A/31/PV.83 General Assembly

We shall first consider the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 70 [AI3113311. We shall now proceed to take a decision on the draft resolution recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 11 of its report. A separate vote has been requested on operative paragraph 3 of the draft resolution. I would draw the attention of delegations to rule 129 of the General Assembly's rules of procedure. 9. I understand that the representative of Nigeria objects to the proposal for a separate vote. Under rule 129, it is provided that if objection is made to the request for division, the motion for division shall be voted upon. Permission to speak on the motion for division may be given to only two speakers in favour of and two speakers against the motion. 10. Is there any delegation that wishes to speak in favour of a separate vote on operative paragraph 3?

A request has been made for a separate vote on operative paragraph 3 of the draft resolution. The nine members of the European Communities which I represent at this moment wish to support this motion. Our delegations object to operative paragraph 3 which, in a selective and incorrect manner, condemns certain Member States who are members of the European Communities. In the Third Committee, many delegations have already expressed reser- vations on this paragraph. On behalf of our nine countries, I therefore formally support the request for a separate and recorded vote on operative paragraph 3 of the draft resolution under consideration.

I do not have to call on any further speakers in this connexion since the objection to the division has been withdrawn. A separate vote wiU therefore be taken on operative paragraph 3 of the draft resolution contained in paragraph 11 of document A/31/331. That paragraph reads: "Strongly condemns the collaboration of all States, particularly France, the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the United States of America,Israel and Japan, as well as those foreign economic interests which maintain and/or continue to increase their collaboratlon with the racist regimes of southern Africa, especially in the economic, military and nuclear fields". A recorded vote has been requested. In favour: Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Argentina, Benin, Bulgaria, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Chad, China, Comoros, Congo, Cuba, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Democratic Kampuchea, Democratic Against: Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Chile, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Federal Republic of, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Nether- lands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Uruguay, Venezuela.I Abstaining: Bahamas, Bangladesh, Barbados, Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Burma, Colombia, Costa Rica, Domi- nican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Fiji, Greece, Guate- mala, Haiti, Indonesia, Iran, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Morocco, Nicaragua, Niger, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Rwanda, Singapore, Surinam, Swaziland, Thailand, Turkey, Uganda, Upper Volta, Zaire. The paragraph was adopted by 68 votes to 25. with 39 abstentions. 2

The Assembly wiIl now vote on the draft resolution in paragraph 11 of document A/31/331 as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested.

I shall now call on delegations wishing to explain their vote after the vote.

As the Assembly miglt have noticed, my delegation voted in favour of operative paragraph 3 of the resolution just adopted. As my delega- tion stated in the Third Committee, however, it would have preferred a different language and wording for this opera- tive paragraph.

In the Third Committee my delegation voted in favour of this draft resolution as a whole while expressing several reservations in respect of paragraphs 3 and 4 of the operative part. On this occasion, since there was a request in the General Assembly for a separate vote on paragraph 3, my delegation abstained in the vote because in its view the future of our Organization-which, as stated in the Third Committee, is rendering good services to the peaceful coexistence of peoples of different ideologies and systems of Government-is not being strengthened by attempting here, disguised by or with the subterfuge of apparent respectability, to induce those peoples to adopt certain institutional systems. Nor do we deem it reasonable to make an implacable judgement on the conduct of some countries when not all of those arrogate to themselves the authority to do so, are in a position to demonstrate that they have the right to "cast the first stone". 17. The large number of abstentions registered in the voting, together with the negative votes, underlines the need for General Assembly resolutions as well as Com- mittee resolutions to be cast in a language which does not weaken their essential content, because otherwise the implementation olf resolutions becomes increasingly remote and uncertain. 18. My delegation, which has repeatedly condemned racism, colonialism and apartheid, insists that it is abso- lutely intolerable that peoples should be prevented from exercising their right to self-determination and that once again it is incumbent upon all the countries belonging to 3 The delegation of Israel SUbsequently informed the Secretariat tnat it wished to have its vote recorded as having been against the draft resolution. The delegation of Poland subsequently informed the Secretariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as an abltention. 19. The PRE.JIDENT: The Assembly will now consider the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 76 [A/31/291J. An amendment to the draft resolution con- tained in paragraph 10 of that document has been sub- mitted in document A/31/L,19. I call on the representative of Belgium to move the amendment.

I have the honour to introduce today, on behalf of Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Federal Republic of Germany, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America, an amendment [A/31/L.19] to the draft resolution contained in paragraph 10 of document A/31/291. This amendment proposes the deletion from operative paragraph 7 of the draft resolution of a direct reference to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], an organization of which all the sponsors of the amendment are members. In taking this initiative, the sponsors wished first of all to base themselves on principle, for they think that there is no reason to mention NATO in the context of this paragraph. NATO is a defensive organization whose scope is limited to the area of the North Atlantic. It should be said in passing that this organization, since its establishment in 1949, has played a decisive role in the maintenance of peace in that area, thus contribu ting directly to the peace of the world in general. 21. NATO plays no roleIn bilateral relations or in some Community relations that the countries members of NATO have with States located outside the area of the North Atlantic, and especially with African States. 22. With regard to the policy of the members of NATO towards southern Africa, I would recall that not a single one of them has recognized the pseudo-independence of Rhodesia. All the NATO countries favour early and true independence for Namibia. All the countries of NATO unambiguously condemn the unjust system of apartheid It is true that almost all the NATO countries maintain diplomatic relations with South Africa, but in the Western tradition the establishment of diplomatic relations with a country has never meant automatic approval of the policies of its Government. On the other hand, our countries do not believe that their relations with South Africa encourage the Pretoria Government to continue to stifle the aspirations for independence, self-determination and dignity of the peoples of southern Africa. In their view, their relations with the Pretoria Government make dialogue possible and offer the means of influencing the policy of that Govern- ment, both in South Africa itself and in the rest of southern Africa. 23. A major development occurred two months ago in Zimbabwe which enabled us to hope finally for a just and peaceful solution. This irreversible development is un- doubtedly due to a large extent to the pressures brought to bear on South Africa by countries members of NATO. Our countries have supported and continue to support a peaceful solution to tne problems of southern Africa. I would recall that, during the recent civil war in Angola, 24. I have stated the reasons which led us to call for the deletion of this tendentious reference to NATO. This reference was introduced a few years ago in a similar General Assembly resolution. From the outset no one was in any doubt as to who had introduced it, but it has become a cliche and most of you, perhaps, vote for it without attaching too much importance to it. But our delegations take strong exception to it. We believe that this reference is designed to undermine the relations between the non-aligned nations of the African continent and the countries members of NATO. These relations, whetherthey are bilateral or multilateral, are generally excellent, with regard to politics, economic matters, trade, culture and sport. They are conducted in the common interests of all the parties and in the absolute mutual respect for sover- eignty. It is all these factors that prompted us to introduce this amendment. We would also like to request a recorded voteon the amendments.

The representative of Belgium has presented the amendment contained in document A/31/ L,19 to operative paragraph 7 of the draft resolution in paragraph 10 of document A/31/291. Under rule 90 we shall proceed to vote first on the amendment contained in that document. A recorded vote has been requested.

The delegation of Niger would like to correct its vote. Its attention was distracted and it voted in favour of the amendment when it wished to vote against; we would be grateful if this correction could be made.

The correction of the represen- tative of Niger will be noted in the verbatim record. 28. The Assembly will now voteon the draft resolution in paragraph 10 of document A/31/291. A recorded vote has been requested.

We shall pass now to the third item on the agenda for today, the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 78 [A/31/342/. We shall now take a decision on the two draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 8 of its report. 30. Draft resolution I is entitled "Report of the United Nations' High Commissioner for Refugees". As the Third Committee adopted draft resolution I by conensus, may I take it that the General Assembly decides to do the same? Draft resolution.! was adopted (resolution 31/35). 3i' The PRESIDENT: Wecome now to draft resolution 11 entitled "Question of the establishment, in accordance with the Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, of a body to which 'persons claiming the benefit of the Convention may apply".

I call on the representative of Equatorial Guinea in explanation of vote.

The delegation of the Republic of Equa- torial Guinea participated in the consensus in favour of the adoption of draft resolution I, recommended for adoption by the Third Committee in document A/31/342, in which the General Assembly has taken note of the report of the High Commissioner for Refugeesin document A/31/12 and Add.l and 2 by endorsing "Economic and Social Council resolution 2011 (LXI) on the report of the United Nations HighCommissioner for Refugees". 34. The views of our delegation on the important and necessary work being done by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and his imperative need for financial, political and moral support from States Members of the United Nations and the specialized agencies to ensure the effectiveness and continuity of his exclusively humani- tarian mission have already been stated by our represen- tative on the Third Committee in the course of its 51st meeting, held on 16 November 1976. It is therefore not my intention to repeat all this here; I simply wish to place on record that our affirmative vote on draft resolution I does not imply, nor is to be interpreted as, recognition of or approval by the Republic of Equatorial Guinea of the 8 TIle delegation of Israel subsequently informed the Secretariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as having been against the draft resolution. 36. On the basis of what I have stated, my delegation is convinced that the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees will maintain the necessary contacts as agreed with the Republic of Equatorial Guinea so as to clarify the situation and in the future avoid including in United Nations documents, situations and opinions which are not in accord with or a reflection of the facts.

The Assembly will now consider the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 79 [A131/343/. We shall now take a decision on the two draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 10 if its report. Draft resolution I is entitled "National experience in promoting the co-operative move- ment". As the Third Committee adopted draft resolution I without. a vote, may I take it that the General Assembly wishesto do the same?

We now turn to draft resolution 11 entitled "National experience in achieving far-reaching social and economic changes for the purpose of social progress".

We turn next to the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 83 [A/31/294/. We shall now take a decision on the three draft resolutions recom- mended by the Third Committee in paragraph 17 of its report. I would inform the Assembly that when we come to draft resolution III the representative of Egypt would like to make an oral amendment. First we will take a decision on the other two draft resolutions. 40. Draft resolution I is entitled "Preservation and further development of cultural values". As the Third Committee adopted draft resolution I by consensus may I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same?

We shall now take a vote on draft resolution 11 entitled "Protection and restitution of works

In connexion with draft resolution III entitled "Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture", I call on the representative of Egypt, who wishes to move an oral amendment.

The amendment in question relates to operative paragraph 1 of the draft resolution. In the second line of this paragraph, after the words "includ- ing international organizations", my delegation would like to add the words "and the International Committee for the Festival".

Operative paragraph 1 as orally amended by the representative of Egypt wcvtd read: "Commends the efforts so far made by the interna- tional community, including international organizations and the International Committee for the Festival, in the preparation for the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture". Since I hear no objection, I take it that the Assembly is ready to accept that amendment and to proceed to a decision on this draft resolution. 45. As the Third Committee adopted draft resolution III by consensus, may I take it that the General Assembly, even after the amendment just moved and adopted, wishes to adopt the draft resolution as amended by consensus?

As we begin today to examine the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, it is gratifying to recall that, at the beginning of this session, the Assembly admitted Seychelles as a new Member of the United Nations. The fact that this former- colonial Territory now enjoys full membership in this Assembly stands out as a landmark in the process of decolonization. We are also pleased at the prospect of welcoming in the near future-tomorrow morning, to be more precise-the People's Republic of Angola, which has already celebrated the first anniversary of its independence and whose admission will constitute a milestone in the history of the struggle of colonial peoples to free them- selves. 47. The admission of new Members gives us the oppor- tunity to assess the progress made in the implementation of 48.• At the outset, we should like to express our apprecia- tion of the performance during last year of the Special Committee under the able leadership of its Chairman, my dicdngulshed colleague and beloved African brother, Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania and his colleagues, the Committee's officers. The Special Com- mittee has had a very active year, both in its efforts to promote constitutional and political progress in the small Territories under its jurisdiction and in its activities with regard to southern Africa. 49. My delegation sincerely hopes that this debate will contribute to finding ways to strengthen the role of the Special Committee so that it could help us eradicate the last vestigesof colonialism. 50. In our view, it is important that the Assembly should reaffirm the right of all colonial peoples to self-determi- nation and independence regardless of the size and geo- graphical location of the Territories they occupy. All colonial peoples have the right to decide their own destiny and to exercise their right to self-determination through consultation and without outside interference, pressure or intervention. 51. In this respect Mauritius attaches great importance to the work of visiting missions dispatched by the Special Committee. These missions are indispensable for securing adequate and first-hand information within the Territories and for ascertaining the views and wishes of their peoples. Of course, the co-operation of the administering Powers is essential for the success of such missions, and I should like to congratulate those Powers which have extended their co-operation to the Committee, particularly New Zealand, Australia and the United Kingdom, in the case of Seychelles. Those who are reluctant to co-operate should realize that visiting missions are designed to assist them in the discharge of their obligations under the Charter and the Declaration. 52. In underscoring the absolute right of all colonial peoples to be properly consulted about their future, we note with regret that the Assembly willhave to face cases in which solutions seem to have been imposed by force. Without prejudging those cases, my delegation would like to say that it will never acquiesce in the annexatior.. of a colonial Territory by any Member State and will firmly oppose aggressionagainstany colonial Territory. Nostrategic interests or economic considerations can justify another country's involvement in a colonial Territory. TIle General Assembly and the Security Council should sec to it that no Member State resorts to unilateral action in a colonial Territory and thus sets itself above international law with impunity. 53. Last year, the General Assembly, in resolution 3481 (XXX), emphasized the pressing need to take all necessary measures to bring about the speedy and complete 54. The struggle of the peoples of these two Territories and of the whole of southern Africa in general hasreached its final stages. The choice now before the international community is simple: either to help findassoonaspossible a negotiated settlement of the problems of Zimbabwe and Namibia or witness an intensified and protracted armed liberation struggle. ·55. With regard to Zimbabwe, we have always emphasized the responsibility of the United Kingdom as the administer- ing Power and its obligations under Chapter XI of the Charter. In this respect, we note with great interest the important role being played by the United Kingdom, in the person of our distinguished colleague, Ambassador Ivor Richard, in the round of negotiations now under way in Geneva. Without passing judgement on the nature of these negotiations, we believe that it is the duty of the United Kingdom to be involved and to take concrete action to assist in the process of decolonization of Zimbabwe and to secure genuine majority rule in the Territory as soon as possible. But, while the negotiations are taking place, the United Nations should not remain inactive, particularly in view of the serious threat to international peace and security that prevails in the area as a result of the senseless raids by Rhodesian troopsagainst refugee camps in Mozam- bique and acts of naked aggression by the army of the minority regime in Salisbury against Mozambique. It has been confirmed, both in Salisbury and in Pretoria, that South Africa isproviding IanSmithwith military assistance in addition to economic assistance. In these circumstances, the least the United Nations could do is to take the necessary mandatory measures to ensure that South Africa abides by its decisions in respect of sanctions against the illegal regime of Southern Rhodesia and refrains from assisting in the Rhodesian military build-up. It is also essential that the international community should increase its assistance to Mozambique soas to enable the courageous people of that country not only to meet the serious consequences of the decision to co-operate with the United Nations in imposing sanctions against Rhodesia, but also to cope with the additional requirements of its self-defence against aggression. 56. With regard to Namibia, it isa matter of grave concern to my delegation that, in spite of the special responsibility that the United Nations assumes for the future of the Territory and its people, the Security Council failed, the last time it met, to take any concrete action in spite of the failure of South Africa to co-operate in the implementation of Council resolution 385 (l976). We all recognize that all steps taken thus far in Namibia fall short of the essential conditions stipulated by the Security Council and that South Africa has failed to create the necessary political conditions for the properexercise by the people of Namibia of their right to self-determination and national indepen- dence. The so-called Turnhalle constitutional conference cannot lead to an acceptable settlement because no arrangements can be valid unless these are made in close consultation with the South West Africa People's Organizao 57. Mauritius firmly believes that the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa has reached its final stages. Zimbabwe and Namibia will free themselves in the near future of the yoke of oppression, racism and apartheid, with or without the assistance of the United Nations. We trust that those who have been impeding effective United Nations action will understand that time isrunning out for a peaceful and negotiated settlement.

Permit me, first of ail, to congratulate Ambassador Salim A. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, Chairman of the Special Committee, and all its members for the report on the situation with regard to the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [A/31/23/Rev.l]. The amount of effort that has gone into the preparation of the report is great and commendable. The Zambian delegation sincerely hopesthat the work of the Special Committee will continue to inspire the over-all efforts of the United Nations in its quest to fulfil one of the most sacred objectives of its Charter -namely, the decolonization of all countries and peoples. 59. We all know that the Special Committee was estab- lished by the General Assembly pursuant to its resolution 1654(XVI) of 27 November 1961. TheSpecial Committee was requested, according to the resolution, "to examine the application of the Declaration [on the Granting of Indepen- dence to Colonial Countries and Peoples contained in General Assembly resolution 1514(XV) of 14 December 1960] and to make suggestions and recommendations on the progress and extent of the implementation of the Leclaration". Thus, the General Asserr> In the early 19608 defined the task before the 81 :ommittee. However, withina few years, the General. _._. .ubly deemed it necessary, indeed imperative, to consolidate the workof the Special Committee so that it could have special responsibility for allmattersrelating to decolonization. 60. Thus resolution 1805 (XVII) of 14 December 1962, on South West Africa requested the Special Committee "to discharge, mutatis mutandis, the tasks assigned to the Special Committee for South West Africa". General Assembly resolution 1806(XVII) of 14 December 1962, dissolved the Special Committee on South West Africa. By this act, the General Assembly further recognized Namibia as essentially being a colonial question. On 16 December 1963, General Assembly resolution 1970(XVIII) further consolidated the work of the Special Committee by dissolving the Committee on Information from Non-Self- Governing Territories and requested the Special Committee to study the information transmitted under Article 73e of the United Nations Charter. The Special Committee was to take this information fully into account in examining the 61. At its twenty-eighth session, the General Assembly adopted 23 resolutions andtwo consensuses which assigned specific tasks to the Special Committee, aswell asa number of other resolutions relevant to decolonization. In these resolutions a number of countries were designated as colonial issues. Thus in the 1960s, the work of the Special Committee was defined and consolidated. This was achieved because by the 1960s a number of hitherto colonial countries had gained their independence and the United Nations began to act more responsibly on issues of decolonization. Questions of colonialism which hadhither- to been treated as peripheral issues by the UnitedNations assumed a central position and the whole framework of ;!tternational relations within the United Nations system was transformed for the bettermentof mankind. 62. The rest of the report deals with matters ranging from activities of foreign economic and other interests to the decolonization process in southern Africa and other coun tries and peoples whohave beenand continue to be victims of colonialism. 63. I shall briefly review the progress made in the field of decolonization with special reference to southern Africa. While the international community witnessed largely peace- ful accession to independence in the early and mid-1960s of many countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, it was also recognized that in more difficult situations it would be imperative to resort to armed struggle. Thus, the patriotic forces in former Portuguese colonies resorted to armed struggle. The heroic sacrifices and triumphs of the people of Angola, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique and Sao Tome andPrincipe, primarily through their own self-sacrifices and at the behest of the United Nations and progressive countries and forces of the world, ushered in an important phase against colonialism. Today, these countries are represented in this body by their own Governments. We salute them once again. The inspiration that these gallant sons and daughters of Africa showed directly inspired others into opting for the armed struggle. Since 1966, the authentic representative of the people of Namibia, SWAPO, has been waging an armed struggle and thisstruggle continues. InZimbabwe, the fighting continues to intensify. South Africa will not and cannot be an exception to this trend. One other result of the success of the armed struggle has been the frantic efforts of ex- colonial countries' rush to grant independence to their former colonial countries. The Seychelles, Western Sahara, the Comoros and indeed the impending independence of several other countries in Africa and elsewhere bear testimony to their irreversible trend. 64. In short, it can be said that the varied activities of the Special Committee have not been in vain. The trips to the areas near the war zones, the numerous meetings in New York and elsewhere which the Special Committee has undertaken during the past 16 years have been fruitful in that they have succeeded in drawing international oplnlon and attention to the evil system of colonialism the world over. For us, from the continent of Africa, the growing co-operation and co-ordination of effort between the 65. While we are happy on the progress made so far, Zambia is fully aware of the problems that still remain in the way of decolonization. These problems broadly fall into two categories: first, those that stem from the stubbornness of the colonial and racist regimes' attempts at self- perpetuation; and secondly, those that are being created by international imperialism, which has always provided sup- port to the oppressive regimes. 66. In Zimbabwe, the situation is growing more grave every day. The oppression of the people of Zimbabwe continues. Innocent people are being harrassed, tortured, detained and imprisoned by an illegal regime. Today, the people of Zimbabwe are being put in concentration camps, families are being tom apart and a general situation of fear prevails. Massacres are being perpetrated by the Smith. regime against the peace-loving people of Zimbabwe. Apart from the internal aggression that is daily going on, the Smith racist minority regime is frequently waging aggres- sion against independent neighbouring States, such as the Republic of Botswana, the People's Republic of Mozam- bique and my own country, Zambia. The Smith forces are attacking refugee camps and innocent Mozambicans. In short, the racist regime isrepeating, and failing to learn, the lesson that Portuguese colonialists failed to grasp. It is not my intention to gointo the details of the atrocities that the Smith regime is perpetrating against the innocent people of Zimbabwe. Suffice it to state here that the struggle has reached a critical stage in Zimbabwe and that misplaced optimism about the peaceful transition of that country to independence should not beentertained here. 67. The Presidents of the front-line States have done everything possible within the framework of the OAU mandate, the Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa? and the Dar es Salaam Declaration on Southern Africa10 to solve the Zimbabwe problem with minimum loss of human life. But even when talksare going on in Geneva, Smithand his Rhodesian Front clique are intensifying acts of repres- sion and aggression. Meanwhile, the Zimbabwe nationalists in Geneva are exercising great statesmanship under very difficult and provocative attitudesand actions by the Smith regime. The administering Power of Southern Rhodesia, namely the United Kingdom, is posturing as Chairman of the talks while withdrawing from exercising its responsi- bility as the country that is ultimately answerable for the extremely dangerous situation that now exists in and around Zimbabwe. In the light of the foregoing, the international community and the United Nations in partic- ular should take note of the merry-go-round in Geneva, which is being encouraged by the colonial Power, and redouble efforts to support the oppressed people of Zimbabwe to achieve their objective of self-determination and independence through the armed struggle. 9 See Of/lc/al Records of the General Assembly, Twenty-fourth &ss/on, Annexes, agenda item 106,document A/7754. 10Adopted by the Council of Ministers of the OrAAnization of African Unity at its ninth extraordinarysession held from 7 to 10 April 1975. 69. Namibia is quickly drifting to a dangerous flash-point, not only for southern Africa, but for Africa and the world as a whole. Thereport of the Special Committee hasclearly shown the extent to which the apartheid South African regime is determined to defy the true wishes of the people of Namibia and of the United Nations. South Africa's response to the various resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council has been a speeding up of its ambition to create a weak, puppet regime in Namibia which would be subservient to Pretoria and to international imperialism. The apartheid regime is even planning to take the Balkanization of Namibia a step further by keeping to itself a part of that country. Briefly, the factors which make Namibia a dangerously explosive situation are: first, South Africa continues to occupy Namibia illegally; secondly, the apartheid system continues in Namibia, in spite of the cosmetic treatment the system is getting from the regime; thirdly, the future of Namibia is being mishandled by a few Namibian traitors in league with the Vorster regime, contrary to the wishes and interests of the people of Namibia; fourthly, the authentic representative of the Namibian people, SWAPO, is not being allowed to play its part as the spokesm.an of the people of Namibia; fifthly, the jaternatlonal status of Namibia as a United Nations responsibility is being overlooked by the illegal occupier; and, sixthly, Namibia is being extensively militarized for the purpose of increased aggression against the people of Namibia and the Statesof Angola an" Zambia. 70. The dangerous situation arising from this state of affairs has been compounded by those countries, especially Western countries, which are continuing to strengthen the apartheid regime in Namibia through their links with the South African regime and its extended form in Namibia. Zambia condemns unreservedly the fact that there are some States Members of this Organization which are encouraging the South African regime to install a puppet regime in Namibia in the hope that they can continue to exploitthe human and natural resources of that country.There are the countries which say one thing to SWAPO and another to the South African racist regime. 71. The efforts of the United Nations are being hampered by the abuse of the veto by some members of the Security Council. The triple veto cast by the United Kingdom, France and the United States stands out as an example of giving encouragement to South Africa's ambitions vis-a-vis Namibia. It is in the light of these manoeuvres that those Member States which have the interests of the people of Namibia at heart should heighten their vigilance. They should individually and collectively give more assistance to SWAPO in the intensification of its legitimate armed struggle. They should not do anything that might un- dermine SWAPO. South Africa must be made to comply with the various resolutions of the United Nations. On Zambia's part, we have made it abundantly clear that we shall continue to do everything in our power to see that SWAPO, the sole and authentic representative of the entire people of Namibia, triumphs. 73. Thebrutalracist forces continue to torture, detain and imprison innocent men, women and children. Already, many students have fled to neighbouring independent African countries and others are hiding within South Africa. Meanwhile, South Africa has continued to threaten independent African States. Africa cannot and will not standidly by while these atrocities persist andaslong asthe apartheid system continues. The United Nations should take vigorous action under Chapter VII of the Charter to arrestthe dangerous situation. 74. On our part, Zambia will continue to give allmaterial and moral assistance possible to the patriotic freedom fighters in South Afiica through their liberation move- ments-namely, the African National Congress of South Africa and the PanAfricanist Congress of Azania. 75. I should like to touch briefly on the situation of the other colonial countries and peoples in Africa and else- where. Zambia fully shares the views expressed by the Chairman of the Special Committee, Ambassador Sallm, both in the report and in his statement to the General Assembly yesterday /82nd meeting]: anti-colonialism remains one of the pivotal points of Zambia's foreign policy, and the right of all peoples to self-determination and independence is a just cause in the international community of nations. 76. Let me restate the current situation. In southern Africa, theanti-colonial struggle hasreached a critical stage. Problems still remain, but we believe that the international community has a duty to supplement andcomplement the selfless sacrifices of the oppressed people in southern Africa. The same applies to other colonized areas of the world. If the United Nations is to survive and if interna- tional peace and security has to have any meaning at all,it is imperative that everything should be done so that the long-suffering peoples canconcentrate on peaceful develop- ment according to their chosen paths. 77. In this regard, the United Nations should give more material assistance to the fighting cadres of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa and elsewhere. Man- datory sanctions should be applied against countries such as South Africa which continue to act in defiance of the United Nations. Furthermore, assistance should be given to those countries which are bearing the main burden arising from the abhorrent colonial policies of certain States. 78. As I am speaking, refugees are pouring into a number of independent African countries in southern Africa be- cause they are being forcibly evicted from their homes by the Smith and Vorster regimes. There is no other way that peoples can be liberated. They are fighting and will continue to fight for their birthright. The final chapter of the role of the United Nations through the Special Committee will show whether or not all of us represented 80. Mankind is close to winning its historically most important victory, that is, the complete liquidation of the colonial system and dependence. This is one of the basic pre-conditions for the development of equitable relations in the world. The decolonization of southern Africa is at the centre of attention, not only because of the struggle that is being waged there for the liquidation of colonial racism embodied in the minority racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia, but also because these minority racist regimes, by their very existence, threaten the peace and security of the whole African continent and beyond. 81. The current thirty-first session of the General Assem- bly has manifested its firm determination to put an end to the existence of racist regimes. The Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held recently in Colombo, devoted great attention to this question. Considering that the process of decolonization had reached the phase of full realization, the Conference urged new efforts with a view to speeding up the final eradication of colonialism and racial discrimination. Bearing primarily in mind the situation in southem Africa, the Conference set out clear priorities: the attainment of independence by the people of Namibia under the leader- ship of SWAPO, as its only legitimate representative; the urgent transfer of power to the majorityof Zimbabwe; and the elimination of the system of apartheid and transfer of power to the majority of the population in South Africa. 82. The peoples of southern Africa have obtained the support of the world Organization for continuing their struggle against the racists and for independence and freedom by all the means at their disposal. The result of the negotiations in Geneva should be an agreement on the transfer of power to the people of Zimbabwe and liquida- tion of the Smith racist regime. In this regard, the fixing of the final date of transfer of power to the people of Zimbabwe isof the greatest importance. 83. The people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, is intensifying its struggle against South Africa and the stooges of South African racists, as well as against all imperialist manipulations whereby South Africa intends to dupe the people of this African country. SWAPO's struggle enjoys the full support of progressive forces in the world and of the vast majority of the United Nations. We are convinced that machinations with puppets aimed at retain. ing Namibia under South Africa's control will fail, because the people of Namibia, which have embarked on the road of struggle, will not acceptsolutionsimposed from outside. My country supports SWAPO's proposals concerning direct 84. The resistance of people to South Africa is becoming an ever more significant factor in the whole of southern Africa. This resistance forebodes the final downfall of the inhuman.system of apartheid in South Africa. Apartheid, the most appalling system of exploitation, based on the slave status of the people of South Africa, cannot survive, regardless of the aid it is receiving, as it has been laid bare and deprived of the effective assistance of former colonial empires that have collapsed completely or partially. 85. The racists in South Africa obviously wish to preserve that system and do not want to withdraw from Namibia, from which they are extracting enormous profits. For this reason, the racist regime in South Africa is arming itself with the most sophisticated weapons of individual and mass destruction. Responsibility for the further development of the situation in southern Africa rests primarily with those who co-operate with and thus support South Africa and who maintain with it relations of various kinds, invest their capital in the South African economy, sell weapons and modern technology, including nuclear technology, to the racists in South Africa, and who, at the same time, tell Africa and the world that they cannot support armed struggle asit amountsto violence, although what isinvolved in this case is a struggle of a practically unarmed people against a despotic racist regime armed with modern weapons. 86. The United Nations has adopted a number of resolu- tions at the current and earlier sessions of the General Assembly calling for the severance by Member States of all relations with South Africa, for an arms embargo, and especially an embargo on nuclearproducts and technology, for the prohibition of all economic and financial invest- ments, bearing particularly in mind the fact that certain countries are, by investing in South Africa, endeavouring to obtain easy profits. 87. The General Assembly has also a.lopted other impor- tant decisions regarding the effective isolation of South Africa in other fields of life, suchas sports,participationin international conferences, etc. Thus, strong pressure has been brought to bearon those Member States of the United Nations who maintain such relations withSouth Africa and in this way directly or indirectly help to maintain and strengthenracistregimes and the system of apartheid. 88. The struggle of the peoples of southern Africa has gathered momentum and widened its scope. The prospects of Rhodesia and Namibia achleving independence are improving. However, we must be aware of the danger inherent ill attempts to impose solutions that would result in postponing for a long time the genuine independence of these countries, ushering in new elements of instability and crisis. 89. The process of decolonization of so-called small Territories has been evolving concurrently with the ever more intense struggle against the racists in southern Africa. It has, however. become evident that the process of decolonization of such Territories, too, can pose big 91. Supporting the right of peoples under colonial domi- nation to self-determination, Yugoslavia has always main- tained the position that the size of a colonial Territory or the number of its inhabitants cannot be the criteria on which the realization of the right to self-determination should depend. It isa fact that colonialism and other forms of foreign conquest have drawnartificialborders separating many countries and peoples. Droblems arising out of such a situation cannot be solved by force, or through a new gerrymandering and forcible changing of borders. 92. Neither can the strategic interests of other countries be taken as a basis for deciding the fate of peoples of colonial Territories, without these peoples having freely expressed their will. We also feel that the maintaining of parts of colonial Territories under colonial administration or the forcible dividing up of such Territories, even after their accession to independence, is contrary to the letter and spirit of resolution 1514 (XV) and that new focuses of instability are thereby created. 93. Yugoslavia has always actively supported the struggle for the decolonization of every people and every country. It continues to do so today, as it believes that the liquidation of colonialism and all other forms of foreign domination and dependence is the only way to preserve and strengthen peace in the world and to promote the develop- ment of equitable international relations. We have sup- ported and will continue to support national liberation movements in the remaining colonieswhichare fighting for the eradication of the colonial system and dependence. Yugoslavia's support for the struggle of colonial peoples derives from the very essence and nature of its internal democratic self-managing socialist system founded on the freedom and equality of all citizens, nations and nationa- lities. 94. My country remains fully engaged in the struP:fYlr> of the United Nations for the final liquidation of colom... and racism in southern Africa and everywhere else in the world where they still exist and will spare no effort to contribute to the achievements of this objective. . 95. Mr. KHARLAMOV (Union of Soviet Socialist Repub- lics) (interpretation from Russian): The delegation of the Soviet Union attaches great importance to the considera- tion of the item on the implementation of the Declaration on the Grantingof Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The Declaration on decolonization, which is resolution 1514 (XV) and was adopted on the initiative of the USSR as you all know, marked a turning-point in United Nations work on colonial questions, a qualitative change in the United Nations position as a whole with regard to oppressed and colonial peoples. This historic document remains the concrete political programme on the basis of which the antl-colonialist forces, united to form a 97. In recent years further powerful blows have been struck against the system of colonial rule in Africa and other parts of the world. The' last colonial empire, the Portuguese, has fallen. Relying on the support of their allies and friends, and of all freedom-loving peoples, the peoples of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau and other former Portuguese colonies in Africa have won an outstanding victory. Thisvictory was an inspiration for all the struggling peoples of Africa and a number of small Territorieshave also won independence. Only this year we have welcomed . to our ranks the new State of the Seychelles islands. 98. But despite these major positive changes in the implementation of the Declaration on decolonization, it is still too early to say that colonialism in all its forms and manifestations is a matter of the past. It continues to poison the world situation and it is a source of many international conflicts.We shouldnot forget that 14 million people are still living under direct colonial rule. 99. Having recourse to the broad dissemination of neo- colonialist methods of economic and political subjugation of peoples and States, States that we allknow have still not rejected the methods of so-called classic colonialism. Andin those parts of the world to which they attach great importance and which they consider important for their strategic, economic and poltical interests, these Powers are concerned with maintaining direct colonial rule, althoughin a refurbished form. 100. The situation in southern Africa is convincing evi- dence of this. Here the United Nations has run up against the most flagrant and stubborn opposition of the extreme reactionary forces of colonialism and racism in the service of international imperialism. The colonial and racistregimes of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, which have dugin there, are flagrantly trampling underfoot the lawful rights of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe and of the indigenous people of South Africa and their struggle for freedom and independence; the racists are trying to drown the liberation struggle in blood and they are taking aggressive action against neighbouring States. Responsibility for this lies with those militarycircles of the West which are supporting the racists of Rhodesia and South Africa and are co-operating with the racist regimes and arming them. 101. The major hotbed of tension which has grown up here in southern Africa is a subject for concern for the whole United Nations. The present session of the General Assembly is giving special attention to the question of the situation in southern Africa. Having analysed in depth the situation in that part of Africa, the General Assembly, as 102. The Soviet delegation believes that condemnation of the racist regimes must be supplemented by equally decisive and effective measures against the colonial and racist regimes which are oppressing the peoples of Southern Rhodesia and Namibia and the indigenous population of South Africa. I shall revert to this question when we are dealing with the relevant resolutions. Those who today under various pretexts are trying to delay the collapse of colonial regimes in that part of the world must look the truth in the face. Now in southern Africa we are seeing what fascism wished to do to the whole world and if we accept this and do not take decisive measures to eliminate the situation, this will have a terrible effect both on the peoples of Africa and on the situation throughout the world. 103. Another important aspect of the problem of deco- Ionization is the problem of the elimination of colonial regimes in the many so-called small colonial Territories scattered throughout the world. In recent years, this problem has acquired a particularly urgent character. As we can see from the report of the Special Committee, which we all have, certain Administering Powers are in no great hurry to carry out resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council with regard to the final decolonization of small Territories. In one form or another, they are trying to maintain the forms of colonial or semi-colonial depen- dence for these Territories. And how are they trying to justify their policy? They are putting forward quite illogical arguments, for example that these Territories, because they are small in size and have small populations, are unable to exist independently and so on. 104, These and other arguments are used with regard to the Territories in the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. At the same time these Territories are serving actively as military bases and atomic testing grounds. The population of these Territories, as in the past, resists the administration and is exploited by the imperialist monopolies. 105. 'rhe Soviet delegation wishes to state clearly that we do not see any difference between colonial oppression of numerically large or numerically small populations. All peoples, large or small, have an equal right to self-deter- mination and independence. Colonialism in all its forms and manifestations remains a burdensome legacy from the past and it must be eliminated and liquidated in all places and for all times. 106. The many military bases located in colonial Terrt- tories in the Pacific, Indian and Atlantic Oceans, as well as in Africa, are serving not only as bulwarks for the struggle against the national liberation movements in the Territories which are still under colonial yoke, but are also used for aggressive actions against independent States of Africa, Asia and Latin America, thereby creating a threat to interna- tional peace and security. 108. The Charter of the United Nations, as well as the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, proclaimed the right of all peoples to self-determination and bound the administering Powers to grant, as soon as possible, to the peoples of all Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories genuine freedom and independence. General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), as we know, stressed in particular, that inade- quate political, economic and social readiness must never be used as a pretext for delaying the granting of political independence. 109. The General Assembly has repeatedly condemned those Powers which are delaying the granting of the right to self-determination to the peoples of small Territories. It condemned the attempts to bring about arbitrary changes in their status and the use of this as a pretext for ceasing to transmit information about Territories to the United Nations in accordance with Article 73 of the Charter. In a number of its decisions, for example, in resolution 2978 (XXVII), the General Assembly has stated: "... in the absence of a decision by the General Assembly itself that a Non-Self-Governing Territory has attained a full measure of self-rule in terms of Chapter XI of the Charter, the administering Power concerned should continue to transmit information under Article 73 e of the Charter with respect to that Territory". 110. In connexion with the attempts of certaln Powers to delay the advance of the peoples of small colonial Terri- tories towards self-rule and independence on account of political and economic unpreparedness of such Territories, the General Assemblyin paragraph (9) of the programme of action for the full implementation of the Declaration on decolonization, adopted in 1970 [resolution 2621 (XXV)J, stated clearly: "The question of territorial size, geo- graphical isolation and limited resources should in no way delay the implementation of the Declaration." 111. In addition, the Assembly condemned as incom- patible with the purposes and principles of the Charter and of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), any attempts to bring about a partial or a complete violation of the national unity or territorial integrity of colonial Territories or the establishment in them of military bases and installations. 112. Self-determination, in our view, is not a slogan, is not an ideological deflnitlon; self-determination is the right of people itself to decide what its life, its present and its future will be. Independent development is the right of peoples themselves to determine the forms of their life and which paths they will take to the future. This is what the decisions of the United Nations were calling on those Powers which administered Non-Self-Government or Trust Territories to do. 113. In practice, unfortunately, these requirements of the United Nations are still being violated. Take, for example, the Pacific Islands. Is anything of the kind happening with 114. To date the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands has still not been able to implement its right to self-deter- mination. The aims of trusteeship proclaimed in the United Nations Charter, are still far from attainment in that Territory. Its territorial integrity is threatened. 120. Similar plans are being carried out by the admin- istering Power with regard to the other part of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, the Caroline and Marshall Islands. A draft agreement has even been prepared for a "free association" of these islands with the administering Power, which announces its intention to conclude this action by 1980 and 1981-in other words, it intends to confront the United Nations with the fait accompli of the annexation of the Pacific Islands. This policy of the Administering Authority with regard to this Territory and the population of' these islands has been repeatedly criti- cized by the United Nations organs, the Trusteeship Council and the Special Committee, particularly as regards the use of these islands as testing grounds for atomic weapons. In the Trusteeship Council, doubts were expressed concerning the plebiscite in the Marianas Islands. It is perfectly evident that the question of the fate and future of this Territory can be decided only in accordance with Article 83 of the Charter and with the decisionsof the Security Council and not on the arbitrary decision of the Administering Authority. Paragraph 1 of Article 83 of the Charter states clearly: llS. At one time, the former Mandated Territory of the Pacific Islands was, by a United Nations decision, given over under trusteeship to the United States of America. Yet the administering Power, instead of working towards the deeolonlzation of this Territory and the granting to its people of the right to self-determination and independence, is trying to turn that Territory into its own possession-in other words, to annex it, to speak plainly. The islands of the three archipelagos, however small they are in them- selves, are scattered over a vast area. In fact the admin- istering Power would like to gain full control over a Territory which is approximately equal to the size of Australia, and this in an area which is important to world shipping and lies close to t~le shores of many countries of South-East Asiaand the Far East. ll6. It is clear that for the Asian countries the military preparations in Micronesia are especially dangerous. To- gether with the base in Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, this whole network of military bases is very reminiscent of the strategic pincers in which some are trying to grip the independent States of South and South-East Asia. 117. The first direct victims of this policy are the inhabitants of the Pacific Islands, You cannot put it clearer than that. That is perfectly defmite and clear; and it is clear from this that any changes in the status of the so-called strategic Trust Territory require the agreement of the Security Council. The question of Micronesia is an integral part of the problem of decolonization and the granting to colonial peoples of the right to self-determination and independence. All the other Territories which were formerly included in the Trusteeship System have acquired independence; only the Pacific Islands remain under colonial rule. ll8. As it pursues such a policy, which is contrary to the decisions of the United Nations on decolonization, the administering Power refers to some kind of free expression of will by the population of Micronesia. If we are to believe the official version, then the Micronesians, by this means of a free expression of will, are ready to approve any plans of the administering Power, as if no control was exercised by the American administration. In the Trust Territory of the Marianas Islands, a so-called plebiscite was conducted, and then the United States Congress speedily approved a treaty on the establishment of the Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas Islands, as part of a political union with the United Sta~~~.J I Under this treaty the local population receives only self-determination in internal affairs and the administering Power willhave full responsibility with regard to foreign policy and defence of those islands. The administering Power intends to use these islands for military purposes, for which reason the said treaty provides for the leasing to the military authorities of a number of land areas. 11Covenant to EltabliJh a Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands in Politi.cal Union with the United States of America, alinedon Saipan on 15February 1975. "All functions of the United Nations relating to strategic areas, including the approval of the terms of the trusteeship agreements and of their alteration or amend- ment, shall be exercised by the Security Council." 121. We must give attention also to Article 83, para- graph 2, of the Charter which states that "the basic objectives set forth in Article 76 shall be applicable to the people of each strategic area". Article 76 of the Charter states: "The basic objectives of the trusteeship system, in accordance with the Purposes of the United Nations ... shall be: " "To promote the political, economic, social and edu- cational advancement of the inhabitants of the trust territories, and their progressive development towards self-governmentor independence". 123. In our delegation's view the General Assembly must approve the report of the Special Committee and the recommendations contained therein. The Assembly must again clearly and definitely state that the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is applicable to all small colonial Territories just as to large ones. It must decisively come out against any attempt of any colonial Powers, under the guise of "integration" or "association" or any other political manoeuvres, to carry out their plans for splitting up the small colonial Territories with a viewto absorbing them. 124. These administering Powers or Administering Authorities must also be required to cease their military activities in these Territories, for such activities lead to the unlawful alienation of the lands of the indigenous popu- lation and their conversion into military bases and other military installations and divert the population from pro- ductive work. Such activities turn these territories into a military appendage of the Administering Authorities and also create a threat to international peace and security. 125. Implementation of these and other measures set forth in the report of the Special Committee would speed up the advance of the peoples of the small colonial Territories to self-rule and independence and would pro- mote the full and final elimination of colonialism on earth. 126. The struggle against the remnants of colonialism, racism, and apartheid is also the struggle for detente and for its strengthening and promotion. 127. This struggle is in the interest of all countries, both developed and developing. Without the implementation of decolonization, it is impossible to attain stable progress in the world. This is why the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in its foreign policy programme, included the following very important pro. vision: "To consider as one of the most important interna- tional tasks the full elimination of all the remnants of the system of colonial repression which undermine the equality and independence of peoples and the elimination of all hotbeds of colonialism and racism." 128. The Soviet delegation is convinced that the growing international assistance and support of the struggle for national liberation of oppressed peoples and the solidarity of all anti-colonial, freedom-lovingand progressive forces in 130. We are delighted to note that, as a result of the historic successes of the national liberation movements in Africa, which were attained with the broad support and assistance of progressive mankind-especially the countries of the socialist community-the process of decolonization has now entered its final stage. The collapse of the Portuguese colonialist empire and the emergence of new progressive States and the victory of the Angolan people over the forces of internal reaction and the racist inter- vention by the Republic of South Africa, supported by the generous backing of imperialism and its henchmen, have inflicted a decisive blow on the last bastions of colonialism in Africa. 131. The delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic sincerely welcomes representatives of the valiant Angolan people in connexion with the forthcoming admission of the People's Republic of Angola to membership in the United Nations. We wish the Angolan people and its Government great success in strengthening their national independence and in building a new life. 132. Our delegation has already had an opportunity to congratulate from this tribune representatives of a new sovereign State of Africa, the Republic of Seychelles. It is typical that the liberation process in the African continent is developing not only in extent but also in depth. In many States of Africa the struggle to get rid of exploitation by foreign transnational corporations is being developed, and social and economic reforms are being carried out in the interest of strengthening national independence and speeding up economic progress. All these positive changes are not only in keeping with the fundamental interests of the peoples of Africa, but also serve the cause of universal peace and security. They promote the strengthening of international detente. 133. However, even now millions of people are still under a foreign yoke and now the task of eliminating this shameful phenomenon of our time is acquiring particular urgency- I mean the inhuman policy and practices of apartheid and racial discrimination. A substantial result of the positive turn in events in Africa, in our delegation's opinion, has been the considerable weakening of the positions of the racist regimes. In Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa the national movements for liberation from the yoke of the racists is growing in power. In such conditions the racist regimes, with the support of their imperialist supporters, are making a desperate attempt to maintain their domination in southern Africa. They are 135. My delegation would like to express its serious concern in connexion with the continuing acts of armed aggression on the part of the Salisbury regime against the People's Republic of Mozambique, as a result of which peaceful inhabitants of that country suffered and died. The encroachments of the racist regimes on the sovereignty of neighbouring African States testify to the fact that the existence of these regimes is a threat to international peace and security. Only the eltmlnation of the racist yoke and the attainment of the national Uberation by allthe peoples of Africa can create the conditions for lasting peace and stability in that continent. 136. It must be noted that the racist regimes, with the blessing of certain well-known Western circles, are tryingto adjust to the new situation and to lead world public opinion astray by pretending that they are making some kind of concessions, whereas in fact the racists are doing everything they can to delay the immediate transfer of power to the genuine representatives of the indigenous population of Zimbabwe. 137. The international community has already repeatedly condemned those Powers that are rendering political and economic assistance to the regimes of Pretoria and Salis- bury and are in fact encouraging their crimes against mankind. However, the imperialist circles, which are trying to maintain their military, strategic andeconomic positions in Africa, remain deaf to the appeals of the United Nations and worldpublicopinion. 138. Justified concern is caused by the continuing co- operation of certain Western Powers with the Republic of South Africa in the nuclear field and this creates a real threat to the security of the African continent. It is common knowledge that the Pretoria regime has still not signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The Mongolian delegation, as in the past, is in favour of the strengthening of the sanctions adoptedby the Security Council against the racist regime of Southern Rhodesia and for their strict observance by all States without exception and for the extension of sanctions to South Africa. 139. The time has come to give the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa an opportunity immediately to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. It is essential to extend and strengthen the universal support and help given to the liberation move- ments of these peoples by the United Nations and by broad world public opinion. We should like to note that an 140. As you know, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countrles and Peoples confirms the right to independence and self-determination of all peoples which are under colonial rule. Yet, the colonial Powers continue to try to keep under their control the so-called small Territories and to use them for their military and strategic ends. This is why we believe it necessary to achieve the decolonization of small Territories in accord- ance with the provisions of the Declaration. 141. Of great significance in the liquidation of the last remnants of colonialism is the struggle of the developing countries to ensure their independence in the economic sphere, and to establish a new international econotnic order, which would put a final end to the unequal relationships resulting from the conditions of the undivided rule of the imperialist monopolies. In this connexion the implementation of those provisions of the Declaration on decolonization which confirm the right of every people to implement their economic, social andcuitural development acquire great importance. These provisions were further developed and enriched in .such important documents of the United Nations as the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order {resolution 3201 (S-VI)J, the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States{resolution 3281 (XXIX)j and others, which laid down the fundamental principles of equality and mutual benefit and also recognized the inalienable sovereignty of the developing countriesovertheir natural resources. 142. My delegation would like to note here the valuable contribution made by the United Nations to the cause of the elimination of colonialism in all its forms and manifes- tations. Having studied the substantial report of the Special Committee on the work which it has done since the thirtieth session of the General Assembly, we approve of the results of its work, for the Committee is making vigorous efforts to bring about the speedy and complete implementation of the Declaration on decolonization. We view as extremely important the Committee's opinion about the possibility of laying downspecific timelimits for the decolonization of each Territory, in order to speed up the liberation of all people who arestill under foreign rule. In the past, as you know, our delegation has repeatedly called for the adoption of suchmeasures. With regard to the final elimination of the last colonialist and racist regimes, great significance will attach to the efforts of the Special Committee to work out further measures to bring to an end the activities of foreign economic and other circles which are impeding the implementation of the Declaration in Zimbabwe, Namibia and in allother colonial and dependent Territories. Our delegation believes that the arguments and conclusions of the Special Committee should be fully reflected in a resolution of the General Assembly on the implementation ofthe Declaration. 144. We are convinced that the hour is approaching when Africa and the whole of our planet will be completely rid of the last remnants of colonialism and the racist regimes.

The progress of decolonization continues to be one of the most significant, most positive, most historic developments of the second half of the twentieth century. In the brief space of a mere 20 years, 1 billion people have undergone the transition from being subjects of foreign empires to being citizens of independent States. Decolonization has profoundly changed the political face of the world, and one need merely examine the evolution of this Organization, which today has become an increasingly faithful reflection of the entire world, to receive living proof of this change. The list of Non-Self-Governing Territories enumerated in Assembly resolution 66 (I) of 14 December 1946 and the list of Territories placed under the Trusteeship System between 1946 and 1950 still comprised 83 dependent Territories. A decade and a half later, the preliminary list of Territories drawn up in 1962, to which the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples applied, still included 64 such Territories. Thirty- seven former Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories have achieved independence since the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV), and nine others have become integrated or associated with independent States. The membership of our Organization since the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples has leapt from something like 100 to now nearly 150. I take this opportunity to welcome whole-heartedly the youngest Member of our Organization, the Seychelles, and to look forward with great pleasure to the moment tomorrow when the Assembly will admit Angola to membership in the United Nations. Today only 32 Terri- tories remain on the list of those under the Trusteeship or Non-Self-Governing Systems. 146. What have been the forces at work to accelerate so dramatically this evolution of the great empires? Intel- lectually speaking, the force of decolonization owes much to spiritual tradition which goes back as far as the American and the French Revolutions. In the early nineteenth century the first barriers against further colonial expansion were erected by the vision of Simon Bolivar and by the Monroe Doctrine. At the end of the First World War the right of self-determination as proclaimed by President WilsoD became one of the bases of the new world order-alas incomplete. 148. In respect of Zimbabwe, our hopes are now pinned on the Conference in Geneva. If it is a last effort to save much of southern Africa from the scourge of racial war, bloodshed and possible foreign intervention, it is also a singularly imaginative and hopeful effort, because never before have all the parties to the conflict, especially the representatives of the liberation movements, met to nego- tiate for a rapid, peaceful change to majority rule and never before has such an enormous capital of goodwill been accumulated. This capital must not be wasted. A singular tribute is due in this regard to the United Kingdom and its indefatigable conference Chairman in Geneva, our colleague and friend, Ivor Richard, as well as an equally warm tribute to the front-line States and their representatives, whose wisdom and firmness have helped the Conference so far to keep a sense of direction. 149. As to other Territories, to which the competent organs of our Organization have recently devoted increasing time and attention, new and sometimes quite unexpected complications have arisen. In view of such developments, it seems appropriate to reassess the scope and meaning of our efforts concerning decolonization because, as many speakers before me said, a great many of these Territories are small or geographically isolated, sparsely populated or economically disadvantaged, or all of these together. With respect to some of them, one or more neighbouring States raise claims based on history, on the law, on ethnic factors or other considerations. It is in the light of such develop- ments already arisen and likely to arise in the future that it seems essential to reaffirm some of the basic principles laid down bv the United Nations with respect to decolo- nization. First, the United Nations has recognized that each tants should be deprived of their right to self-determi- nation, that right being inalienable and paramount in implementation of the decolonizing process. The Assembly endorsed, therefore, paragraph 2 of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which reads: "All peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and culturaldevelopment". 150. In view of this fundamental principle, we have some difficulty in believing that, as is sometimes claimed, the Declaration includes a provision which supposedly limitsor eliminates the validity of that principle in the face of certain claims of neighbouring independentStates.It is our view, therefore,that tiesbetween a Non-Self-Governing and an existing sovereign State, be they founded in history, international law or ethnic closeness, are only one special aspect to be taken into account in determining the proper course of action. Such ties canin no way override the right of self-determination, which remains and must remain the guiding principle. 151. In this regard, I should like to bring to the attention of the Assembly a recent study made by Thomas Franck and Paul Hoffman of New York University entitled "The Right of Self-Determination in Very Small Places". I 2 This study contains the most appropriate warning in this context: that the selective non-application of the right of self-determination in certain cases "only highlights the dangers inherent ir. arlowlng historical-ethnic claims to I2 See New York University Journal of International Law and Politics, vol. 8 (winter 1976), No. 3, p, 331 et seq. 13 Movimento Popular de Ubert~io de Angola. 14 Frente de Libertac;io de Mo~ambique. 152. Thus, decolonization must remain a priorityitem on the agenda of the UnitedNations. We must reach the end of the road and achieve our common goal, to which my Government fully subscribes: the termination of colo- nialism and the universality of membership of this Organi- zation. On this road, let us not forget or forsake the principles so solemnly proclaimed at the start, principles which are at the foundation of the greatness and uniqueness of this Organization.

OurworldOrganization has achieved significant results in the liquidation of the .shameful colonial system since the adoption of resolution 1514(XV), which marked a newstage in the history of the United Nations. The process of decolonization has funda- mentally changed the geopolitical appearance of the world and has given new strength to the camp of the forces of peace, progress and freedom. 154. The commitment of the countries of the socialist community to the cause of decolonization and of accession to real independence by the countries still under colonial domination was manifested anew and reaffirmed by the Conference of Communists and Workers' Parties of Europe, which took place in Berlin last June. In the document adopted by that Conference, at which the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party was also represented at the highest level, the participants declared, among others, that they stood for "support for... the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe, for all those who are fighting against colonialism and racism and who are victims of aggression" as well as for the "strict compliance with the trade embargoes imposed on racist r6gimes under UN resolutions, severance of relations with the Government of the Republic of South Africa by all states, and, most important, a complete stop to all arms supplies to that government", while underscoring the need "for the elimina- tion of colonialism and neocolonialism, (and) .•. the' ensuring oi conditions for the social andeconomic develop- ment of all countries, primarily the least developed coun- tries..." [see A/31/124, p. 19.} 155. This struggle of the peoples has been crowned with fresh successes of great importance in recent times. The victory of the MPLAI 3 in Angola, the success of FRELIMOl4 in the struggle for the liberation of Mozam- 156. May I also take this opportunity to welcome from this rostrum the People's Republic of Angola which tomorrow, hopefully, will be among the Member States of the United Nations and to wish it every success in the consolidation of independence and in the peaceful con- struction of the country. 157. Despite the successes scored in the process of decolonization there still exist retarding forces eager to reverse the course of historical development. As recently as the past weeks we could witness representatives of those forces coming out again in defence of the racist regime of South Africa. In order to achieve their goal of driving a wedge between the developing and the socialist countries, first of all the Soviet Union, which take a stand against imperialism, nee-colonialism and racism, those forces do not shy away even from casting gross slanders at the latter in an effort to mislead the peoples fighting for freedom and independence. 158. It becomes clear also from the report of the Special Committee that the neo-colonialist forces have not yet exhausted their arsenal of arms used for supporting the racist regimes in southern Africa. From year to year the Special Committee pointed out with increasing emphasis that the long period of colonial oppression had arrested the social and cultural development, and distorted the econo- mies, of the countries under colonial domination. To grant political sham independence is therefore not sufficient. It'is also necessary to abandon neo-colonialist policies which, by conserving backward social conditions and employing eco- nomic means geared to that end, still seek to tie the former colonial Territories to the formerly metropolitan countries. Mindful of this, a number of United Nations resolutions have made it mandatory for the administering Powers to launch programmes promoting the social and cultural development of the peoples living in the Territories under their administration. When, however, one takes a glance at how these resolutions are carried out, one finds the administering Powers engaged in endeavours to create split groups and pro-imperialist factions and parties in order to maintain their positions in the respective Territories. Whether the development programmes and aids I have mentioned actually serve development in the direction of genuine independence will also depend on the kind of role the United Nations takes upon itself in ensuring this. 159. It should also be pointed out that several of the problems which today face the world Organization in its activity for the implementation of the Declaration on decolonization is a legacy bequeathed to it by the period of colonization. This holds true especially of the border and territorial disputes concerning the so-called "small Terri- tories". As is known, the colonial Powers at that time drew the artificial borders of their dependent Territories in deliberate disregard of the ethnic and geographic factors, as a result of which they feel entitled, even today, to perpetuate their military and administrative presence in 15Partido Africano da Jndepend~ncia da Guinee CaboVerde, 160. lbe strength and importance of our world Organi- zation are shown by the fact that in the majority of cases the administering Powers can no longer escape co-operation with the appropriate bodies of the United Nations in the interests of decolonizing the Territories under their respon- sibility. It should nevertheless be emphasized that a mere show of co-operation, luxuriating in self-complacency while passively providing access for the competent bodies of the United Nations to the necessary information, stops short of being sufficient. It is time for the administering Powers to take the necessary steps, in the spirit of resolution 1514 (XV), to ensure the early attainment of genuine independence by the Territories under their admlnistratlon. The taking of make-believe measures can only lead to an undue prolongation of the process of decolonization, increase the danger of local conflicts, and thus threaten international peace and security. 161. Unfortunately, the annual report of the Special Committee makes it equally clear that the administering Powers try to evade co-operation whenever the attainment of independence by a given Territory is to have notable implications for their strategic or economic interests. 162. A decisive stage in the implementation of the Declaration on decolonization is represented today by the peoples' achievement of freedom and independence in the southern part of the African continent. The forces holding back on the accession to independence by the so-called "small Territories" will feel self-assured of support as long as the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania are not allowed to become masters of their own destinies and to embark upon a course of social and economic development that is free from foreign interference. It is therefore incumbent on our world Organization to concentrate all its efforts on finding a settlement for the question of southern Africa and to mobilize the progressive forces of the world to implement the relevant resolutions. 163. My country, faithful to its policy of principles, has always supported all the resolutions that serve the attain- ment of real independence by the oppressed peoples. It will continue to favour the cause of freedom and independence of the peoples still under colonial domination and to use every possible means for supporting their struggle waged under the direction of their genuine liberation movements and organizations. In common with the other progressive forces of the world, we demand that the Vorster regime stop its acts of terrorism against the African population and enable the black majority to exercise its rights and democratic freedoms. 164. The Government and people of the Hungarian People's Republic are convinced that the day is drawing near for these peoples of Africa to get rid of the oppression to which they are subjected under the racist white settlers' regimes ofapartheid. Vie meeting rose at 6.35 p.m;