A/37/PV.93 General Assembly

I call on the representative of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya to introduce draft resolution A/37/L.46/Rev.l, which contains a further appeal for clemency in favour of South African free- dom fighters. 2. Mr. TREIKI (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) (inter- pretation from Arabic): I wish to introduce very briefly draft resolution A/37/L.46/Rev.l, which my delegation has the honour to present to the General Assembly on behalf of the group of African States, of which the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya is Chairman for the month of December. The draft resolution deals with a humanitarian matter of some urgency, because the sentence on the six freedom fighters referred to in the draft resolution has been confirmed and there is nothing to prevent the racist regime in Pretoria from executing them at any moment. That is why we in- sisted that this matter be considered now and why the draft resolution is being submitted to the Assembly. 3. We are all aware of the wretchedness and t;j/~1 of apartheid as practised in southern Africa. A few days ago, the debate on the item concernin@ ahe policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa was concluded. All delegations, including my own, have had an opportunity to express their views and attempt to highlight the tragedies resulting from that policy. That is why I do not wish to go into any detail on that now. . 4. I should like to say, however, that the death sentences referred to in the draft resolution should be seen in the context of a campaign of persecution and oppression against the nationalist citizens of South Africa who are opposed to apartheid and particu- larly against the African National Congress [ANe]. These actions pnsve to what extent the racist regime disregards the resointions and the repeated appeals of the international community. 5. The draft resolution deals with a purely humani- tarian matter. Its purpose is to save the lives ofcertain innocent militants whose only crime is to oppose the policy ofracial discrimination practised by the minority NEW YORK regime of South Africa. These militants are demanding freedom, justice and equality and thus expressing the clear will of the international community and its rejection of the policy of racial discrimination which has been frequently 'condemned by the General As- sembly and is considered to be a crime against humanity. 6. The preambular part of the draft resolution refers to the fact that the ~ppellate division has rejected the appeal against the death sentenc~s imposed on three members of the ANC and that the South African Government has not heeded the General Assembly's appeal for clemency contained in its resolution 37/1, of 1 October 1982, in favour of three other South African freedom fighters, and considers that the con- tinued repression of the opponents of apartheid is bound to have grave repercussions. 7. In the operative part of the draft resolution, the General Assembly calls upon the South African author- ities not to proceed with the execution of the six freedom fighters referred to in the text and asks them to commute the death sentences as scon as' possible. It also r~quests the Security Council to 'direct an appeal for clemency to the South African authori- ties not to proceed with the execution of the six mem- bers of the ANC and requests the Secre~ary-General to transmit this resolution to the South African authorities immediately and to report on the matter to the General Assembly not later than 15 December 1982. 8. In view of the purely humanitarian nature of this draft resolution, I urge the General Assembly to adopt it without a vote. I also call upon the Member States repres~nt{td i~l the General Assembly to spare no effort to see that the death sentences on these innocent people are commuted.

I shall now call on those rep- resentatives who wish to explain their vote before the voting.

The delegation of the United States supports the humanitarian purpose ofthe draft resolution before us. We could have joined and would have wished to join in a cons~nsus in favour of a straightforward humani- tarian appeal by the Genera! Assembly for clemency for these condemned men. Unfortunately, th~ authors of the draft resolution have chosen to state the appeal in contentious, politically motivated language. The inclusion of such rhetoric in a draft resolution on which the General Assembly should have been able to speak with one voice is not only unnecessary but also tends to undermine the serious- ness of the issue before us and, indeed, to cast doubt on the humanitarian intent of the draft resolution itself. Consequently, although fully in agreement with 1533 A/37/PV.93 " ... the inviolability of life, personal integrity and the right to full material and moral development. Torture and ell inhuman or degrading procedures are prohibited. There is no death penalty." Ecuador will therefore vote in favour of draft resolu- tion A/37/L.46/Itev.1.

The Assembly will proceed to take a decision on draft resolution A/37/L.46/Rev.1. A recorded vote has been rel"suested.

The question that we are studying today, that is, the situation in the Middle East, is the result of the scourge of zionism, with its

As the General Assem- bly continues its debate on the situation in the Mid- dle East, no optimistic note ~an be found in the statements that have been delivered so far. Missing are 93. A year ago, when the General Assembly met to discuss this question at its thirty-sixth session, most of the Members of the United Nations were aware of the rapid deterioration of the situation, which threat- ened a widespread conflagration at any moment. The dark and heavy clouds cif the Israeli policy of stepped-up aggression had already been casting a long and ominous shadow over Lebanon. Israel's escalated expansion into the occupied Arab territories by many means, direct and indirect, including a deliberate colonization effort, continued unabated. To the previous step of the illegal annexation of the eastern part of Jerusalem, the next was added. The decision of the Israeli Parliament to extend Israel's legislation,jurisdiction and administration to the Golan Heights was yet another proof of expansionist inten- tions. It offered additional evidence on the long list of illegal measures,jitits accomplis and examples of dis- regard of the rights of the Arab people, flagrant violations of international law and the flouting of numerous United Nations resolutions. Furthermore, this step constituted, as a matter of fact, the prelude to the naked armed aggression against LeJ:>anon in June 1982, which was cynically seen in some Israeli circles as the proper way of solving the Middle East prob- lem. ' 94. There is no need to repeat the numerous descrip- tions of the notorious cruelty of the Israeli operations, which were carried out with brutal arrogance and complete disdain for all the generally binding norms of international law. Many times the world witnessed those operations on television screens or in the printed picture. The public at large, including that in Israel and that of the Jewish community in general, reacted with profound shock and revulsion. ' 95. The Israelis were not a,ble to achieve their objective ~f the physical elimination of the Palestin- ians and, first and foremost, their leader, the PLO. Forged in the heaviest battles, the PLO, together with its people, has won another victory which has brought about even greater consolidation and more determina- tion than ever. Also, it has enhanced further its politi- cal standing and moral prestige in international forums. 96. Today, as a result of the Israeli aggression against Lebanon, the situation in the Middle East has been further dramatically aggravated. The Israeli troops are occupying vast areas of Lebanon, although it was demanded that they be withdrawn forthwith and unconditionally. Thus, the brutal interference in the domestic affairs of Lebanon, the provocation agains.; Syria and the threats against Iraq continue, notwithstanding protests from all over the world. 104. At the same time, we hope that conditions al- lowing for a peaceful settlement in the MiddJe East will be created-the sooner the better-and that the deployment of United Nations peace-keeping forces will no longer be necessary.

It would not be art exaggeration to say that this year the activities of the Organization and, if we take a broader look, the deveJopment of the international situation as a whole have to a large extent been affected by events in the Middle East. This year alone, the General Assembly has been obliged to meet four times in emergency special session in order to consider the situation in that part of the world. The Security Council has devoted 49 of its 82 meetings this year to '.hese matters. 100. Poland, adhering firmly to the unvarying prin- ciples of its foreign policy, has always been among those who consider that no efforts should be spared in working towards the establishment ofa lasting peace in the Middle East. In our view, the only way to achieve this is through searching for a comprehensive settlement bafied on a realistic basis. 106. Such alarming statistics mean that we must once again .take a Closer look at the nature of·the events occurring in the Middle East. The figures that I have cited reveal increasing Israeli aggression and expansionism against th~ Arab States and peoples. These have taken the form of the piratical war that it unleashed in Lebanon, the smoking ruins ofArab towns and villages, the brutal bloodbath in the Palestinian camps at Sabra and Sh,atila, which shook the entire world-the death, suffering and privation of hundrp,ds of thousands of people. Behind all this is the sinister brain-child of the United States in the form of the gigantic military machine'of Israel, which has brought the whole destructive force of modern weaponry down on the Palestinians and Lebanese and has occupied approximately one half of the territory belonging to a neighbour.ing sovereign State and Member of the United Nations. 107. Nevertheless, quite recently solemn commit- ments were made at Camp David that the agreements signed there were-they said-a major step on the path to peace in the Middle East. What kind of peace 101. Poland takes note with satisfaction of the basic principles for the solution of the question of Palestine and the comprehensive settlement of the Middle East problem presented by the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, held at Fez. 102. We view as a realistic and solid basis the fol- lowing six-point proposal made by the Soviet Union on 15 September 1982 regarding a peace settlement in the Middle East: strict observance of the principle of the inadmissibility of the seizure of the lands ofothers by aggression; ensuring in practice the inalienable right of the Arab people of Palestine to self-determi- nation; the return of the eastern part of Jerusalem to the Arabs to become part of the Palestinian State; the right of all States !n the area to a seClir-e and inde- pendent existence and to development ona re~iprocal basis; an end to the state ofwar and the establIshment ofpeace between the Arab States and Israe.l; and inter- 108. What happened thereafter is well known. It was just after Camp David that the aggressive, anti- Arab nature of Israel's policy became even more starkly evident. After that separate collusion, Tel Aviv proceeded to annex East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights, perpetrated its piratical invasion of Lebanon and is now drawing the noose of occupation tighter around the Palestinian lands. The rulers of Israel have not sought to conceal the fact that the next regions to be annexed will be the West Bank of the Jordan River and the Gaza Strip. They are now treating the Palestinian people as a collective hostage. That people has fallen victim to chauvinist Zionist designs that constitute an attempt to create a Greater Israel. One may legitimately wonder how the aggressor can have become so brazen and so secure in its impunity. The answer is quite simple: this has occurred because it has always relied on its long-time partner and protector, the United States, and is still doing so. It is perfectly obvious that it would be physically impos- sible for Israel to pursue its aggressive and expan- sionist policies if American military arsenals were not t.hrown wide open to it, if there were not a constant and abundant flow of American assistance and if, after every aggressive sortie, it did not automatically ha.ve opened over its head the umbrella of Am~rican political and diplomatic cover. , 109. The same American Administration which finos it too costly to concern itself with senior citizens and with the unemployed in its own country, finds it by no means a heavY burden to allocate every year to Israel, on a non-reimbursable or on a favourable basis, assistance which has been calculated to amount to thousands of dollars per Israeli. Since war and -' aggression is a costly business, the Washington protec- tors recently decided to reward their Israeli protege for its bloody adventure in Lebanon. During the present financial year, they intend to bring the level of non-reimbursable credits up to one half of total American mmtary assistance to Tel Aviv, which - amounts to approximately $2 billion. 110. The criminal war unleashed by Israel against the Lebanese and Palestinian peoples was regarded by Washington as a rather helpful means of bringing about a radical refashioning of the political map of the Middle East, in accordance with its own global ambi- 111. During the events in Lebanon, the essence of American policy in the Middle East was laid com- pletely bare. The acts of Israel fitted very snugly into the framework of that policy, although at times some eyebrows were hypocritically raised in Washington at the sight of some of the most odious "excesses" of their protege. Furthermore, the investigation into the use by Israel of cluster bombs manufactured by the United States against the civilian population in Lebanon, which was announced with such pomp and circumstance in June of this year, has now vanished without trace in the bowels of Washington's bureau- cracy. However, the}5 F-16 planes promised to Tel Aviv by the United States and about which there was some talk of postponement by way of camouflage at the height of the Lebanese war, were, as the press has indicated, sent to Israel on schedule. All this, naturally, is no accidtnt. 112. Washington's policies in the Middle East are motivated by an overt desire to establish its own undivided military and political control over the Arab countries and their natural and human resources. It is for that very purpose that, since the end of the last decade, there have been renewed wide-scale at- tempts to implant an American military presence in that part of the world, le, encumber it with a network of military bases and to I()~ate there, in ~ariou5 guises, forward contingents ofthe notorious rapid deployment forces. In this case, Israel, as before, plays the role of a henchman of American imperialism. The fact that Israel is a partner not unmindful of its own advantages does not conflict with the general correspondence be- tween Israeli policies and the interests of the United States. The alliance between the United States and Israel and the agreements that h~lve been formed on a strategic co-operation are a!~ed at reducing the Arab world to a state of subjection and turning it into a field for American expansion. 113. Anyone who would like to know more &bout the ultimate plans of American imperialism in the Mid- dle East would be well advised to read a book by M. A. Conant entitled The Oil Factor ill the U"ited States Foreigll Policy, 1980-1990/' It was pubHs!l~d this year under the aegis of the Council on Foreign Relations. That book quite clearly indicates that ihe policy is, with the help of American bases and an American militar.y presence in the Middle East, to make Arab oil virtually the property of the United States. .petroleum~ should be extracted,· where it should be exported and at what prices. That is purely and simply a,plan to ;ecolonize 'the Middle East and control its petJ;oleum resources. . 115~ ''Fhere is one further extremely curious detai! in the book. The United States intends .to entrench itself in the region in a way detrimental to the inter- ests not only ofthe Aralls but ofthe Western European countries, which are regarded .as competitors of the United States in this field. I should like to re-em- phasize that the book does not have a single author. It is the result of profound.discussion, analysis and planning in a private American foreign policy organiza- tion~ the Council on Foreign Relations, which has long been considereQ a sort of' shadow State Department. I need remind the General Assembly only that its members occupy almost halfofthe most senior foreign policy posts in the present Administration, including half of all the posts of Deputy Secretar,Y of State. In other words, these calculations represent the virtual posture to be taken in the Middle East by the United States during 'the present decade. This should be re- called in particular at the present time, when the Washington Administration is trying to present itself as an advocate of a Middle East settlement and when it is playing with certain Arab countries in an attempt to involve them in a transaction which they themselves have acknowledged amounts to a continuation of th~, Camp David policy. IJ6. The vast majority ofStates regard it as an incon- trovertible fact tnat there can be no lasting orjust peace in the Middle East unless the question of an indepen- dent Palestinian State is resolved. The creation of an Arab State in Palestine is the direct responsibility of the United Nations, pursuant to General Assembly "resolution 181 (I1), of 29 November 1947. The Ameri w cim plan states quite unambiguously, however, thatthe United States is opposed to th~ creation of such a State. . ;. 117. It is widely acknowledged, and is indeed embo- died in United Nations resolutions, that the problem of how to satisfy the national aspirations of the Pal- estinian people cannot be dealt with without the par- ticipation of the PLO. This'has also been recognized, by many Western European States. However, the .American plan completely denies that the PLO should be a party to such a settlement. Washington virtually avoids the fundamental issue of the need to withdraw Israeli forces from all the Arab territories seized by Israel in 1967. " 1t8. All the resolutions adopted by the Uoited Nations are based on the assumption that there can be genuine security in the Middle East only if it .is enjoyed in common by all the States and peoples in the area. The American proposals, however, refer ~ constantly t6 the security of Israel alone. Who is threatening security? Is it not Israel, which has frequently attacked neighbouring countries, which bas practised mass terror and genocide against the Pal- estinian people and which occupies the territory of others and has not tried to conceal its intention to perpetuate that occupation? If a1Jything is to be said about security, it is first and foremost the Arabs, 120. However, as experience has shown, including the experience gained in recent years, United States plans once again to fetter the Arab people and deprive the Palestinians of their right to a future are simply an unrealizable imperialist dream. No one can turn back the clock of history. 121. The fire of war which broke out again this summer in Lebanon indicates the need to take imme- diate, responsible steps to attempt to solve the Middle East problem. The Soviet Union has consistently favoured a fundamental, comprehensive settlement of the Middle East conflict on the basis of the relevant decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. That is precisely the purpose of the Soviet proposals on the Middle East, dated 15 Sep~embeT of this year [see A/37/4571, which can be summarized as follows. 122. First, the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition offoreign territories by aggression must be strictly observed. That means, in effect, that alI the territories occupied by Israel since 1%7-the Golan' Heights, the West Bank. of the Jordan, the Gaza Strip and the Lebanese territories-must be returned to the Arabs. The borders between Israel and its Arab neigh- bours must be declared inviolable. 123. Secondly, the. inalienable right of the Arab people of Palestine to self-determination and to the establishment of their own independent State on Pal- estinian lands, which will be freed from Israeli oc- 'cupa(::>n~the West Bank.of the Jordan and the Gaza ;Strip-must be guaranteed in practice. Palestinian refu- ; gees must be granted the opportunity, provided ror in United Nations decisions, to return to their homes or , receive compensation for property which they left behind. 124. Thirdly, the eastern part of Jerusalem, which was occupied by Israel in 1967, must be returned to the Arabs and become' an' integral part of the Pal~ estinian State. Access should be guaranteed to all of Jerusalem for those belonging to the three religions for which that city is sacred. 125. Fourthly, the riGht of all States in the region to safe and independent existence and development must be ensured, naturally with the assurance of full reciprocity, for the security ofsome cannot be ensured by trampling on the security of others. Go~an Heights, measures of oppression and the transformation of 'the national, demographic and administrative character have been intensified. The massive and flagrant violation of human rights and all norms of international behaviour and the total dis- regard of United Nations decisions and resolutions are ample proof of the most dangerous policy of Israel, which is trying to impose its will and domination in the region. 134. This development is even more dangerous since it occurs at the same time as the present aggrava- tion of the overall international situation. It is an attempt to impose the rule of might, power and force in international relations. This is yet another manifes- tation of the policy of force and of the imposition of a foreign will with which the modem world is faced from all sides. 135. The arms race and the policy of the use of force, of increasing strength and expansion, and of spheres of influence continue to burden the world. As a result, existing crises are not solved but are renewed and exacerbated, and new on.es emerge. In :mch conditions, the Midd!e East crisis is one excep- tionally dangerous hotbed in a series of others: 136. Its particular characteristic lies in the fact that it is evolving in a strategically sensitive region, at the crossroads between Africa and Asia, the Mediter- ranean and the Indian Ocean. Any deterioration in that region, therefore, has particularly widespread consequences. That is one of the reasons why the non- aligned countries consistently point to the urgency and imperative need to solve the Middle East crisis. , . 137. The developmer.'s in the Middle East, particu- larly after the recent aggression and massacres in Lebanon, again show .that it is a conflict between two mutually incompatible policies. One policy is characterized by the effort of the international com- munity, of the non-aligned countries and the Arab countries, to embark upon the road leading to a lasting and just peace, taking into account all regional and global realities. That policy has received the widest support and has morally and politically strengthened the struggle of the Palestinian people and the PLO. The other policy is the policy of ignoring efforts to find just and lasting solutions through a dialogue in which all, and particularly those directly concerned, would participate on an equal f~oting. Instead of making constructive efforts to achieve peace, the policy of force and new threats continues. 138. It is certainly unacceptable that anyone's right be exercised on the basis of the denial of that same right to other people. The right to one's own existence certainly cannot be secured by force which denies that same right to others. We hold that no one can f~r all peoples and States i'n the region. 132. That policy of aggression and expansion has turned the whole region into one of the most danger- ous hotbeds ofcrisis. That policy violates international law, the principles ofthe Charter of th~ United Nations -and all United Nations resolutions relating to the Middle East problem. By such behaviour, Israel shows eig~ty and the establishment of its own State; and the participation of the PLO on an equal footing in all efforts and negotiations aimed at achieving a lasting solution of the crisis. An integral part of this ·position is the recognition of the right of all countries and peoples of the region to a safe, independent and peace- ful social development within recognized boundaries, free from the threat or use of force. 145.. We expect that, on the basis of this debate, the General Assembly will adopt, in accordance with its responsibilities, relevant decisions aimed at achieving the exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and at a lasting and peaceful solu- tion of the crisis in the Middle East, which would contribute to international peace and security. NOTES I The delegations of the Central African Republic, Kuwait. Lesotho, Mauritius and Panama subsequently informed the Sec- retariat that they had intended to vote in favour of the draft reso- lution. 2 Lexington Books, Lexington, Mass., 1982.