A/37/PV.14 General Assembly

The Assembly will now hear a statement by the Prime Minister of Portugal. I have great pleasure in welcoming Mr. Francisco Pinto Balse- mao and invitinghim to address the General Assembly. 3. Mr. PINTO BALSEMAO (Portugal):* Sir, may I start by congratulating you on your election as President of this thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. At the same time, I would like to convey to you our satisfaction at seeing such an experienced politician occupy this high post. Your merits will most certainly help us to achieve positive results in our endeavours. 4. I would also like to pay a tribute to your prede- cessor, who carried out the duties of the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly with such competence and authority. His contribution deserves our admiration and gratitude. 5. I wish to addre~s a special salute to Mr. Perez de Cuellar and express my satisfaction at seeing in this eminent position such an influential personality, whose human and diplomatic qualities have already been widely demonstrated. 6. The importance and complexity of the questions included in the agenda clearly show that dialogue among peoples is essential to international relations. However, a fruitful dialogue depends on the exist- ence of a climate of international confidence. Con- fidence is not compatible with persistent acts of dis- respect for the provisions enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and in the Universal Declaration 10. The implementation of the provisions of the Helsinki Final Act would be a decisiveelement tow!uds international detente. Such detente must be global and indivisible, based on criteria of reciprocity, and must govern relations among countries with different social and political systems as well as'among Governments with identical ideological structures. However, the debates 'at the Madrid meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, in which my Government is so deeply engaged, shows that there, too, the effects of the present crisis of confidence are felt, thus impairing the attainment of positive results whenever a solution for basic problems is at stake. 11. Past and }lIesent events in Poland fully illustrate this state o~' affairs. This is the reason why the Por- tuguese Government has from the outset openly con- demned such events, drawing therefrom the necessary conclusions. * Resumed from the 1st meeting. * Mr. Pinto Balsemao spoke in Portuguese. The English text ofhis statement was supplied by the delegation. NEW YORK 13. The general considerations I havejust formulated do not diminish-rather, they emphasize-the im- portance of regional tensions susceptible of jeopar- dizing world stability. I shall mention only a few examples. I would like to refer first to the situation in Namibia, where the exercise of the right to self- determination continues to be delayed giving rise to serious risks of conflict in southern Africa. Portugal considers that the independence of Namibia, in accordance w~th Security Council resolution 435 (l9?8) is essential to the stabilization process in the region. 14. The repeated attacks against the territories of Angola and Mozambique, which Portugal has con- demned in a timely and vigorous manner, cannot fail to be seen in this context, hence rendering more urgent a stable solution to the problem. Given the very special ties my country has with Angola and Mozam- bique Portuguese public opinion follows with ~eep interest the efforts made towards achieving peace, and the subsequent developments in southern Africa. The int~rrelationship between these two elements is made clear by the economic pressures to which those two countries and Zimbabwe have been subjected. In this context, we think that the goals being pursued by the Southern African Development Co-ordinations Conference may constitute a very positive contribution to a balanced development of the area. 15. I would like to make it clear that we do not wish any specific role for Portugal and that we put our trust in the efforts of the Secretary-General, and in the diplomatic initiatives and responsible role played by the contact group offive Western States and by the front-line States. However, the evolution of events shows that flexibility and rapid action are essential. Whenever necessary Portugal will be ready to co- operate, ifrequested. This my Government has already earnestly done. , 16. The search for a solution to the Palestinian problem which would result in a global, lasting and just peace in the Middle East iF today an essential element of international security. The most recent aspects of the problem emphasize even more strongly the need to respect the principle of self-determination and to consider the just claims of the Palestinian people, who long to create a new independent State. 40. In this context, we are deeply concerned with the 45. Mr. RAO (India): Mr. President, allow me to difficult living conditions sutTered by the "Cimorese congratulate you on your unanimous election to the people as well as with the violations of its cultural presidency ofthe thirty-seventh session ofthe General identity and its rights, caused by the present situation Assembly. We are gratified that a representative of in the Territory of East Timor. Convergent reports Hungary, with which we enjoy close and cordial rela- and information reaching us from 'East Timor leav~ tions, has been chosen to preside over our deJib- no doubt about the moral and physical sutTerings erations. endured by the people of Timor. The problem of East 46._ would like to take this opportunity to express Timor was only recently discussed at Geneva when our appreciation of the resolute and efficient leader- the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination ship provided to the Assembly during its thirty-sixth and Protection of. Minorities adopted resolution . b M K' 1982/2:02 on this question, in which it acknowledged sessIon y your prede,~ssor, r. Ismat JUani. the diplomatic efforts made by Portugal to redress the 47. I would also like to pay a tribute to the secretary- dtuation in the Territory and ,~aUed for interoational General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, who has won our co-operation to defend the rights of the Timorese admiration and acclaim for his efficient stewardship 4~. India approaches the present session of the General Assembly with renewed commitment to the principles and purposes of the United Nations. The efforts of the United Nations to bring these prin~ ciples into the realm of reality deserve the support of each one of us, for mankind has a great stake in its success. Our endeavour to contribute to its' success, therefore, is dictated by our own will to survive and to pursue our ttath towards progress in a congenial international climate, free from domination and exploitation. 49. Building up self-reliance internally and main- tenance of an independent policy externa~ty have been the twin objectiveg of the Government ')f India since our independence. Traditions inherited from our ancient past still remain with us, but the leaders of modern India have succeeded in inculcating a spirit of adventure and inquiry in our people, making them receptive to evolving contemporary ideas. In this sense our tradition itself has not remained static; it has enabled change to come about, with stability and continuity being retained all the time. Side by side with the development of a rural et:onomy, which provides sustenance for the majority of the people of India, we have built a modern industrial infrastructure which enables us to keep pace witn the spectacular scientific and technological advances taking place in the world. Our mixed economy, in which the public sectoroccupies the commanding heights but the private sector provi~es the majority of the means of produc- tion, has proved its resilience and strength. Foreign collaboration and technical co-operation have pro- vided an impetus to our development, but both have operated within the framework of our own national. priorities, determined by an integrated pjanning process. The stability that we have acquired through our democratic institutions, which give our people a sense of deep involvement, has proved propitious for our progress. 50. In his thought-provoking report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General has painted a grim picture of the world that we live in today. Things have come \0 such a sorry pass that unless they are checked, we will, he feels, approach Ha new international anarchy". These are sombre words, coming as they do from the Secretary-General. In his very first address to the General Assembly, Prime Minister lawaharlal Nehru had warned us that it was becoming increasingly apparent that if we did not proceed speedily enough towards a world order, we would be left with no order in the world. If after 37 years of its existence, the Organization is unable to offer anything more than mere palliatives, the time has indeed come for a reassessment, some soul- searching and, above all, concrete remedial action. The Secretary-General's hands need to be strengthened so that he can advise 9 and if necessary, even pro(.~ the Security Council into action, to prevent outbreaks of fresh conflicts. For it is painfully obvious that the Security Council, the discharge ef whose responsi- bilities is predicated on the principle of concurrence among as permanent members, stands paralysed and immobilized because of the inability of the permanent 52. All of'us are committed to the goal of general and complete disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament. People in every part of the world ha"e become acutely aware that, through no fault of their own, they would perish if strategies ~1 nuclear deterrence were tested out, since they would obviously be tested out on them. They also know only too well that after a nuclear conflict either they would not be living at all, or, if they do live, that life would be so horrible that death would'be preferabJe to it. It is this awareness that has forced multitudes of people, irrespective of colour, creed, religion, nationality or political persuasion, to go out on to the streets to urge sanity in dealing with matters of life and death. Their loud and clear voices'8ignify that there could be no agenda more urgent than that for devising immediate measures for nuclear disarmament and the prevention of nuclear war. . 53. In response 'to this overwhelming popular senti- ment -the world over, the Prime. Minister of India~ Mrs. Indira G~dhi, presented at"the special session on disarmament this year a concrete programme of action3 which included the negotiation of a binding convention on the non-use of ~ nuclear weapons, a freeze on the production of nuclear weapons and fissionable material used in the manufacture thereof, the suspension of nuclear-weapon tests, and the resumption of negotiations for concluding a treaty on general and complete disarmament. India submitted a number ofproposals and draft resolutions4 to facilitate the beginning of a serious nuclear disarmament programme. Yet the opposition of nuclear-weapon States prevented the Assembly at the special session from taking any concrete steps in this regard. The so- called consensus document that finally emerged was so insipid as to be meaningless. In the circumstances, India had no choice but to disassociate itselffrom the conclusions in the document. 54. The outcome of the special session was perhaps yet another instance of what the Secretary-General describes as the lack of capacity of the Organization to come to terms with the present reality. Never- theless, we shall not despair, despite the attempts of a few but powerful nations to hold peace hostage to their nuclear arsenals and to their own perceived security interests. There have been, however, some positive albeit feeble indications of late. We welcome the evolution in the attitude of some nuclear-weapon Powers. It is our earnest hope that at this session India's proposals will be considered in all serious- ness and that decisions will be taken that will rid the world of weapons of mass destruction. ti~es it has been called upon to host the Seventh Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries. While we are naturally grateful for this opportunity, we are mindful ofthe tremendous responsibility it entails. With u~m9st sincerity, I promise that India will do all in its power to be worthy of the trust which the movement has reposed in it. 57. Our neighbourhood, the South Asian subcon- tinent, is currently going through a process of regional co-operation on the basis of mutual benefit. India is gratified at these very desirable developments, which are in consonance with its own efforts over the years to build bridges of understanding among the coun- tries of the region. True, external interference and intervention continue to sow suspicions and inflame passions. An 'unprecedented build-up of sophisticated arms, unrelated either to reasonable needs or to per- ceived threats, still points to the continuance pf strategic c0J.1selisus situations so detrimental ;to regional independence and harmony. Yet one can perhaps hope more than hitherto that the subcontinent will be·able to usher in an era of peace which is more comprehensive than the mere absence of war, and encompasses relationships of positive friendship and cO~bperation. 53. The slender thread· which tne Secretary-General has found in the search for a political settlement of 61. The security environment in the Indian Ocean region has further deteriorated because ofthe increased build-up of the military presence of great Powers, contrary to the wishes of the non-aligned littoral and hinteriand States. The implementation of the historic General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI) declaring the Indian Ocean a zone of peace, adopted in 1971, has remained a distant dream. Theories of balance and doctrines of deterrence are being advanced in order to justify the introduction of sophisticated w~aponry into the area. 62. The Conference on the Indian Ocean, originally scheduled to be held in 1981 in Colombo, is still post- poned at the behest of those who are far removed from the area. Simultaneously, efforts are afoot to subvert the fundamental elements of the Declaration set out in the 1971 resolution and to distort its essential framework. We believe that the time has come for the commencement of the process of the elimination of foreign military presence from the Indian Ocean, that the Colombo Conference should be held come what may, in accordance with the new schedule, and that it should address itself to the question in a forthright manner. 63. The shifting of fortunes in the war between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran and the colossal loss of Jives and property have once again highlighted the futility of war as a means of settling disputes. I personally have had the experience of participating in the peace-making effort on the basis of a mandate given to my colleagues from Cuba, Zambia and the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] an~ to me at the Conference of Ministers for For~ign Affairs of de~erve very serious consideration. 66. In recent weeks there have been important proposals made by world leaders. They vary in approach and content, but fundamental to all of them is the recognition that the uprooted people of Pales- tine should secure their legitimate rights. In this case, as with other problems, the slowing down of the effort to find a solution often results in the creation ofvested interests in the continued non-solution ofthe problem. This leads to prevarication and circum- vention and a long stalemate. This has happened in West Asia, with the disastrous consequences which we are now witne~sing. Therefore the quest for a comprehensive solution should be pursued relent- lessly. Instead of indulging in a fine-print scrutiny of the various plans mooted so far and losing valuable time in endless discussions, immediate steps should be taken at the United Nations to devise a suitable mechanism for finding a permanent solution to the problem of West Asia. This is the very minimum that needs to be done in expiation of the rivers of innocent blood that have been allowed to flow in Lebanon. 67. Racism and colonialism still rage in southern Africa today, with little progress eitiler in the elimina- tion of apartheid or in the liberation of Namibia. 68. Several old items on the agenda continue to engage our attention. Thus the situation in Cyprus, unfortunately, still remains frozen. In spite ofrepeated calls of the movement of non-aligned countries apd the support of the international community in general the relevant resolutions of the United Nations have not yet been implemented. We trust that the inter- communal talks will soon bear froit and the question resolved free from external interference and in accor- dance with decisions of the United Nations. 69. More recently, despite theeffortsofoursagacious Secretary-General, conflict and bloodshed in the South Atlantic could not be averted. 70. In Central America there are dangerous portents ofintervention and destabilization. The United Nations cannot remain a mute spectator and must lend support to all efforts for dialogue and negotiation to create mutual confidenceand to resolveoutstandingdisputes. 71. It is with great satisfaction that we note the long and at times difficult negotiations successfully con- cluded with the adoption of a universal and compre- hensive Convention on the Law of the Sea. The Convention is a symbol of shared ex~ctations of the international community and represents a ml\ior con- tribution to world peace and the new international economic order. Later this year, in December, in Jamaica the Final Act will be open for signature. It is our earnest hope that the Convention on the' Law of the Sea will be endorsed by all States with prompt signatures and ratifications. . . 72. International co-operation for development is the topic of our age. We strongly believe that our approach to development and co-operation will have to be informed by certain objective and fundamental considerations. First, tbe aJ1IlS race is not comp,~tible with the movement towards a more stable global development and sustainable international order. Secondly, the international community cannot aspire to durable peace so long as a major component of it remains underdeveloped. Thirdly, orderly develop- ment and continued progress can t~e place opti- mally only in an atmosphere of harmony and co-oper- ation. Fourthly, co-operation demands that the privileges which the developed countries have been enjoying so far sh~uld not be turned into rights and 77. Two years ago the Assembly adopted the Inter- national Development Strategy for tite Third United Nations Development Decade [resolution 35/56, annex]. However, it remains a paper document. There is all round failure on the part of the developed countries to fulfil their commitments. There is no agreement, even on the procedures for the global negotiations that were expected to contribute to the implementation of the Strategy. 78. Recent developments show that while the devel- oping countries do have a conciliatory approach, there is not enough encouraging response from th~ de~el­ oped countries. Several of them are not negative, yet there are some that are not even prepared to think in terms of a consensus that can bind the North and the South.. They are still to be convinced that com- prehensive and global negotiations will in the long run facilitate the emergence of a viable co-operative relationship among the nations ofthe world. As for the developing countries, they are not interested in a zero- sum game, but in a positive-sum approach. They are 80. We should thus lose n) time in devising feasible strategies that are complementary to those predicated on global negotiations for restructuring international economic relations. Urgent steps need to be taken for a world economic recovery programme'and for building upon the limited gains that have been secured through North-South co-operation. Agreement should be sought wherever possible. Detailed guidelines for further work should be drawn up so as to facilitate thorough discussions and eventual agreement on all connected matters at the sixth session of UNCTAD, where this matter will be high on the agenda. 81. Numerous international conferences have stressed the need for making efforts concurrent with global negotiations in order to achieve progress.in areas of critical im{t.ortance to developing countnes such as food, energy, trade and financial flows. The Versailles Economic Summit had outlined certain practical areas for action. We would urge developed countries not to use lack of progress on global negotiations as an alibi for inaction. We expect that they would translate their suggestions into concrete and co-operative programmes of action that would contribute to the development of the developing countries. 82. A broad consensus now exists, and indeed, this was one concrete gain in Cancun-on evolving a strategy to increase food production. We hope that a well-thought-out international programme would emerge in this regard. Efforts must continue to devise a global strategy for food security and for constant updating of measur~s and actions. It is important to reach agreement on an international wheat trade agree- ment for stability of supplies and prices. 84. A further expansion and liberalization of the International Monetary Fund [IMF] compensatory facility is called for. Indeed, we need to give greater consideration to the establishment of a completely new commodity-related scheme. Predictability in the earnings, supply and demand of commodities is an objective which we should seriously pursue. This calls for adequate and effective price stabilization arrange- ments. 8S. The deterioration in the world trading situation is especially affecting countries with relatively low per capita income. The international trading regime which has emerged nei!her adhere~ to the principles and rules envisaged by GATT, nor is it responsive to new circumstances. What is necessary is the most careful consideration of the requirements of an international trading order that will be efficient, equitable and effectively promote the development of developing countries. For this there should be a return to a set of agreed principles in international trading relation- ships, particularly through practical support for the principles of multilateralism, non-discrimination, non- reciprocity vis-a-vis developing countries, trans- parency and predictability consistent with special and differential treatment to developing countries. Progres- sive liberalization of the trade in textiles, clothing, the leather industry and other consumer durables is a matter of great importance to the industrial develop- ment of developing countries. The developing coun- tries possess comparative advantages in these areas. We expect that the GATT ministerial meeting and the sixth session of UNCTAD would agree on con- crete measures in this regard. 86. The situation created by the second massive oil price rise is qualitatively different and more acute than that faced by the world community at the time of the first energy crisis ~ess than 10 years ago. The growth momentum of the developing countries was then maintained through flows of international finance on suitable terms to the countries most adversely affected by the crisis and through new modalities of concessional developmental assistance. No similar effort is visible today or even being considered. Instead, private capital and investments are sugge~Jed as a solution to the problems of developing countries. While private capital can be useful in certain areas, experience clearly shows that it cannot provide resources for long-term development aiming at social improvement and stability with low or no market profit. It cannot alleviate the balance-of-payments burdens of developing countries. Above all, multi- lateral aid should not be made conditional on cor- responding in-flow of private investment. Similarly, the increasing recourse to exclusive bilateralism continues and must be resisted to the extent such bilateralism tends to obstruct multilateral co-operation and is pursued at the expense of the latter. 88. Co-operation among developing countries is now viewed both as an essential component of the new international economic order and as an important instrument for bringing it about. Three years ago, the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries at Havana had agreed on policy guidelines for reinforcing the collective self- reliance of developing countries. We note with satis- faction that a process has now been set in motion which iiS continuously enriching the concept, practice and content of economic and technical co-operation among developing countries. 89. Concomitant support measures by international organizations would be of great help in technical preparations for major South-South undertakings such as, for instance, the establishment ofthe global system of trade preferences among developing countries and the setting up of a South-S\)uth bank.· We believe that economic co-operation among developing coun- tries can make a significant contribution to world economic recovery. We trust that the Assembly will give due and favourable consideration to these matters. 90. This is not the moment to think in terms of mutually exclusivealternatives. The present sorry state of affairs can be repaired only by action on all fronts. We need bilateral as well as multilateral co-oper- ation, official development assistanc~ as well as private flows of capital, North-South co-operation as well as South-South co-operation, global negotiations for restructuring international economic relations as well as concurrent efforts for securing progress in sectoral areas. Let us, therefore, not engage in futile debates, but work honestly to secure concrete results. I trust that our deliberations in the Assembly will lead us to this path. 91. The German philosopher Hegel believed that a notable contribution of man to civilization was the creation of the nation-State, which .provides the individual with the opportunity of finding the full satisfaction of his needs in co-operation with· ~e, community. This Organization, composedof157 ~ation States, represents the quintessence of the civilization that mankind has laboured hard over the centuries to build. The Prime Minister of India, Shrimati Indira Gandhi, recently observed: "One of the most fascinating riddl~s of history is what makes a group of people share a sense of common destiny. Almost always this is the result of being together in hardship and humiliation; often it comes from being summoned to a heroic effort by a great figure or group of people who inspire them with a vision of troth or glory".

Mr. President, I should like first of all to congratulate you on your election as President of the current session of the General Assembly. It is my particular pleasure to welcome you, the representative of a neighbouring country with which Yugoslavia has been developing friendly relations and comprehensive good-neigh- bourly co-operation, to this important and responsible post. 93. I should also like to pay a tribute to the Secretary- General for his high personal and statesmanlike qualities, as well as for the selfless efforts he exerted during the short but very dynamic and difficult period since his election. We are very pleased to see the representative of friendly and non-aligned Peru in this high and exceptionally important post. His election also honours the whole Latin American continent, as well as being a recognition of the growing influence ofthe policy and movement ofnon-alignment in international relations. 94. I avail myself of this opportunity to point out our particular gratitude and appreciation to the President ofthe thirty-sixth session Mr. Ismat Kittani, the representative of Iraq, a country with which Yugoslavia has firm friendly ties, for the outstanding efforts, objective attitude and skill with which he gUided the'thirty-sixth session Qf the General Assem- bly, the second special session on disarmament and other meetings of the General Assembly in the course of the past year, which was fraught with numerous problems and difficulties. 95. Although there are certain differences in the assessments of the causes of the present state of affairs in the world, we believe that there is almost no dispute that we are now witnessing one of those crucial turning-points in the history of international relations, when a choice has to be made between a perilous downhill slide caused by the increase of tension, and a halting of this dangerous trend by reversing the developments and directing them towards the renewal of international confidence and respbn- sibility, which have been so badly eroded. This would pave the way for a process of equitable and peaceful n~gotiationon a numberofconflict situations and crises present in the world. There is no doubt that the situa- tion in all spheresorinternational relations hasdeterio- rated to such an ei;.tent that the whole international commuDity is faced with that choice, which is all the more dramatic since there are no signs of improve- ment. On the contrary, many things are getting out of ! I I1 103. In South-East and South-West Asia the state of crisis persists unchanged. The peoples of Afghan- istan and Kampuchea are prevented from exercising their right to a free life and are still subjected to foreign intervention. The international community has, through United Nations resolutions and the positions taken by the conferences of the non-aligned countries, laid down the basis for a peaceful political solution of these problems, which can be achieved only through the withdrawal of foreign troops and the elimination of all forms of outside intervention. 104. ~n Africa, particularly southern Africa, racist and colonialist strongholds still exist, while attempts are being made to turn that continent into an arena of bloc rivalry. These neo-colonialist tendencies threaten the independence and security of the coun- tries of the continent and obstruct the positive role played by the Organization of African Unity [OA U]. It is high time that the question of Namibia was solved, and the long-expected final agreement on its accession to full independence should be reached at this very session of the General Assembly. We believe that this is indispensable and will be possible if we ~xert additional efforts and show greiltef' resolve. ·Success in solving the outstanding problem of Namibia would show that the most complex issues can finally be resolved through negotiations. It' would help to reawaken the shaken faith in the United Nations. On the other hand, procrastination would undoubtedly bring the already tense situation in this part of the world to the brink of explosion, with wider inter- national implications. The liberation of Namibia on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), as well as the creation of conditions enabling the peol- pie Qf Western Sahara to express its will freely within the framework of the right to self-determination, would be of the utmost importance for the strength- ening of the independence and the faster economic and social development ef all African countries. 108. The deterioration of the situation in Europe is manifested primarily through the escalation ofthe arms race, the introduction and deployment of new types of weapons and the obstruction of the channels of eco- nomic, cultural and other forms ofco-operation among European countries. In addition, European security is directly affected by the situation and security in the broader region of the Mediterranean, including the Middle East, as well as by the relations between blocs in all parts of the world. Therefore, we attach great importance to the resumption of the Madrid follow-up meeting to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the successful outcome of which would most certainly have a positive impact on international relations in general. 109. Our efforts in the Mediterranean are directed to transforming this sea and its hinterland from a region of confrontation and constant sabre-rattling into a region of overall co-operation, security and mutual interaction of the cultures of Mediterranean countries and peoples. In a word, our efforts should be directed towards creating the conditions ofpeace, co-operation and progress for all. 110. The economic situation is becoming ever more critical and a prolonged crisis is permeating all areas of the world economy and international relations. Although no country is immune to certain difficulties, the developing countries, which are victims ofboth the crisis in the world economy and the inequitable system of international economic relations, are hardest hit by such a situation. 111. The critical situation in the world economy is accompanied by ever more frequent severing of economic ties, retrogression of multilateral economic co-operation and withdrawal into one's own narrow boundaries. International economic co-operation is stagnating and giving way to unilateral and bilateral moves which do not lead to solutions but provoke even sharper conflicts. The causes of the present crisis lie above all in the structure and the exi~ting imbalance and inequality of the current system of international economic relations. That is the soUrce 9f the constant widening of tlie economic gap between developed and developing countries, which not only further destabilizes the world economy but also constitutes an increasing danger to peace and security in the world. i 12. 11te greatest responsibility for such a state in the world economy is borne by the industrially most ~ountries to overcome these difficulties seriously threatens the economic growth and development ofthe latter, and this could have far-reaching political and social consequences. 114. The way out of the present particularly difficult economic situation can be found only in the strength- ening of multilateral economic co-operation and the establishmentofthe new international economic order. The solution of the accumulated economic problems would be in the interest not only of developing coun- tries but also of the entire world economy and of progress in general. In the context of the present situation, which is fraught with a number of problems and, uncertainties, global negotiations .within the United Nations system and progress in general appear to be the only possible ~ourse. The' launching of global negotiations has never been so urgent. 115. The general unfavourable development of the situation in the world has blocked the work and the functioning of international organizations and almost all multilateral illltitutions. Particularly disquieting is the situation in wbich the United Nations finds itself. The Organization is becoming ever more helpless in its efforts to play the role of an effective guardian of peace, the protector of the independence of countries and peoples and a forum for solving major inter- national issues by promoting co-operation. The impotence of the Security Council was manifested recently in connection with the Lebanese crisis, as in similar cases in the past, owing to the lack of political readiness on the part ofthe big Powers and the abuse of the right of veto. Victims of aggression can rely less and less on the United Nations for effective support. 116. The constant deterioration of international rela- tions calls for a most urgent global response from the world community. It is becominJl; ever more obvious that the key issues of the present-day world cannot be dealt with and even less resolved 5n a bilateral context, between blocs and the big Powers. These issues can be solved only on the basis of equal par- ticipation andjoint responsibility ofall members ofthe international community in their defence of peace as the common heritage of mankind, and within the framework of a new system of international relations. The movement and policy of non-alignment-which is constantly and actively contributing to the develop- ment of a new concept of international community and to the solving ofinternational issues-have always advocated the need for such global responses. There- fore, a strong and independent non-aligned tJlovement, which is constantly limiting the areas of bloc con- 122. It is an illusion that stability and development can be limited to one part of the world, while other parts remain hunting grounds and spheres of rivalry arid exploitation. It is confirmed every day that the big Powers cannot be sole arbiters even in their own backyards. That is why fundamental changes should take place not only in their mutual relations, but also in their relations with the rest of the world, proceeding from the perception that the world has changed, that peace is indivisible, that peoples are not ready to accept positions of passive resignation or to live in permanent political, economic and cultural sub- jugation. .123. .The non-aligned countries have always under- lined the particular importance of and the need for the strengthening of the role of the United Nations as an irreplaceable forum for the maintenance of peace and security in the world and for the solving of major international problems. The principles and the goals of the policy ofnon-alignment are in their essence linked with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, with which they constitute an indivisible whole. For this reason the non-aligned countries are deeply interested in the full implementation of the Charter and of the role of the United Nations that inspired its creation. 124. We believe that it is never redundant to emphasize that all countries in their international behaviour should strictly comply with the obligations they undertook when signing the Charter. We are thinking here above all of non-interference in the internal affairs ofState, the absolute inadmissibility of the use of force in international relations, full respect of independence, sovereignty, territorial integritYta§ well as the right of all peoples to decide on their OW" destiny. 125. The United Nations should become an· instru- ment which will enable these principles to become everyday practice. The Organi'zation, namely its Member States, must strive for the establishment of a system of collectiv~ security which will guarantee freedom and opPortunity for independent development to' every country. The present. very dramatic moment in international relations is the,consequence of nu- merous violations of obligations undertaken on the basis of the Charter and of the non-implementation of the decisions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council.

The draft resolution before us was tabled just a few hours ago. At the urging of the sponsors, members of this body have been obliged to take positions on the actual facts of the case in question, which are scarcely known. Moreover, what the United States Government does know about this case suggests that the complicated issues of both law and fact involved here deserve attention. Given the haste with which the sponsors have demanded action, my Govern- ment has had no opportunity to address the current status of this case and is not, therefore, in a position to vote on the substance of this draft resolution. 141. We must, however, register our strong objection to the manner in which the issue has been introduced and pressed to a vote. In our view, the procedures employed in the General Assembly this afternoon are directly contrary to the spirit and practice of judicious deliberation, which the United Nations is committed to encouraging. For these reasons, the United States must abstain in the vote ')n this draft resolution.

I wish to introduce a revision to operative paragraph 2 of the text which has been presented on behalfof the non-aligned countries. That is why I have asked to speak, hoping to be given a chance to present a new wording of operative paragraph 2, and thereby win further support for the draft resolution. 143. We are well aware ofthe fact that the non-aligned countries have introduced this draft resolution, at the request of the group of African State~, with a certain amount of urgency. The reason for this urgency is that we are not sure just when the South African authorities are going to carry out the death sentences on the three young members of the African National Congress. That is why we have been anxirJus for the General Assembly to consider the draft resolution speedily. 144. Now let me turn to the revision which, after consultations with a number of delegations, we should like to make to operative paragraph 2 of the draft resolution. I shall read the text as it should be revised. 154. Mr. van WELL (Federal Republic ofGermany): I join those who have expressed regret Lt the pro- cedure used in the adoption of the resolution.· We supported the resolution having in mind its humani- tarian objectives, but we cannot endorse all the language of the text. Our vote should not be inter- preted as a comment on the substance of the judicial proceedings i!l this case. 155. 'Ms. GUELMAN (Uruguay)(interpretationfrom Spanish): My delegation regrets that we were not

* On behalf of the Government and people of Japan, I should like to extend my heartfelt congratulations to you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the thirty- seventh session of the General Assembly. I am confident that with your abundant experience and superior wisdom the current session will be a most fruitful one. Please be assured that the delegation of Japan will spare no effort in co-operating with you as you carry out your important tasks. 158. At the same time, I should like to express our deep appreciation to the President of th~ thi!ty-sixth session of the General Assembly, Mr. Klttam, for the effective manner in which he discharged his awesome responsibilities. 159. I wish also to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar. Although it was only a few months ago that he assumed the highest office of the Organization, the leadership that he has demonstrated in dealing with the harsh realities of the international situation has won him our full confidence. It was a great pleasure for me to welcome him to Japan this past summer and have the opportunity candidly to exchange views on the role which the United Nations should play in the maintenance of international peace and security as well as in various fields of international co-operation. 160. In today's intemational community, with its deepening relationships of interdependence, there is a growing need for nations to co-operate for the attain- ment of world peace and prosperity. But we cannot fail to notice that tension and distrust continue to persist among nations of the world. 161. In my statement today I should therefore like first to comment on the current international situation and then to present my views on what role the United Nations should play in these circumstances. 162. I believe that one of the major sources of mutual distrust and tension within today's international community is the tendency for one country, as a means of solving international conflicts, to resort to ar~s.and to impos~ its will on another country by military intervention. Mr. Herdocia Ortega (Nicaragua), Vice-President, took the Chair. * Mr. Sakurauchi spoke in Japanese. The English \;'.ersion of his statement was supplied by the delegation. 168. On the other hand, JRpan highly appreciates, as contributing to the stability of Lebanon, the fact that Mr. Amin Gemayel has been inaugurated as President in spite of vaniious difficulties, and it earnestly hopes that Lebanon will be united under its new President to achieve the early restoration of its internal order on the basis of national reconciliation and that it will embark on the reconstruction of the country. Japan is prepared to extend all possible co-operation to that end. 169. The recent developments in Lebanon h~ve strengthened Japan's conviction that it is essential to bring about an early settlement of the Middle East peace problem, the core of which is the Palestinian question. In order to achieve a just, lasting and com-' prehensive peace in the Middle East, it is necessary that Israeli forces be withdrawn from all the territories occupied in the 1967 war, that the right to exist of all the States concerned be respected, and that negotia· tions be started among the parties concerned, in accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). It is also necessary that the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, particularly the right of self·determination, including the right to establish an independent state, be recognized and respected in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. 170. I wish to express my appreciation for the initia- tive President Reagan took in his Middle East peace proposal of 1 September, which squarely confronts the question of Palestine, the core of the Middle East problem. Shortly after President Reagan made his proposal, the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, held at Fez, adopted its own peace proposal. Japan highly values the fact that Arab countries are united in showing their will for peace. It is our earnest hope that the parties concerned will bear these proposals in mind and will resume efforts for a peaceful settle- ment of the Middle East problem. 171. The continued fighting between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq is also a source ofgrave con- cern to me. Japan renews its appeal to both countries to cease their fighting without delay and to settle the conflict by peaceful means. 172. Turning our attention now to Eastern Europe, we note that the extraordinary state of affairs in Poland -persists. Tbis threatens to endanger the relationship of East-West co-operation and exchange which has been pursued to date and is like1y seriously to affect the peace and stability of the world. Japan hopes that the present problems will be resolved by the Polish people themselves and that a genuine national reconciliation will be achieved in the near future. 173. In these international circumstances, Japan is determined to maintain its basic policy of pursuing peace, of refusing to become amilitary-Power and'of . contributing to the building of world peace and prosperity. In accordance with that policy, Japan envisage~. It is particularly important that its perma- nent members recognize anew the significance of their duties and co-operate among themselves. In his report, to which I have already referred, the Secre- tary-General also points out that co-operation among the permanent members ofthe Council is indispensable for its effectiveness, and he makes a special appeal to them to reassess their obligations and responsibilities, I support that appeal, and would also urge the perma- nent members to consider seriously the need for strengthening the Security Council's funct.ions. 184. Lastly, while the peace-Keeping operations of the United Nations have contributed to the quelling of local disputes and the maintenance of cease-fires, there is a definite need to explore way,s of enabling • • ... ' t ' f. • 185. A number of points could be considered, s\jch as a system of prior. registration and organization of the personnel, equipment and materials which Member States are ready to ~ontribute to future operations; the holding by the United Nations of study and tnlining exercises relating to peace-keeping operations; and the securing of effective financial backi~g In his report the Secretary-General, too, suggests toat the SecuritY Council should urgently undertake a study of how to strengthen the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations. I earnestly hope that a study on the strengthening of the peace-keeping functions of the United Nations will be made, taking the Secretary- General's suggestions into consideration. Japan, for its part, j§'ready to co-operate mOre actively in the strengthening of the peace-keeping operations of tire United Nations. 186. With regard to the United Nations peace- keeping functions, I should like to comment on the role played by the Organization in efforts to achieve the independence of Namibia. We note that in spite of the serious efforts of the parties concerned the process ofelections underthe supervision ofthe United Nations has not yet commenced. I strongly hope that the parties concerned will continue to work towards the achievement of Namibian independence, and that the decolonization efforts of the United Nations will be successful. Japan reaffirms its readiness to co-operate with UNTAG by providing civilian personnel, as well as in other appropriate ways, once it begins operation. 187. The second area that I should like to discuss with regard to strengthening the role of the United Nations is that ofdisarmament. Today the heightening ofinternational tensions and ofdistrust among States is accelerating the arms race, and the expanded arms' race in turn adds to the mutual distrust and tension, threatening the very survival of mankind. In these circumstances, it is hardly surprising that the calls of nations, including my own, for disarmament, partic- ularly nuclear disarmament, have reached unprece- dented levels. 188. Against this background of increased awareness of disarmament issues throughout the international community, the twelfth special session of the General Assembly, the second special session devoted to'disar- mament, was convened last June, with the par- ticipation of the· Prime Minister of Jap~n, Mr...Zenko Suzuki, and many other heads of State or Govern- ment. Although it was earnestly hoped that at that special session the Assembly would adopt a document on a comprehensive programme of disarmament, it was regrettably unable to do so. Neverthe'ess, the special session unanimously reaffirmed the validity of the Final Document in resolution S-10/2, and the :~=~"Sed that the delibemtions al situ~tion. At .the', 'Satril~ time,- the. special s~ssi9n provided us with the opportunity ,to strengthen the conviction shared 'by all Member States that by.con- tin~ing our disarm~ment eff9rts un,der these, ..cit.-, cumstances we shall further solidify the foundations of peace and secuii~yof the international community. We must not lose the mo'ment~Q1 g~ined at the second special session, but must promote, step by step, in.ternational effort's towards' achieving .disarmam~nt, particularly nuclear disarmament. 190. At the 5th meeting of the twelfth special ses- sion, Prime Minister Suzuki reiterated Japan's national commitment to peace an& its refusal to become a military power, while upholding its three non-nuclear principles of not possessing nuclear weapons, not producing them and not permitting their introduction into Japan. On the basis of this fundamental position, he proposed three ,principles, for the achievement. of peace through disarmament: first the promotion of disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament;' secondly, the utilization of the human and physical resources which would be released by disarmament to alleviate poverty and social instability and, thirdly the strengthening and reinforcement ofqnited Nations peace-keeping functions.for the promotion ofdisarma- Q1ent. Japan is resolved ~o continue to play a positive role in the United Nations and in other forums so that these principles can be realized as soon as possible. Japan has emphasized that a comprehensive nuclear test ban and the prohibition of chemical weapons are the most urgent tasks to be pursued by the inter- national community and that they should be realized as soon as possible. Japan is determined to contirtue to contribute to the promotion of negotiations ort these items in the Committee on Disarmament. 191. Moreover, Japan has been undertaking steps to implement the proposals which the· Prime Minister made at the special sessi(m, particulariy the proposalto install in the United Nations documentation and materials concerning Japan's atomic bomb ,experi- ences' and to extend co-operation under the United Nations Disarmament Fellowship Programme. to enable participants to visit Hiroshima and Nagaliaki.~ Following up the proposal regarding interna~ional efforts to ensure and guarantee the security ofnuclear facilities for peaceful purpOses: Japan, at' the .1983 session of the Committee on Disarmament, submitted an outline of a draft protocol on the prohibition,9£ attacks against nuclear facilities. We are resQlved'to persevere in these steady efforts fo~ the pr.Q~,Q~~~n of disarmament. ',' .'.. ,' ., • l > -'... ,,'. 19.2. It goes.witho.u,t .saying ,that progress In. nuclear disarmament hinges upon those States which have primary responsibility·· in this field, namely, the nuclear-weapon States, partic,ularly the two nuclear super-Powers, the United States and.the Soviet Union. It should be emphasized once again that bilateral efforts between the United States and the Soviet Union, together with multinational efforts, are absolutely necessary in the promotion of nuclear 201. I strongly urge the United Nations to make further efforts for the relief of refugees. At the same time, I fully realize that in order to achieve a real solution to the refugee problem, it is essential to deal with its root causes. Japan, for its part, has provided considerable financial assistance to United Nations activities for the relief of refugees and will continue to extend the utmo.st co-operation for ,this purpose. I should also like to reiterate Japan's continued determination to provide its economic co-operation to countries such as Thailand, which are burdened with a huge influx of refugees, Gnd our intention to continue to accept Indo-Chinese refugees in Japan. 202. In order for the United Nations to carry out thoroughly the functions I have mentioned, it is clearly essential that its financial base be strengthened. 213. All the conflicts which the Assembly was con- sidering when we last met are still with liS today. The new wars in the South Atlantic and Lebanon have shown us how quickly and unexpectedly violence and turmoil can spread. Every day newspaper headlines and the television screen bring the terrible camage into every home.' . . 214. While these events have captured the attentic:m of the 'world, an economic crisis, no less lethal'tn its effects on people, has been spreading th~ugh.lhe world..One symptom of this cri~is" is~ tIi~ :debtp~ob­ lem. In recent months the world\; headlines have drawn attention to the problem of third-worl!l ,(lebt. It is estimated that the third world's debt is more .than SUS 500 bUiion. These debts were not aCcumu": lated overnight. The problem has been brewing for some time. It is a combination of the problem of non- oil-producing third world countries trying to adjust to changes in energy costs and the oil-producing third world countries embarking Oil massive development projects in anticipation of future oil income., 217. Another problem with grave implications is that of starvation. As'much as 40 per cent of the world's population sutTers from some form of undernourish- ment. The fate of millions is downright starvation. As the population continues to increase in the poorest regions of the world, more and more people will be forced below the subsistence level of food intake. Undernourishment and starvation are the work not of fate but of human action. They can be prevented. Much of the increasing starvation can be attributed to the failure of national policies. But we are not here to passjudgement on national policies; we are here to see how we as members of an hltemational community can help these nations in their pHght. The problem is particularly severe in Africa, where food con- sumption per person is 10 percent less today than it was a decade ago. 218. The problems of debt and famine, which I have quoted as examples of the less headline-grabbing prob- iems tlf the global community, are themselves only symptoms of a far more serious malaise in the inter- national economy. 219. While the problem of global equity remains serious, what we are confronted with today i& not simply the failure of the North to respond to the S.outh's call fora more equit~ble economic relation- ship but the incipient disintegration of the entire economic system that has sustained both North and South for the past 40 years. The consequences ofsuch a total collapse would far outweigh the present il\lustices of the system. A renowned professor of the London School of Economics, which is not unsympa- t~ti~ ,ffl. th~, tllir(1 world, once rema\'ked that the IIlls~ry of~eing ~xploited by capitalists is nothing compared to the miserv of not being exploited at 'all. 220. The liberal trading reg~me set up after the Second \\'orld War and institutionalized in GAIT has clearly been unable to cope with the stresses and strains generated by new conditions. The developed countries have been unable to cope with the increas- ingly sensitive impact that ono national economy has on another under conditions of interdependence and they have been unable to restructure their domestic 222. The problems ofdebt, famine and protectionism are interrelated. Protectionism freezes existing patterns of international trade in which the developed countries have consistently enjoyed huge trade sur- pluses "is-c,-"is the developing countries. Such imbalances require financing and thus necessitate heavy borrowing and a growing debt burden. 223. Protectionism also deliberately restricts levels of food production. In Japan, North America and Europe protectio~~st agricultural systems have included measures to curtail the production ofsurpluses of m~or cereals and some ~ther commodities. The European Economic Community has for two decades subsidized farm production while keeping out cheaper imports. The inevitable surplus stocks lie idle while much of the world starves. The lesson is clear. The liberal trading system, in spite of all its faults, offers the best framework for a more equitable international economic system. It is increasingly clear that more developing countries are becoming competitive in the international market. It is also becoming clear that if the principles of comparative advantage are allowed to operate unhindered, this must result in a correction of the grossly disproportionate consumption of the world's resources by the developed countries. We cannot hope for a more equitable distribution ofglobal income if the liberal trading regime continues to be under- mined. 224. To my mind, the basic cause of protectionism is the failure ofthe developed countries to manage State welfare within national means and to direct economic growth to keep pace with technological changes. Over-expenditure on welfare has resulted in inflexible domestic political structures. Governments of the develo~dcountries have been deprived ofthe political flexibility needed to make changes in international patterns of trade and production without resort to protectionism. 225. The pressure for protectionism comes from many quarters. It comes from industries in developed countries which have not modernized -their production procesges and thus find themselves unable to compete with more efficient and lower-cost plants in developing countries. But the political pressures for protectionism also come from trade union movements in the devel- 229. In this respect I should like to point to the regional grouping of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN1, which has created an area of peace, amity and co-operation among its five members. Its members have therefore been able to derive the maximum benefit from their national economic devel- opment policies. 230. While we must not ignor~Jhe shortcomings in the third world, it is also true that a number of third world countries, in response to Western exhortations that they should trade rather than depend on aid, have manifested a capacity to compete with the West 231. The developing countries of the third world are thus caught in a "no-win" situation. If they are unsuccessful in their development efforts, they are condemned for inefficiency, corruption, xenophobia and a host of other evils. If they should succeed, they are penalized for their v.ery success. 232. The slow strangulation of a liberal trading system wm increase international tension. The television cameras may not notice the process, .but I fear that, if we continue to neglect the problem, we shall have all too much drama. The m~or devel- oped countries are increasingly divided among them- selves. The North and the South will move further apart. Desperation will breed irresponsibility. The benefits of all this will redound to those Powers that profit from and exploit instability and divisions. The result will be an increase in in~ernational insta- bility. This threat to the stability of the international system is fundamental. In an interdependent world, autarky is no longer a viable option for any nation. The question that all ofus must face is whether we can muster sufficient political will to preserve the integrity of the system before the point of no return is reached.

I should like to begin by congratulating the President on his election to the high office he has been asked to fill at this session of the General Assembly. His contribution as President of this forum will undoubtedly be invaluable in achieving the success we hope for in the tasks with which we have been entrusted, especially in the ful- filment of the principle's and purpose of the Charter. 234. My country would also like to greet, through him, the friendly nation of Hungary, with which we have a very close and productive relationship. 235. Nor can I omit to take this'opportunity to recall the outstanding performance of Mr. Kittani of Iraq, and to reaffirm our appreciation of the ability and effectiveness with which he carried out his task at a particularly difficult session of the General Assembly. 236. Finally, before I reach .the substance of my statement, I should like, as Minister for Foreign Affairs of a Latin American country, to greet most warmly the first Latin American Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de CueUar, to whom my country is deeply indebted for his earnest efforts during the South Atlantic crisis to reach a solution to the conflict. 237. This year my country had to deal with a grave international crisis rooted in the fact that even today, on the eve of the twenty-first century, there remain forms of colonial ~omination in the world, despite the efforts of the Organization and of the overwhelming majority of its Member States to eradicate them. The crisis to which I am referring, which resulted in an armed confrontation between A~ntina and the United Kingdom, would not have takvn place had w'~ose sovereignty it questions today. .. ... . 243.. On 3 January 1833, eight year~ after Argentina was recognized as a sovereign State, and after the replac~d by a British military garrison. 244. On 15 and 22 January of that same year, the Governm-ent of Argentina sent a protest to the Charge d'affaires of Great Britain in Buenos Aires, and on 17 June the Argentine Minister, Don Manuel Moreno, voiced the most energetic protest in London. Thus began an uninterrupted series of Argentinian protests against the British occupation and in all cases these were arbitrarily rejected by the Government of the United Kingdom. 245. The Republic of Argentina never agreed to the British occupation, nor did it ever ~ive up its sover Q eign rights over the territory of whic.l it was divested by force. All this is more than enough to show the inequity of any claims of acquisition by the United Kingdom. 246. Let the Assembly compare the historic and con- sistent stand of my country with the silence of Great Britain in 1825 and its ominous aggression of 1833. 247. Let us come back now to our times. Following the creation of the United Nations the treatment in the Organization of the item of decolonization brought with it the adoption ofthe well-known General Assem- bly resolution 1514 (XV), which deals with decoloniza- tion, as well as resolutions 2065 (XX) and 3160 (XXVIII) and 31/49, which is specifically applicable to the case of the Malvinas. 248. It was thus decided, first, that there was recog- nition of the existence of a dispute over sovereignty between the Republic of Argentina and the United Kingdom, secondly, an invitation to those Govern- ments to continue forthwith negotiations to achieve a peaceful solution of the matter, bearing in mind the provisions and objectives of the Charter, as well as the interests-not the wishes-of the population of the islands; thirdly, the recognition of the efforts made by the Republic of Argentina to facilitate the decolonization process and to promote the well-being of the population of the islands. 249. Starting in 1966 negotiations began between the two Governments but these negotiations did not lead to any result because of the indifferent attitude and dilatory tactics displayed by the British. - 250. Acceptance by the United Kingdom ofthe invita- tion to negotiate on the matter of sovereignty, for- mulated in resolution 2065 (XX), was embodied in the communications of Foreign Ministers Zavala Ortiz and Stewart,13 as a result of the visit of the latter to Buenos Aires in 1966. Clearly this acceptance was encouraging for it reflected, apparently, the beginning of a change in the British posi~ion, which up to that time had rejected all negotiations on the matter of sovereignty of the archipelago. 251. Later the terms of reference of the negotiation were formally set out in the joint communique of 26 April 1977,14 which stated specifically that it would include the matter of sovereignty over tlfe Malvinas Islands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich s~aunch defen~er of the ~elf-determ~nati9n.of peoples, displace by force the population of the island of Diego Garcia, to make over that territor,Y for the establishment of a military base in the Indian Ocean? n{ 276. These facts show that when ther- ... Kingdom claims to be defending the right to ~ .;termination of peoples, that is not only a way vi concealing the truth about the nature of its illegal colonial possession of the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia and South Sandwich, but also a cynical attempt to adjust its position to the world of today, in order to perpetuate its last ties of political and economic domination; in other words, its intent is to seem to change things so that they can remain the same. The right to self- determination is basically a collective right, recognized for all peoples, nations and States. That right assumes a legitimate relationship between those who are to benefit and the territory to be decolonized, but the territorial link cannot be of any type, because the right to self-determination can never be used as an instrument to split up a territory. 277. For example, the settlements established by Israel in the occupied Arab and Palestinian terri- tories-in contradiction of the rights of the countries and populations affected, and of the Geneva Con- vention on the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and in flagrar4t violation of the resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly-are a clear example of a policy infringing the right of territorial integrity. The international community has rightly condemned such policies, since the perpetuation of these illegal situations at the expense of Syria, Jordan, Lebanon and the Palestinian people year after year has become a constant source oftension and violence, endangering not only the Middle East but international peace and security. 278. Therefore, recognition of the right to self- determination of a population implanted by force, after the forced expulsion of those who were legiti- mately living in the area earlier, is a mockery of the efforts ofthe Organization to put an end to colonialism, and can lead only to the renewal of colonialism in the guise of a settlement freely consented to. The relation- ship between those who claim freely to exercise the right to self-determination and the territory in which they live must come from a justifiable situation that existed before the occupation. 279. The clearr and maked truth ~s lhat the United Kingdom has eSltablished a colony in part of Argentine territory, and the definitive solution must be the restitution of that territory to its legitimate owner, in keeping with the right of territorial integrity, which clearly applies to this case, in conformity with resolution 1514 (XV). Otherwise, I must give warning that .to legitimize the illicit origin of British pos- session would be to establish a dangerous precedent for legitimizingfuture seizures ofterritory, based on the 286. Latin America, united today by the Malvinas, and tomorrow by whatever other equally just cause may affect any of the countries comprising it, calls for a response that will meet its legitimate demands. 287. Latin America shall not be a breeding-ground for colonial adventures. The countries of the hemi- sphere fought hard to win their independence and therefore have a long tradition of rejection of colo- nialism. Those ideals of the founding heroes of the Latin American homeland inspire the actions of the Governments of the region, with whose decisive assistance and support the first decolonization ini- tiatives prospered in the United Nations. It is in that spirit that Latin America has demonstrated its whole- hearted support for the fraternal initiative taken by Mexico, which calls for consideration of the question of the Malvinas Islands during the current session of the General Assembly. 288. I emphasize with pride and appreciation that the question of the Matvinas Islands is no longer in the Organization the private cause of my country but has ~come the cause of Latin America, as happened also in the case of Panama. In their letter to the Secretary-General, the Latin American nations made the following points, among others: "The persistence of this colonial situation in America and the dispute between the Argentine .Republic and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland concerning sovereignty over the Islands, on which the General Assembly has expressed itself in resolutions 2065 (XX), 3160 (XXVIII) and 3H49, have led to serious armed con- flict in the South Atlantic and constitute a situation that affects the Latin American region in particular. "The countries of America, which are peace- loving and anxious for a peaceful settlement of the conflict, consider that the negotiations between the Argentine Republic and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland should be conducted under the auspices of the United Nations." [See A/37//93.] 289. That ini~iative earned the gratitude of all the Argentine people, for which the cause of the Malvi~as is a national goal which takes precedence over partisan differences and binds togetlier ciiizens orall sectors. 290. We extend the same gratitude to the non-aligned movement, which in its successive statements has categorically endorsed Argentina's claims. 291. I wish to express similar appreciation to all countries which have extended 10 us their support and have recognized the legitimacy of our claims. 293. We shall never forget those who acted as our friends. As to those who did not so act, we shall re-examine in the future their earlier positions, bearing in mind the circumstances of that time, which for many were unclear or distorted. But the positions they are taking now, will have to stand up to the closest scrutiny by the Argentine people and by all those who agree with the very clear principles which the inter- national community has committed itself to defend. Their condUCt will be judged not by Governments, which are temporary things, but by peoples, which are permanent. History, which is incorruptible, will be a court of last resort. The Argentinians and all Latin Americans ar1e convinced that it will be our ally, not to be suborned. 294. We firmly believe that negotiations in good faith between the parties provide the only possible path to peace. Hence we are prepared to heed the call of the General Assembly to begin negotiations to find a peaceful solution to the dispute over sover- eignty which will take into account the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, with the assistance of the Secretary-General, i~': whom my country has sincere confidence. 295. Argentina has never expanded its territm·y through the use of force. On the contrary, it has traditionall" resorted to peaceful methods and negotiations to resolve its territorial disputes. In this spirit our country is committed to the peaceful settlement of its territorial dispute with the Republic of Chile in the southern part of the country, with the invaluable participation Qf His Holiness Pope John Paul 11 as mediator. The people an<J Government of Argentina wish to express here their deepest gratitude to His Holiness for his tireless 'mediating activities and his guidance of the negotiations with the Republic of Chile. Great importance has been attached by the Holy See to these activHies, which resulted in the agreement signed on 15 September last at Vatican City. That agreement is an unequivocal confirmation of the complete confidence which the two countries have placed in the Supreme Pontiff and in his judge- ment as to the best way to settle the dispute. For our part, we reaffirm our belief that through mediation we will reach a final agreement acceptable to both parties which will put an end to the dispute once and for all, thus consolidat~ng the traditionallink~between the two peoples. 296. The world situation is so serious, and the situa- tion as regards the Organization's ability to fulfil its purpos~ of maintaining peace and acting as a useful forum for negotiation among its Member States has become so difficult, that the Secretary-General felt compelled in writing his exemplary report to abandon the usual practice ~f reviewing the broad range fJf issues involved in the work of the United Nations and to concentrate on the central, vital problem of the chances of achieving the aims which 37 years ago prompt-:J the cre~ti,on of the United Nations, after pOS(~" ~vhich is t~ deny the Namibian people the true exerc~~.;: of their right to self-determination and national independence in accordance with Security Councii resolution 435 (1978) and with full respect for its territorial integrity. The international community must use its best efforts to put an end to this colonial situation, which is m&fked by economic exploitation and racial discrimination. The people of Namibia must be assisted in their just struggle to put an end to South African domination, which flies in the face of the most elementary principles of justice and equity accepted by the overwhelming majoiity of'the States Members of the United Nations. 306. Another grave situation which for reasons of regional brotherhood concerns us" profoundly is the instability and violence prevailing in Central America, which prompted the promising ,niti,ative of an otTer of good offices by the Presidents of Mexico and Vene- zue1a, with a view to reducing tension and ensuring peace. Of course, my Government has already expressed its full support for those efforts. 307. I know that it is not: original to refer to the crisis in international economic relations or to emphasize that the high cost is being borne by the developing count~es. However, despite the tlLttempts undermin~ multilatera:I co-operation in general and co-operation for development in particular. 308. There has been a resurgence of protectionism in the major decision-making centres, accentuating further the economic and social difficulties on the periphery.t Selective·and discriminatory policies have been established, based on concepts of so-called gr~duation, which establish arbitrary and harmful differences for developing countries. By increasing emphasis on bilateralism in international economic relations there has been an erosion of the multilateral framework of international co-operation. 309. As if all this did not constitute a sufficiently discouraging picture, we now see a tendency for certain developed countries to use economic means for political ends, by trying to bring pressure to bear on developing countries to subordinate the exercise of their sovereign rights. 3l0. The non-aligned movement has emphatically coildemnecl such behaviour and the Charter of Eco- nomic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)], adopted by the General Assembly in 1974, is also emphatic on this point. 311. Within the Latin American framework, at the regional level, it was understood from the outset, as confirmed by decisions 112 and 113 of the eighth meeting of the Permanent Council of the Latjn Amer- ican Economic System, that Latin America must reduce its vulnerability to the concerted pressures of the developed world. 312. Nevertheless, in the midst of this disturbing picture there are on the horizon some positive facts, such as those originating in the Group of 77 and the recent statements made in the Economic and Social Council by some industrialized countries, which lead u:, to hope that global negotiations can begin shortly in an attempt to revitalize. the North-South dialogue. --~. -_., .- ..- -... _-..-.-....... - - - - - ..... ~...- _... -' .. ..- 3-13. As regards co-operation among developing countries, the recent meeting in Manila showed the realities and potential of this broad range of co-oper- ation and solidarity. 314. I cannot conclude my statement without saying that my country accepts the existence of this real and regrettable world political panorama because it is a matter of plain fact. However, we also believe in the absolute need to overcome this grave situation, because we are sure that the instinct of self-preser- vation will compel all the peoples in the world to unite their efforts to change this picture of real and potential conflicts. But we also firmly believe that that primary objective cannot be attained ~hrougb vague declarations and pious words, but only through speCific action and a healthy political determination, which, by establishing good faith in international relations and encouraging progress and wealth, will make possible the emergence of new protagonists on the world scene. There m.ust be new presences capable of restor- ing a balance threatened today by the magnificent development of some nations at the expense of the stagnation or the slow development of others. 320. We wish at this time to make special reference to the remarkable performance of the Secretary- General, who, after only nine months in office, has convinced us beyond all reasonable doubt that our choice was a good one. We ask him to continue to discharge his duty with the courage and convictions of his conscience. His first report on the work of the Organization outlines effectively the major problems and weaknesses of the Organization. We endorse the recommendations in his report and are convinced that, if implemented, they could strengthen the Organi- zation 'and restore to it the role envisaged for it in the Charter. 321. We must pay homage, finally, to that great statesman of tolerance, integrity and devotion, the fm-mer Secretary-General, Kurt Waldheim. His con- tribution to the progress of mankind will forever be stamped upon the minds of all those who fight for 328. I shall now make some remarks about the inter- national situation. It is indeed a sad commentary on the state of world affairs that the opening of the thirty-seventh session ofthe General Assembly and the first observance of International Day of Peace on 21 September 1982 should have taken place amid the ghastly spectres of the Beirut massacre and the con- tinued war between t'te Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq. CI~~ses and groups which have no respect for the rights of their own people will have no regard for the rights of other peoples. It thus becomes necessary for the national entity to purge itself of the unsavoury attributes of man's inhumanity to man in order to join the search for international harmony and morality. 324. My country, in answering the challenge which history has posed to us as a people, took the path of revolution to resolve the contradictions. in our society and awakened the consciousness ofour people to begin the frontal assault on the citadels ofprivilege, ethl}ic arrogance and elitism. We are proud to say to the world, to all men of conscience and decency, that through the struggle of our people and with the blood of our martyrs we destroyed an oligarchy which was brutal, arrogant and insensitive to the needs and aspirations of the vast majority of our people, as all oligarchies are. It is our God-given right to destroy the shackles of servitude and allow our people tn begin the process of making their own history. 325. Here in this public forum, we pay homage ~o the memory of our martyrs, especially to the hun- dreds killed on 14 April 1979, when the former regime unleashed a reign of terror on our defenceless people who had raised their voices to question the right ef that oligarchy to increase the price of the staple food for its own profits. Eternal glory to our martyrs! 326. When people make revolution and advance society a step further, they are morally responsible to show that they are more refined, more decent and more dignified than those they overthrew. This is the only way that one can give credence to the historical movement. In keeping with our commitment to build a society where men will live as brothers and be responsible for the welfare of each and all, we decided to rehabilitate all those who had in the past participated in the maltreatment of the people or condoned with their silence the injustices in society. In this reg~rd, my Government has released all political prisoners and thus stands as one of the few countries in the world without a single political prisoner. Also, to ease the burden of adjustment in the new society, we have re!urned confiscated properties to former political pnsoners. 327. As a further testimony to my Government's commitment to respect the aspirations of the people, 329. Elsewhere, the international situation remains fraught with tension. There seems to be a gradual decline in the use and effectiveness of multilateral institutions and international organizations. AlIian~es and inti~rgovernmental organizations that offered hope for a stable world order in the period after the Second World War are being threatened witl" disin- tegration at the very core. 330. The non·aligned movement, which emerged to dismantle the exploitative colonial system and did indeed provide an alternative to East-West con- frontational politics for the developing nations of Africa, Asia and Latin A:;.~rica in the immediate post-war era, has faiied to convene the Conference of Heads of State or Government on schedule for the first time in its :It-year history because of the conflict in the Gulf region. 331. Similarly, the OAU, which has served as the motivating force in accelerating the African liberation struggle and the search for African solutions to African problems, has not been successful in convening the Assembly of Heads of State and Government this year because of the admission of the Sahraoui Arab Democi~~i~ Republic to the OAU. However, we are pleased to note that efforts are being made to resolve the issue. My Government has undertaken the responsibility ofconsulting with other African Govern- ments on ways to end the division within our organi- zation. 332. Recently 9 our head gf State sent a team of emissaries to seven West African.countries to deliver messages relating to the current problem within the OAU. We are certain that in the end African maturity will prevail and the OAU will survive, strengthened in its principles and rededicated to the total liberation and unity of the African continent. 333. Meanwhile, in the international system, many States Members ofthe United Nations are increasingly resorting to unilateral action, ·often bypassing the United Nations without regard to their obligations under the Charter. Resolutions of the Security Coun- cil and the General Assembly adopted thn)ugh painstaking effor~s and sometimes by consensu~ are being ignored by Member States under the pretext of preserving national identity and security. 347. Some of the problems that cloud the inter- national horizon are rooted in the past. The Korean question, which for many years has been a focus of the concern of the Organization, remains unresolved and explosive. The postponement of its solution could lead to a renewal ofhostilities on the Korean peninsula 348. The· successful conclusion of the negotiations and the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Law ef the Seal represent a major step forward in our attempts to establish order in the seas. The Convention is based on the concept that the resources of the sea-bed are the comm("'1 heritage of mankind. One significant outcome of the n~gotiations is a set of treaty provisions for States to co-operate regionally and globally to protect and preserve the marine environment. This part of the Convention is consistent. with the Declaration ofthe United Nations Conference on the Human Environment.2o We express our thanks to all of those who laboured tirelessly to bring these negotiations to fruition. My Government, therefore, urges all Member States to sign and ratify the Con- vention, which will be opened for signature as of 6 December 1982, in Jamaica. 349. The post-war period has witnessed an unabated acceleration of the arms race. This race has consumed an increasing proportion of the world resources as well as a greater percentage of internationally tra~ed goods and services. This situation has contributed to a significant diversion of global resources from pro- ductive to non-productive sectors. Statistics show that in a world where expenditures on armaments amount to about $700 billion annually there are 870 mil- lion adults who cannot read and write; 500 million people who have no jobs or are less than fully employed; 130 million children who are unable to attend primary school; 450 million people who suffer from hunger or malnutrition; an annual infant mortality rate of 12 million babies who die before their first birthday; 2 billion people who do not have safe water to drink; and 250 million people who live in urban slums or shantytowns. Serious efforts and concrete actions towards disarmament could release vast resources for the constructive cause of human devel- opment and the establishment of a more equitable international economic order. 350. It is against that background that my Govern- ment expresses regret at the disappointing results of the second special session on disarmament. We call upon the world community not to relent in the pursuit of the objectives of general and complete disarmament, for on this hinges the survival of mankind. 351. On the subject of international economic co-operation, reports show that the fundamental prob- lem facing the international community is to restore the growth momentum in the world economy and achieve the growth targets in the developing coun- tries as set forth in the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. The realization of those objectives requires that urgt;l1t and prompt attention be given to t~e critical problems confronting the developing countries, such as unequal exchange on international commodity mw'· _,s, finance ~ food and energy. order~ free from the suspicion, violence and hatred of today. They must be able to live in a world where men will be responsive to the needs of other men and where the enlightened consciousness ofthe people will usher in the brotherhood of mankind. This, and only this, can save humanity from the ravages of war. The meeting rose at 8.35 p.m. NOTES 2 See E/CN.4/1983/4-E/CN.4/Sub.1,j;!982/43, chap. XXI. 3 See A/S-12/AC.1/22. 4 See A/S-12/AC.I/13, A/S-12/L.I and Corr.l, L.2 and Corr.l, L.4 and L.6. 6 The delegations of the United Arab Emirates, Uruguay and Vanuatu subsequently informed the Secretariat that they had intended to vote in favour of the draft resolution. 7 See A/S-12/AC.I/44 and Corr.l. • See A/S-12/AC.1/42 and Corr.l. 9 United Nations publication, Sales No. E.82.II.C.1. 10 United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.1I.D.8 and Corr.l. II The report of the Commission, entitled "Common Security~ programme for disarmament", was issued as document A/CN.10/38. See also A/CN.IO/Sl. . 12 Report of the International Conference on Kampuchea, New York., 13-17 July 1981 (United Nations publication, Saies No. E,81.I.20), annexes I and 11. Il See A/C.4/682 ~nd 683. 14 See A/32/110 and 111. 15 See A/34/342 and 343. 16 See A/8368 and A/8369. 20 Report of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, Stockholm. 5-16 June 1972 (United Nations publica- tion, Sales No. E.73.II.A.14), chap. I. 21 Adopted by the High-Level Conference on Economic Co-oper- ation among Developing Countries. See A/36/333 and Corr.l.