy of the ~egion. They are attracted to the region by the vast qmutities of raw materials available and the cheap labour rot'c~. They have an interest in the continued existence of the racist r~gime, since the conditions of discrimination and of the ensla,,~ment of the majority of the populatibh obtaIning in South Africa are precisely What will ensure the forei@n monopolies a supply of cheap labour and extra· ordinuily high profits-in fact, super·profits. 117~ S~nce the embargo on arms shipments to South Africa. the Pretoria leaders are now saying cynically that they .Ire not at all bothered by that measure since they are perfectly capable of getting by in the pursuit of their aggressive purposes with the military potential they have already built up with the supp"rt of the West. Such pronouncements merely stress the urgency' not only of strict compliance with the resolution concerning the em· batgo on anns shipments hut also of the adoption of further effective measures and of the extension of sanctions against Pn.coria to other fields and an end to any and all CtHlpe:ation with the racist regime ofPretoria in the sphere ef nuclear technology, in the economic and financial fields, and in other domains. The delegation of the Soviet Union fully supports the related proposals of th~ African countries which have been put forward in the course of the discussion and expresses the hope that any decision on the question of the policies of apart!:ei4 of the G~vernment of South Africa to be taken at th~ ses'Simt of the General Assembly wit also contribute to the application and extension of mandatory ~Bnctions against the actions and policies of the Pretoria leaders. t 18. There is one more important fact to be noted. The si~u2tion in the ~uth of A(rica is becoming more explosive also because Pretoria, to deceive public opinion, is asserting widely th2t i~ is, supposedly, ready to engage in dialogue iJliide the country with a view to draWing up a so-called ,....tioDa1 poJky". ~n practicc7 however, this is translated int() a reluctance on the part of the <iouth African racist f~~J:ne t"1 withdraw fmm Samibia, tn pull out it'\ tmops fr"m the Territory or to enter into negutiations with SWMO, the S()~ lawful representative of the people of 119. I have been moved to address myself briefly to a number of contemporary features of the situation in southern Africa as my delegation und~rsta'1ds them. These clearly indicate that the Pretoria regime continues to refuse to heed any appeals, continues to defy th~ United Nations and persist.. in its criminal policy ofapartheid. What I have said is sutticient to emphasize the ?"ute necessity for immediate effective measures by the United Nations to put an end to this shameful policy and these shameful practices. 120. If together we can do something effective-and the United Nations has the duty to do no less-we shall thereby be assisting the peoples of southern Africa and Africa as a whole to free themselves soon, and once and for all, from colonialism, racism and apartheid and to remove the potential threat of a large-scale, vicious war by the racists against its own people and the peoples of all Africa. t21. The people~ of southern Africa and of Africa as a whole must be on the watch. The racists and their henchmen are hatching some plans that arc extremely dangerous to the freedom and independenc~ of African peoples. 122. The position of the Soviet Union on the urgent problems of southern Africa have been repeatedly set forth by the leaders ofthe Soviet State and the Communist Party of the USSR. They are well knewn to the peoples of the African continent and the peoples of the whole world. The Soviet State has followed and continues to follow the Lcninist foreign policy of peaCE' and friendship among p~oplcs and assistance to peoples struggling ·for their freedom. In a recently published message from the Central "We warmly welcome the peoples that have freed themselves from colonialism and embarked on the road of national rebirth and social progress. We express our deep solidarity with the peoples that are continuing the heroic struggle for their freedom and independence". The message went on: "The Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the Soviet Government and all the people of the Soviet Union will continue to side with those who uphold the freedom and independence of peoples and support the noble ideals of humanity and social justice". 123. Guided by Leninist principles in its foreign policy, the Soviet Union has been and will always be in the forefront of those who pronounce themselves in favour of the final liquidation of colonialism, racism and apartheid. rt has given and will continue to give assistance and support to the peoples fighting for their freedom. As was said from this rostrum by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. Gromyko: '"The sooner we do away with this anachronism of our age-colonialism, racism and apartheid-the cleaner wiIJ be the air in Africa and the world at large. and the greater wiIJ be the range of a~tion for the policy of detente. This is what was called for by the historic DeclaraHon on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples adopted by the United Nations 17 years ago. "This is also called for in the specific decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council condemning South African and Rhodesian racists. Those decisions must be ~trictly implemented by aD-and I emphasize 'by all'-States".{8th meeting, paras. 158-159./ 124. In calling for effective measures against colonialist racist regimes, the Soviet Union is strictly complying with the decisions of the United Nations. 125. Speaking from this rostrum, the representative of Israel-I do not see him in the hall. and that is really too bad-said something rather absurd about alleged links between the countries of the "Soviet bloc" and the Republic of South Africa. There is no such thing as a "Soviet bloc", but so far as the socialist countries are concerned, I can state that the socialist countries do not maintain any links with South Africa. The representative of Israel should not utter untruths from this rostrum. 126. The Soviet Union has no diplor- 'ttic, military, eco- nomic or any other relations with the racist Pretoria regime. Indeed, the Soviet Union was one of the initiators of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punish- ment of the Crime of Apartheid {resolution 3068(XXVII/JI. The Soviet Union supported the appeal 127. We should like today to ask the representatives of Member States-and it would be very useful if they replied to this question-why this Convention has thus far been signed and ratified by only 37 States. 128. Comrade Brezhnev, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, stated the follOWing in his report on 2 November: .'... today we can declare with confidence that there is no force on earth that can wipe away the results of the heroic liberation struggle of the masses. many million strong, in the former colonies and quasi-colonies of imperialism. The cause of the emancipation of peoples is invincible. The future belongs to that cause. The torch lit by the October Revolution will not be extinguished on that front of world history either". 129. The policy of the .Soviet Union in Africa pursues clear and noble goals. I should have liked to conclude my statement at this point, but I am constrained to say a few more words. 130. I shou'id like to say these few words in connexion with the statements of the representatives of two countries which we' have heard here. The countries are known to everyone; I shall not name them. They sought to portray themselves as "friends" of the peoples of Africa. and in doing so they viciously distorted ihegood intentions of Soviet foreign policy in Africa. They alleged that our country tries to substitute its influence in this region and - throughout Africa for that of someone else. 13I. One of those speakers, the representative of his country. made a statement virtually identical to the old, lying imperialist propaganda about the "hand of Moscow" allegedly guilty in any country or in any part of the world where a social or national liberation struggle is going on. Only one reply can be given to that representative: You wnt win no laurels here with statements of this kind, which verge on reaction, militarism, sometimes even imperialism in its subversive ~ctivities directed against the unity of the African countries and against the unity of the socialist countries and the nationallibcration movements. 132. It would be better for the United Nations, for the peoples of the world, and progress and general security if the representatives of this country would submit even one constructive proposal to the United Nations that would help to roll back the threat of anot],ter world war and to solve even one of the many urgent international problems. 133. The representative of the other country, apparently forgetting the language of his people. repeated words from a worn-out disc recorded in the rust country I mentioned. 134. Our African friends asked us yesterday not to get into an argument with these representatives, for this would 135. The day wiJI come when these representatives wiJI feel foolish and ashamed ofthe loud and absurd statements they have made from this rostrum hi regard to our country and its noble Leninist forei~ policy. The peoples of Africa well know t~at in their struggle for the complete elimina· tion of colonialism, racism. apartheid ~nd all foreign oppression they can count firmly on the Soviet Union and the countries of the socialist commonwealth. That has repeatedly been declared by the leaders of many countries. The peoples also know that the words of the socialist leaders are.backed by their deeds. That has been the case in the past. and it wiJI continue to be the case in the future. No one wnJ succeed in driving a wedge into the unity of the socialist peoples and the young African countries. 136. (should like to cOltclude with a quotation from a statement by a very distingdishedand respected statesman from a Latin American country. In a statement reflecting the feelings of delegates who had visited the Soviet Union to attend the Congress of our Party. Fidel .Camo. an outstanding leader of the international labour movement and the head ofthe Cuban Government stated: "Since the foundation of the Soviet State evert struggling people, whether in Europe. Asia. Africa or Latin America, has been able, as was our people. to count on the support aud solidarity of Soviet Communists. And everywhere where there are poble hearts, everywhere where there is a sense of j~stice and common sense. this will not be forgotten." 137. Mr. HADJ·AZZOUT (Algeria) (interpretation from French): Without doubt the policy ofapartheid is one of the problems that has most plagued our Organization since its creation and has for many years attracted the attention of the international commullity. The number of debates devoted to it and the number of resolutions adopted on this subject by both the Security Council and the General Assembly unequivocally reflect the denunciation and con- demnation of the policies of apartheid practised by the white minorit¥ ofsouthern Africa and prove the concern of the internatilOnal community at the persistence of the_ heinous and anachronistic system of apartheid and racial discrimination. 138. thUs it is not a new or unknown question that our Organization is tackling today. That is why my deleption does not intend to speak oftm genesis and development of the problem. However, it might be ~ful to point out that the question ofapartheid is one of the rare questions, ifnot the only one. which logically lend themselves to effective action by our Organization, precisely because we have been unanimous in our condemnation of the policies of apart- heid and united in recommending specific action to destroy and wipe out this odious system once and for all. 140. i The Pretoria regime does not seem to understand the scope and meaning of the profound changes that have taken place lately in sou~hern Africa. The triumph ofthe peoples of Angola and Mozambique against Portuguese colonialism and the victories achieved by the freedom fighters of Namibia and' Zimbabwe have given new vigour to the struggle of the South African people. 141. But far from accepting the evidence of what is happening, the South African regime, the last bastion of colonialism and racism in southern Africa, is strengthening its mllitary potential. uttering threats, committing acts of aggression against the independent African States, trying to perpetuate its illegal occupation of Namibia and giving wide-scale extensive support to the illegal regime of lan Smith in Rhodesia. All these acts make up a serious threat to international peace and security. 142. Apartheid might have disappeared had all Member States acted in accordance with the decisions of the General Assembly-that is, if all States ended all forms of aid, support and assistance to the Pretoria regime. 143. Thus, in violation of the decisions and recom- mendations of the General Assembly, certain Western Powers. through a broad range of co-operation. are guaran- teeing the survival of the racist Pretoria regime and encouraging it to continue its policies. 144. In fact, according to the report of the Special Coremittee against Apartheid /A/32/22 and Add.I-3}. certain Western States have recently even conclutUed long- term agreements with tite Pretoria regime covering the granting of licences and the investment ofcapital. Further- more. those States have just granted. either directly or through their transnational corporations, extensive loans to the wielders of power in South Africa. According to the Special Committee's report, certain Western Powers have openly contributed to the strengthening of the military- industrial complex of South Africa. Today, military and nuclear co-operation between South Africa and certain Western Powers, particularly France and Israel, have enabled Vorster to pursue his policy of aggression against independent African States and strengthened the repression of the African masses within the country. 146. The connivance of certain Powers with the racist Pretoria regime has been demonstrated on more than one occasion. More recently, when the Security Council was urgently convened to examine the question of South Africa because of the deterioration of the situation, the Western members of the Security Council once again prevented the adoption of effective measures to eliminate apartheid through an abuse of their votes. Of course, we shall be told that for the first time the Council decided to act in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter by imposing a mandatory embargo on the supply of arms to the South African authorities. We would have been gratified by that decision had it been taken earlier. In fact, the practical effects of this embargo are nil, since Pretoria has already said that this decision will in no way inconvenience it. 147. That is why the refusal of the Western countries that are members of the Council to extend sanctions to cover the economic field, the only measure that would really affect the upholders of apartheid. is a clear illustration of the bad faith they have always shown when dealing with the problem ofapartheid. 148. But we must respond to the appeal of the martyred people of South Africa. Our duty is to give it totw support, and our decisions must involve the most effective action we can take to help them to free themselves from the yoke of racism and exploitation. Thus we will save them from further suffering, from new Sharpevilles and new Sowetos.

Since the adoption of Security Council resolution 418 (1977) is considered by many delegations as a milestone this year in the struggle against apartheid and the illegal racist minority regimes of southern' Africa, we feel that it would be appropriate to make known our comments on that act of the Security Council. 150. Our first comment concerns the applicability of Chapter VII of the Charter, which the Western Powers have for years constantly refused to apply, despite the serious- ness of the massacres and acts of oppression and suppres- sion that justified our reiterated appeals for such action by the Security CounciL What has happened this year to make the famous Chapter VII suddenly applicable to the African case? The fact of the apartheid problem and the threats that it poses to international peace and security are identical in 1977 to what they were when the SharpeviIle massacres were perpetrated and in Soweto two years ago. There can be no doubt that we have here a flagrant violation of the spirit of the Charter. namely since the application of that document is being made to depend not on objective conditions recognized by the vast majority of States, but on the subjective assessment and the one-sided evaluations made by the Western members of the Security Council. We cannot but condemn this violation which has meanwhile caused the suffering and death of many in- nocent victims. 152.. It is quite ironic that some among those that sold weapons to South Africa, either overtly or covertly, now want to present that resolution to us as a tme step forward on the road to collective action by the United Nations. The truth is. however, that this is an inoperative resolution since it is intended to prevent a state of affairs that already exists. It is useless, we think. to try to stop the wholesale arming of South Africa when we know full well that that arming has been completed. 153. In adopting the resolution that I have mentioned the Security Council is like a fighter who deliberately tries to hit his enemy where it will do him the least harm or no harm at all. This is a logic that we cannot understand. But by virtue of this same logic, we have applied economic sanctions to Southern Rhodesia but not the military sanctions the majority of Member States would have desired. Conversely. we have decreed an embargo on arms for South Africa. but not the economic sanctions the majority of countries are calling for. I repeat. this is a logic that we cannot understand. although we are no longer surprised by it. It is true that there is among us a group of countries that wish to swim against the current and that, thus far, have succeeded in leaving the mark of their own contradictions and even, in the case of some of them, of their complicity on the actions of the United Nations against the racist regime. 154. We heard them, these countries, in the recent meetings of the Security Council expressing thejr fears that, once imposed, the embargo might be difficult. jf not impossible. to remove because of the vetoes of the Communist Powers. In that way they showed their inclina- tion to vote against the racist minority today and to ally themselves with it tomorrow. 155. It is those same countries that have stressed the m~jor importance of the adoption by consensus of the Lagos Declaration. But, at the first opportunity. they made known their reservations. when the resolution on foreign economic and other interests in South Africa was being discussed in the Fourth Committee: and then later in the Security Council when the votes were cast on the African draft resolutions submitted by Benin, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and Mauritius. 156. It is those same countries. preaching the virtues of persuasion and dialogue, which want to change the dicta- torial nature of the Pretoria regime. without challenging or disturbing the ties of political, economic. military. nuclear and financial interdependence that have been created with that country over the years. 157. It is those same countries which want to ootain concessions from the racist regime without withdrawing ur even threatening to withdraw the financial and el )t1omic assistance which that regime requires for its surviv'3 and for the perpetuation of its inhuman policies. 159. The contents of Security Council resolution 418 (1977). its wilfully restrictive language and the condi- tions in which it was adopted. unfortunstely prove again thlt for some the principles that they defend in their own case become less cogent when they ate to be applied to the African majority in Azania. It is imperative and urgent to change this itpprcssion and we are concerned to exercise a real influence on the solution of the problems of southern Africa. 160. The collective action of the Organization. however. to' be effective calls for a consensus between the General Assembly. the most representative body of the interna- tional community. and the Security Council. which has special responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace and security. The vote on Security Council resolution 418 (1971) indicates that this condition has only been partiaUy fulfilled as far asapartheid and southern Africa are concerned. 161_ We felr that we. as 10 the past. may be held hostage by a small group of countries that wish to reap political advantage from their vote in favour of the re5(jlution. but which will succumb to the temptation of resisting the adoption of supplementary measures. even if those measures do enjoy the support of the majority. We have ah'eady come up against this diffi~ulty in the case of r(hodesia. where lan Smith. after the vote on economic WlCtions. was able to continue to prosper without any fear of military measures being adopted by the Unifed Nations. since the administering Power. the United J.(ingdom, was decisively opposed to such measures. 166. Before I conclude. I should like to echo the words of surprise and indignation expressed by the representative of . Algeria about the report of the official visit paid by the .representatives of the Transkei entity to Santiago, Chile. If, as we expect, this report is confirmed. we have legitimate reason for con~ern over this open breach of the common political front against the Transkei formed when the General Assembly declared the proclamation of the independence of that entity to be null and void. 163. This is the only road to follow if we wish to be true to our principles and put into practice our professions of sympathy and solidarity vis-a-vis the people of Azania and the nationallibera~ionmovement which represents them. . 164. At a time when nationalism in South Africa is awakening and organizing. what more ambitious role can we play than that of belping them to achieve their dream of freedom. of contributing to the legitimate struggle that they are waging, so that the majority may accede to power and preside over an independent. sovereign Azania. freed fromthee~lofa~htid? 165. I can only conclude by reaffirming the commitments that my country has made in this regard.