A/31/PV.102 General Assembly

I call on the representative of Nigeria. who wishes to submit an oral amendment to one of the draft resolutions now before the General Assembly. 26. Miss BALOGLJN (Nigeria): The oral amendment I wish to submit concerns the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 12{AI311395/. 27. In operative paragraph 3 of draft resolution IV, we propose the insertion of the words "including the liberation movements concerned" between the word "Swazlland" and the words "with a view to". With our amendment, the first part of the paragraph would read as follows: "Requests the Secretary-General, as a matter of urgency, to consult with the Governments of Botswana.

The Assembly will now take decisions on the draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee. 30. We shall take up first the report of the Third Committee on agenda item ]2. "Report of the Economic and Social Council". The Committee's report is contained in document A/3] /395. The positions of delegations have already been expressed in the Third Committee with regard to the various draft resolutions and draft decisions recommended by the Committee, and those positions are reflected in the relevant summary records of the Third Committee. We shall now proceed to take a decision on each of the five draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 40 of its report. 31. We shall start with draft resolution I. entitled "International Year for Disabled Persons". The Third Committee adopted this draft resolution without a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same'! 32, The PRESIDENT: Wc now turn to draft resolution 11. entitled "Protection of human rights in Chile". A recorded vote has been requested.

We now turn to draft resolution Ill. entitled "Accession to and implementation of the ]971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances". The Third Committee adopted this draft resolution without a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same'!

We now come to draft resolution IV, entitled "Emergency assistance for South African refugee students". 35. I call on the representative of Morocco on a point of order.

Mr. President. it is not a point of order. I just wanted to ask the Governments of Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland whether they have liberation movements.

I should like to point out to the representative of Morocco that the oral amendment should not appear in the form proposed by the represen tative of Nigeria. Instead of the word "including" it should read "and". In other words. operative paragraph 3 of draft resolution IV,with the amendment, will read: "Requests the Secretary-General. as a matter of urgency, to consult with the Governments of Botswana. Lesotho and Swaziland and the liberation movements concerned with a view to taking immediate steps to organize ...". Therefore. I take it that the question as tr whether or not those Governments have liberation movements does not arise. 38. I take it that all delegations have taken note of the amendment. 39. A vote has been requested on the amendment proposed by the representative of Nigeria. Let me make it clear that the amendment is that after the word "Swaziland" in operative paragraph 3 of draft resolution IV the following words should be inserted: "and the liberation movements concerned". The amendment was adopted hy 98 votes to none, with 29abstentions. J The delegation of Grenada subsequently intonned the Svcrclariat that it wished tu have its vote recorded as having been in favour or the draft resolution. The dl'legation of /Ialli subsequently stated (sec below, para. (4) that it wished to haw it~ volt' recorded as having been against till' draft resolution.

Draft resolution V,entitled "Measures to improve the situation and ensure the human rights and dignity of all migrant workers", was adopted by the Third Committee without a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do likewise?

We now turn to the draft decision recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 41 of its report, which reads as follows: "The General Assembly, considering that the Third Committee has taken note of draft resolutions AIC.3/311 L.34 and AIC.3/31/L.37 submitted in connexion with the consideration of item 12 of the agenda, but has been unable, for lack of time, to consider them in detail, decides to postpone further consideration of those draft resolutions to its thirty-second session, at which time it will consider them under the item entitled 'Report of the Economic and Social Council'." The Third Committee adopted this draft decision without a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do likewise?

I shall now call on those representatives who wish to speak in explanation of vote after the vote.

The General Assembly has just adopted another resolution on agenda item 12, concerning the Economic and Social Council and entitled "Protection of human rights in Chile". 4S. What events have taken place in Chile in this past year to justify the adoption of this resolution? What information has been considered that can rationally support such a decision? 46. The fact isthat Chile has been continuing to normalize its internal situation following the most serious crisis in its history, which removed a government alien to its traditions as a democratic. sovereign country. Chile has created institutions such as the Council of State and the legislative commissions; it had promulgated four constitutional acts, one of which was on human rights; it has completed the process of freeing all those who had been detained as a result of the state of siege; it has pardoned more than 1,000 prisoners who had been condemned for crimes defined by pre-1973 laws: it has allowed the return to the country of Chileans who had fled Chile as emigres or who had been 48. The resolution is the resultof concertedaction on the part of many countries, some of which would never dare reveal their own internal situations as Chile has done or which hide behind manipulated majorities to avoid having attention focused on them. 49. For some of those countries, the aim is not the promotion of human rights but the overthrow of the Chilean Government. That is clear from the records of the past two sessions of the Commission on Human Rights, from the debates in the Third Committee, and especially from the documents that have been distributed, in which that aim is so clear as even to have been avowed. To those countries, we calmly but firmly declare that their endeavours are in vain. They have lost Chile for ever because we Chileans have recovered our country. 50. As for those countries which voted in favour of the draft resolution for political reasons or out of solidarity with other States that are prompted by political motives, we hope that they will not find themselves in a situation like that which Chile has experienced in the United Nations, because in many of those countries the internal situation is quite different from our own-which we can air even in periods of emergency-while in other countries, where the situation isclaimed to be normal by virtue of the fact that their Governments have remained in power for years or even decades, the status of human rights remains unacceptable, even in periods of extreme emergency. 51. Only votes that reflect respect for the human being have moral value and weight. The votes cast in favour of this resolution by countries having a long tradition of humanity but which have had to bow to internal requirements, and thus to pay a political price for necessary support or to avoid embarrassing situations for their Governments do not have the same weight. Hence we wish to state publicly that there were abstentions that honour us because they were a recognition of the immense progress we are making on the permanent road towards the improvement of our institutions. 52. We alsowish to voice our appreciation to the countries of our region which did not support the resolution, as well as to those delegations which introduced a draft resolution couched in terms similar to the one which was adopted in Santiago last June during the session of the General Assembly of the Organization of American States. Although that draft was not put to the vote, it did show that there was fraternal solidarity, which is very significant because it comes from those who know us and who share our values. 53. My delegation has listened with great interest to the statements made by authorities from a number of States Members in this and previous sessions of the General 54. At the last session of the General Assembly, my delegation made a proposal for the establishment of a universal, objective method that would respect regional organizations and the sovereignty of States and that would promote the search for a system for investigating allegations of violations of human rlghts,« but that proposal was postponed as a result of procedural manoeuvres. Furthermore, the very item under which the proposal was submitted-"Alternative approaches and ways and means within the United Nations system for improving the effective enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms" was withdrawn from the agenda of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly, by a decision of the General Assembly. ' 55. I think only onc conclusion can be drawn from all this: in the highest organ of the United Nations there isno desire to take up the whole question of the implementation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in a business-like fashion. The matter is approached politically and, in this way, the humanitarian aims being pursued arc distorted. 56. The whole question is focused on one country; procedural manoeuvres are used which lead to the shelving without analysis of denunciations of serious violations occurring in other Member States; some States guilty of more serious violations of fundamental freedoms accepted as accusers and sponsors; there is a deliberate failure to recognize certain palpable truths, and a report whose whole approach is superficial and distorted is accepted without due consideration; what is being done by regional bodies and what various countries are trying to do are completely disregarded. All that shows that there is a lack of responsibility and that there ishypocrisy. The result isthat the United Nations has become ineffective in protecting human rights in a global sense and in promoting genuine universally accepted values. 57. Consequently, in voting against the draft resolution, my delegation isineffect voting against the whole approach and policy of discrimination adopted by the General Assembly; and we wish to say that wc disagree entirely with the irresponsible manner in which this exceedingly lmportant item has been taken up. It is an item that should be taken up with sensitivity, a balanced approach and, especially, a love of truth.

The delegation of the German Democratic Republic has voted in favour of draft resolution 11 because facts have proved a thousandfold that, with its systematic and massive violation of human rights, the Fascist regime in Chile is constantly violating the principles of the United Nations. As a result of continued flagrant violations of the basic human rights 2 SeeOff/cial Records oftile General Assembly. Thinteth Session, Annexes, agenda item 73, document A/I0404. para,9. 3 Sw documents.\/ 10285,annex.and A/31/2S3.annex. 59. The delegation of the German Democratic Republic underlines that the reports of the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Situation of Human Rights in Chile-' and the discussion about the protection of human rights in Chile have brought additional evidence of the continuation of terror, including the institutionalized practice of torture; cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; and arbitrary arrest,detention and exile, which have taken place andcontinue to take place in Chile. 60. The world public has not allowed itself to be misled by demagogic and hypocritical manoeuvres, and by this resolution it has again condemned the Fascist regime in Chile and urged it, interalia. to put an end to the practice of torture and other forms of cruel. inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, to clarify forthwith the statusof the individuals who have disappeared, and to release immediately those who have been arrested or detained withoutcharge. 61. Therefore. for the delegation of the German Democratic Republic, it is the immediate and unconditional release of Luis Corvalan and all the other patriots and democrats detained or imprisoned which wiJJ be the decisive criterion for judging the attitude of the junta towards resolutions of the General Assembly, and not the deceitful manoeuvres staged by the Chilean Fascists to divert attention from theircriminal deeds. 62. The fact that Luis Corvalan and other Chilean democrats,though innocent, have been detained in concentration camps for more than three years reminds one of the methods of the Hitlerite Fascists who held Communists like Ernst Thaelmann, social democrats like Rudolf Breitscheidt, and upright democrats like Carl von Ossietzky, a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, for many years behind prison walls and murdered them in cowardly fashion on seeing that their own defeat was imminent. 63. That is why the delegation of the German Democratic Republic supports the renewed demand of the General Assembly to the Fascist junta to take without dclay all measures necessary to restore and safeguard basic human rights and fundamental freedoms and fully to respect the provisions of the international instruments to which Chile is a party. and that is why my delegation has voted in favour of draft resolution 11. 64. Mr. VERRET (Haiti) [lnterpretatlon from French]: The Haitian delegation was not present during the vote on draft resolution 11, which called for the condemnation of Chile for its internal activities. It is not the custom of the Government of Haiti to call for the condemnation of States Members of this Organization. For reasons of American fraternity, Haiti voted against that draft in the Third Committee. My delegation would have voted in the same way at this meeting.

The Assembly will now consider the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 73 / AI311406/, and we shall take a decision on the four draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph IS of its report, 67. Draft resolution I is entitled "Policies and programmes relating to youth", It was adopted by the Third Committee without a vote, May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do the same'! Draft resolutton l was adopted(resolution 311J29).

Draft resolution JJ isentitled "Role of youth". It was adopted by the Third Commlttee without a vote. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do the same'! Draj~ resolution 11 was adoptc«(resolution .1/1J30).

Draft resolution III is entitled "United Nations Volunteers programme", It was adopted

Draft resolution IV is entitled "Channels of communication withyouth and youth organizations". It was adopted by the ThirdCommittee without a vote. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do the same? Draftresolution IV was adopted(resolution 311132). 71. The I)RESIDENT: We.shall now consider the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 75 fA1311407/, and we shall take a decision on the five draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph Z1 of its report, 72, Draft resolution I is entitled "Voluntary Fund for the United Nations Decade for Women". It was adopted by the Third Committee without a vote. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do the same'?

Under paragraph 3 of the resolution just adopted, the General Assembly requests the President of the General Assembly to select, with due regard to regional distribution, in the first instance for a period of three years, five Member States. each of which should appoint a representative to serve on a Consultative Committee on the Voluntary Fund for the United Nations Decade for Women. I shall report to the Assembly on this matter at a later date. 74. Draft resolution 11 is entitled "Improvement of the status and role of women ineducation", It was adopted by the Third Committee without a vote. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do the same'!

Draft resolution III is entitled "International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women". It was adopted by the Third Committee by consensus. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do the same'! Draft resolutton Ill was adopted (resolution 3///35). 76. The PRESmENT: Draft resolution IV is entitled "United Nations Decade for Women", The Third Committee adopted that draft resolution without a vote, May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do likewise'!

Draft resolution V deals with the pledging conference for the United Nations Decade for Women. The Third Committee adopted that draft resolution without a vote, May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do likewise'! 79. We shall now take up the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 77/A/31/408/. We shall now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Elimi- nation of allforms of religious intolerance based on religion or belief' recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 9 of its report. The Third Committee adopted that draft resolution without a vote. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do likewise? The draftresolution was adopted(resolution 3J/ J38).

We turn now to the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 80 on freedom of information. The report is contained in document A/31/432. The draft decision recommended by the Third Committee is contained in paragraph 7 of its report. The Third Committee adopted that draft decision without a vote. May I consider that the General Assembly decides to do likewise'!

We now turn to the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 82, entitled "United Nations conference for an international convention on adoption law". The report is contained in document A/31 /433. The draft decision recommended by the Third Committee is contained in paragraph 7 of its report. The Third Committee adopted that draft decision without a vote. May I consider that the General Assembly decides to do likewise'! It was sodecided (decision 3J/41(j).

We shall now consider the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 120/A/31/434/. We shall take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Co-operation and assistance in the application and improvement of mass communications for social progress and development" recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. The Third Committee adopted that draft resolution without a vote. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do likewise?

I call on the representative of Trinidad and Tobago, who wiJJ introduce the three draft resolutions on this item. .85•. In, the year which has elapsed since the General Assembly last considered this item developments have occurred in the field of decolonization. Some of these have been positive and encouraging, while others have reminded us of the need for a further intensification of effortsaimed at achieving a speedy fulf1lment of the purposes and principles of the Charter as well as the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 86. Events surrounding the transition to majority rule in southern Africa continue to preoccupy the attention of the world community as the situation there slips ominously in the direction of national wars of liberation, with racial overtones. The utter rejection by the international community of the TurnhaJle Constitutional Conference on Namibia as at present constituted and the halting progress of the Geneva Conference on Southern Rhodesia bring sharply into focus the need for concerted international action to remove those last vestiges of colonialism in that part of Africa. 87. In this regard draft resolution A/31/1.29 and Add.l and 2, sponsored by 48 States is unequivocal in its condemnation of the repressive measures being carried out by the racist apartheid regime of South Africa and by the illegal racist mir 'itv regime in Southern Rhodesia against millions of Afr in Namibia and Zimbabwe. It is, especially, highly Critical of those Stateswhich continue to collaborate with those regimes, particularly the racist apartheid regime in the development of its nuclear and military potential, and denounces those international business concerns which either directly or indirectly participate in the rapacious exploitation of the human and natural resources of those dependent territories. Furthermore, in recognizing the fundamental clash of interests between the peoples of those territories and the desire of the racist regimes to maintain the status quo the draft resolution notes with satisfaction the decisive blows already struck by the national liberation struggle and reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination to exercise their right to self-determination and independence by all the necessary means at their disposal. 88. The draft resolution, while recognizing the dangerous situation inherent in the decolonlzatlon process in southern Africa, also addresses itself to the duty of administering Powers to bring about constitutional developments in their remaining dependent Territories and to continue to cooperate with the Special Committee. particularly on the question of visiting missions. It urges them to give effect to 89. Moreover, the draft resolution requests all States through their participation in the specialized agencies to take action to have those bodies withhold assistance to the' racist regimes until they restore to the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. 90. Finally. in operative paragraph 12 the General Assembly would reaffirm the mandate of the Special Committee for the comingyear. 91. Draft resolution A/31/L.30 and Add.l and 2, which is sponsored by 52 States, really needs no introduction. since it reaffirms the importance of an informed public opinion if the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is to achieve its object of removing the last vestiges of colonialism from the face of the earth. This draft once more requests the Secretary- General, having regard to the suggestions of the Special Committee. to continue to take concrete measures through all the media at his disposal to publicize the highly commendable efforts of the United Nations in this sphere of activity. 92. On behalf of the sponsors of the draft resolution I should like to take this opportunity to express to the Secretariat and to the Office of Public Information in particular. our appreciation of the efforts they have made in the past year to make public opinion aware of events in the colonial Territories and thus enhance support for the just cause of decolonization. 93. The year ahead will be a testing time for the Unitcd Nations in its determination to bring about the speedy implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. We are confident, however, that the Office of Public Information will not falter in its efforts in the field of the dissemination of information on decolonizatlon. 94. The third draft resolution. contained in document A/'31/L.31 and Add.I and 2, relates to the holding of an International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. It will be recalled that the Ad I/O£, Group established by the Special Committee at its 1029th meeting, on 1 April 1976. endorsed in its reportf A13]/231 Rev.I, chap. VII. annex /1 the suggestion made to it that the Unitcd Nations should organize during 1977 an international conference to mobilize world public opinion in support of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. The Special Committee at its 1040th meeting.on 17June 1976. approved the report of its Ad 1/0(' Group and recommended that a concrete proposal on a conference should be submitted to the General Assembly at its thirty-first session ftbid., chap. VII. para. lfil That rccommcndatlon W~IS later er.Jorscd by the United Nations Councll for Namibia. which decided to join with rl.c Special Committee in sponsoring this International Conference in Support of the l'eoplesof Zimbabwe and Namibia. 96. Bearing in mind the constructive results of the International Conference of Experts for the Support of Victims of ' Colonialism and Apartheid in Southern Africa, held in Oslo in April 1973, the Special Committee and the United Nations Council for Namibia are convinced that this Conference will be an effective instrument in arousing world public opinion in support of the struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia for self-determination, freedom and independence against the repressive, colonialist and racist domination of their countriesby minority regimes. It is therefore the hope of the sponsors that the Assembly will give its unanimous support to this and the other two draft resolutions.

We shall now continue the debate on this item.

Among the many resolutions adopted by the United Nations so far, there are very few whose significance and influence could be compared with that of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in resolution 1514(XV). This truly historic document adopted by the General Assembly 16 years ago, on the initiative of the Soviet Union and other socialist States, has greatly accelerated the pace of decolonization and indeedhas contributed to changing profoundly the map of the world. 99. Out of the 74 Territorieslisted as non-self-governing in General Assembly resolution 66 (I), only eight became independent during the period 1946 to 1959. Since the adoption of the Declaration the process of decolonization has achieved a new impetus and brought independence to dozens of new countries. The struggle conducted by the national liberation movements against the colonial yoke has gained important additional moral and political support. For the first time in the history of humanity, the world community has recognized its direct responsibility towards those who are still deprived of their freedom and self-government. 100. This highly positive trend in international relations has been encouraged by the socialist countries, whichwere the first, most consistent and most determined initiators and supporters of decolonlzation. Today these countries continue to lend their unreserved, active support to the just struggle for eradication of all the remnants of colonialism and new forms of neo-colonlalism. 101. The adoption of this historic Declaration hasgreatly strengthened the role of the United Nations in the field of decolonizatlon. 103. Secondly, the United Nations has exposed the role played by foreign economicand other interests in impeding the decolonization process. It has shown that these interests not only have been giving active support to regimes in control of colonialcountries, but have been instrumental in denying to the colonial people the enjoyment of their political,economic and social rights. 104. Thirdly, the United Nations has made world public opinion aware of the implications of military bases maintained by the administering Powers in Territories under their administration, seeing in the existence of those bases yet another instrument of interference with the liberation of the colonial peoples. 1OS. In the last few years further progress has beenmade in the field of decolonization as a result of the struggle waged by the national liberation movements. Several new African States have acceded to independence since the downfall of the Portuguese colonial system. 106. Therefore, thanks to the struggle of the African people, supported by the socialist countries and all the progressive forces of the world, new and more favourable conditions have been created for the final eradication of colonialism and racism from southern Africa, for the full, speedy and most effective implementation of the Declaration on the Grantingof Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 107. In this regard my delegation would like to welcome as a full Member of the United Nations the People's Republic of Angola, which, after a long struggle against the imperialist forces, has finally taken its well-deserved place in our Organization. 108. We welcome also the Republic of Seychelles, as well as Samoa, flS new Members of the United Nations. 109. While stressing the progress already achieved in the field of decolonization, we cannot forget that much still remains to be done and that at least 12 million people still suffer under the colonial yoke. In particular the situation in southern Africa is a subject of growing concern to the international community. The continned and mounting oppression of the African people ill Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa by the racist regimes is a striking anachronism. against the background of the current internatlonal situation. 110. The already grave situation in Namibia has been further aggravated by the illegal South African regime, which is intensifylng its repression of the indigenous population, and in particular of the Namibian patriots fighting under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization ISWAPO!. The purpose of the I11. In Southern Rhodesia the fundamental problem still remains to be solved, as the Smith regime continues its illegal and repressive rule. in defiance of the many United Nations resolutions designed to bring freedom and independence to that country. The people of Southern Rhodesia are still deprived of their rights and are subjected to a system of repression established by the racist regime. 112. In other parts of the world about 30 Territoriesstill are awaiting the possibility of achieving their inalienable rights to self-determination and independence. 113. In this situation, we have to stress again that there are still important factors which impede the full implementation of the Declaration. In particular the continued economic and military collaboration of certain Western countries members of NATO with the racist regimes in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia helps them to go on defying the provisions of numerous United Nations resolutions. 114. The position of Poland as regards the process of decolonization is well known. Solidarity with the colonial peoples still fighting for their freedom and with the newly Iibcrated nations lies at the basis of my country's foreign policy. This position of ours stems both from the ideological and political foundations of socialism and from the tradition of struggle "for our freedom and yours". which is very much a part of Polish history. It is in the same spirit that Poland has long served on the Special Committee for decolonization and is at present a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia. From the very inception of the United Nations. Poland has consistently pursued a policy of assisting all actions aimed at the national liberation of colonial countries and peoples. I15. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Poland stated in the general debate at the beginning of the current session of the General Assembly: "The timc has come. in keeping with United Nations resolutions. finally to put an end to the racist regimes in Namibia, Rhodesia and South Africa. The struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia for independence. the question of the liquidation of all the remnants of colonialism and the elimination of apartheid require the resolute support of the cntire international community. The rationale of historical justice makes it compelling that the inalienable rights of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe to their sovereign statehood be secured unconditionally and without delay." [Sth meeting, para. 59./ 116. It is the duty of the international community to assist the peoples of Zimbabwe. Namibia and other colonial 117. It is my delegation's earnest hope that the Security Council, in particular, wiJI soon institute effective measures against the regimes of' retoria and Salisbury alongthe lines of the latest recomrmdations contained in the draft resolutionsadopted this year by the Fourth Committee. 118. My delegation is convinced that progress in the relaxation of international tensions opens up new prospects for the United Nations to accelerate the implementation of its decisions and resolutions concerning the final elimination of colonialism. Progress in the field of decolonization, on the other hand, contributes to the elimination of tensions endangering international peace and security, and therefore is an important part of an over-all struggle to consolidate the processof detente and to broaden its scope. 119. With these objectives in mind, the Polish delegation will vote for the draft resolutions which have just been introduced by the representative of Trinidad and Tobago

My delegation listened with close attention to the statements made in the General Assembly {82nd meetingj by Mr. Salim, Chairman of the Special Committee, as well as by Mr. Glayel, the Rapporteur, in introducing the report of the Special Committee covering its work during 1976/A/31/23/Rev.l/. On behalf of my country, I should like to express my deep appreciation to the Special Committee for the task it has performed so efficiently. 121. The United Nations has been playing an extremely important role in comhating racial discrimination and in accelerating the process of decolonlzation. This significant achievement of the global community is highly commendable. However, despite many successes, the last bastionsof colonialism and racial discrimination in Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa are yet to be demolished. It is therefore incumbent upon States Members of the United Nations to assist the oppressed peoples of southern Africa in their struggle against apartheid and to achieve independence. 122. Pakistan, having been under foreign domination for about 200 years, not only fully shares the belief in the urgent need for the decolonizatlon of allcolonial territories but also, ever since its independence, has been working towards the goal of the decolonization of all colonial territories and peoples and their attainment of full freedom and independence. 123. Ever since the adoption of the Declarauon on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples / resolution 1514(XV)I, remarkable progress has been achieved in implementing that Declaration. However, there arc still more than 12 million people whose aspirationsfor independence have not yet been fulfilled. Of these, a 123. The international community must not, under any circumstances, shirk its duties and must act decisively in support of the peoples of Namibia and of Zimbabwe to bringabout their liberation. 126. The current negotiations in Geneva between the illegal racist regime of Southern Rhodesia and black nationalists are of paramount importance for world peace and security. There is every possibility that the racist minority regime will try everything in its power to delay the process of the transfer of power to the people 'of Zimbabwe. The world must therefore remain on the alert to take immediate steps to defeat such an attempt. 127. My delegation endorses the proposalsof the Special Committee that the United Nations should organize an international conference in 1977 to mobilize opinion in support of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. We also endorse the various recommendations contained in the report and the proposals dealing with the future work of the Committee. 128. We are convinced of the success of the people of southern Africa. The people are waging an armed struggle for their liberation which will very soon lead to their complete independence. 129. Finally, f should like to emphasize at this crucial moment in the history of southern Africa that, when the latent energy of the oppressed masses iseventually released, no rower on earth can suppress their will to fight and to wage a struggle to liberate themselves from the shackles of colonialism, racism and imperialism. These arc the lessons of contemporary history. It is a clear warning to the exploiters and oppressors. They must pay heed to presentday realities and transfer power to the black majority, thus averting a conflagration in the region. which is inevitable should they refuse to do so. 130. Mr. ALARCON (Cuba) (Interpretation from Spanish]: Over the past 16 years since the adoption, on 14 December 1960. of the historic resolution 1514 (XV), the peoples have won important and decisive victories in their struggle to free themselves from the colonial yoke, 131. More than 70 million human beings have already achieved independence and haw. thereby, gained the opportunity to exercise the right to forpe thcir own destiny. That has been the outcome 01 a long struggle, of countless sacrifices, and of the unswerving determlnatlon of oppressed peoples to exercise their rights. 133. It IS only just to recognize the modest, complementary yet important role played by the United Nations, particularly the Special Committee. Although it is true that the colonial and imperialist forces have not been prevailed upon either by the condemnatory resolutions of the international community or by appeals to their conscience to alter their deslgns-which is why the armed struggle is still necessary, to wrest from them once and for all the rights which they deny the peoples of the world and to compel them to sit down and seriously negotiate on their withdrawal-It is equally true that the sustained and growing pressure of world public opinion has also been a key factor and, upon occasion, has even served to trigger certain events. 134. The report submitted to the Assembly this year by the Special Committee, contained in document A/31/231 Rev.l , bespeaks the seriousness and enthusiasm that went into its work. The Committee's many meetings, the many invitations received to participate in other forums and activities, the substantial nature of its reports, and the many draft resolutions prepared by it on the various complex situations under consideration, all reliably attest to its responsible approach to its task and to the efforts it devoted to it. It is only just to say that, to a large extent, those results are due to the wise and commendable leadership of its Chairman, the Permanent Representative of Tanzania, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim. 135. However, there are those who speak of the end of colonialism and who suggest that the role of the Special Committee wiII rapidly diminish in the coming years. My delegation rejects that claim, not only because there remain millions of human beings who are subjected to colonial domination but also because newly independent former colonies face the danger of a further assault on the part of the very forces which, to the bitter end, had supported the colonial authorities and which, even then, tried to thwart the efforts of some of those colonies to declare independence. Furthermore, it is precisely the continuation of colonial situations at the present time which constitutes one of the most serious threats to international peace and security. The existing situations in South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe, as well as the growing aggressiveness of the racists vis-a-vis the patriotic forces and vis-a-vis the People's Republic of Angola and the People's Republic of Mozambique,serve to confirm this view. 136. The imperialist plan is quite clear: to strengthen the industrial and war-making potential of South Africa, even to the point of supplying it withnuclear capacity;tosupport its allied counter-revolutionary forces and to prepare for large-scale aggression, when the time comes, against the newly liberated States: to confound world public opinion, especially African opinion, by nretending to he willing to 137. We read in the newspapers almost daily that the racists have crossed the borders of Mozambique, that they have penetrated scores of kilometres into its territory and have swept through towns and villages in a supposed anti-guerrilla "mopping-up operation", or that one of their aircraft has flown over those same borders in order to drop its cargo of death on our African brothers. If the shoe were on the other foot, onc can imagine the outcry and the consequences if it were the borders and territory of one of the Powers that support the racist minority that were being violated. If reguJar African troops and aircraft were deployed L settle accounts once and for all with the racists, wha: would be the reaction of the very ones who today, when it is Africans that are dying, preach moderation and patience and remind us every day that our demands should not be too extreme and that everything takes time'? 138. The Patriotic Front has proved that it can be level-headed as well as patient, but no one should confuse Ievel-headedness with weakness. Those who to this day have been making countless sacrifices for the freedom of their people are seated at the negotiating table, not because they are weak, bi t precisely because they are strong, and if the Salisbury racists have gone to Geneva it isprecisely because Africa forced them to go there. Hence it is illusory to believe that this latest proof on the part of the nationaJist forces of their intention to avoid unnecessary bloodshed, at a time when the other side can already see that its stubbornness isnot going to impede the right of a people to be free, will in any way lead them to accepta governmental structure that would perpetuate white domination in Zimbabwe in exchange for an end to the struggle-in other words, to accept a formula whereby they would yield everything in exchange for nothing. 139. The United Kingdom Government has an historic opportunity to compensate for past errors by making a decisive contribution to the cause of majority government in Africa. To do so, it should assume its proper responsibility arising from its status as administering Power and share with the Patriotic Front responsibility for the transitional period, which by no means must last beyond the date set for Independence. 140. The Pretoria regime continues to be a permanent threat to freedom and peace in Africa. It is high time that the General Assembly demanded the adoption of strict sanctions against the apartheid regime and. above all,that it prohibited the sale of weapons to any form of military collaborution with that regime. If the veto of South Africa's allies should once again prevent the Security Council from adopting so elementary a measure, then States Members, through this Assembly, should reply by giving the liberation movements of southern Africa all the necessary political and material assistance for them to ;-:',lrsue the armed struggle to final victory. 142. It is not only in Africa, however, that the colonial problem remains. The Special Committee's report reminds us of the longlistof Territories subject to that scourge, and the document reports on some specific situations that continue to be a threat to world peace. Incertaincases the Special Committee has refrained from making any specific proposals and has confined itself to submitting allavailable information to the General Assembly, in the hope that certain meetings and negotiations wiIJ takeplace that might lead to a formula for the solution 'of'tlie problems exi.st'ing in those Territories. As far as my delegation is concerned, however, I should like to reaffirm Cuba'sposition in favour of self-determination for the Saharan people and for East Timor, free from any foreign interference. We think it is necessary to end the occupation of so-called french Somallland (Djibouti); and to decolonize that Territory.We also reaffirm the rightof the Argentine Republic to recover the Islas Malvinas. The struggle of the people of Belize for independence has our support and sympathy. We shall continue to show our solidarity with the struggle of the Puerto Rican people for independence. In connexion with the last-mentioned case, my country takes a favourable view of the consensus reached in the Special Committee recaJJing the resolutions of 28 August 1972 and 30 August 1973. as well as the Rapporteur's report of 1974, taking note of the decisions adopted on Puerto Rico at the conferences of non-aligned countriesin Lima and Colombo, and reaffirming the inalienable right of tht. people of Puerto Rico to self-determlnation and independence, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514(XV) and other relevant resolutions of the United Nations [see A/3J/23/ Rev.I, chap. I, para. 69/. Although the press i l the service of imperialism has tried to "interpret" that decision in its own way, it none the less represents defeat for those who would continuecolonial domination on that island. 143. A problem which requires priority attention is the question of the Trust Territories in the Pacific and the situation of Guam. In that part of the world, specifically in the Marianas Islands, the United States has decided to reproduce the colonial structure that it has tried to set up in Puerto Rico. That has been made quite clear by certain segments of the press,such al u.s. New, cl World Repor, and 17,e New York Times, which have commented on that situation along those llnes. However, In lpite of the arbitrary procedures used and the amazement of the international community, as expressed in the Special Committee's report: "On 21 July 1975, the United States House of Representatives approved by voice votea commonwealth status fer the Northern Marianas Islands and United States citizenship for its 14,335 inhabitants. On 24 February 1976, the United Statel Senate approved the Covenant and, on 24 March. the President of the United States of America signed the Covenant." [Ibtd., ,·hap. V, annex IV, para. 3./ 145. The Government in Washington has never concerned itself with the well·being of the people of those islands. from the very beginning it planned to absorb the Territory, plunder its wealth and use it for its aggressive designs in the Pacific. 146. The conduct of the Trusteeship Council in this matter is unacceptable. The international community must condemn American plans relating to the Marianas Islands and'the restof the Territory. The Special Committee, as the organ of this Assembly responsible for examining the matter. should do so in depth and recommend appropriate measures to ensure that the people of that Territory are able to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and independence, with strict respect for the unity and integrity of the Territory in accordance with resolution 1514(XV). 147. The time is long past when two or three imperialist Powers could determine the future of a people. 148. If we think that the signature of the President of a country-merely because that country is powerful can seal the doom of any people, it is because we have not learned the lessons of history.That might have happened with kings of the past but I think history has shown how erroneous their calculations were. In 1976 the world cannot 'be surprised by arbitrary plans imposed on it. The United States Ila" no right to predetermine the fate of a Trust Territory, still less the right to turn it into a gigantic military base and use it for its aggressive designs. 149. That is one of the problems which has been called with increasing force to the Special Committee's attention: the Installation of military bases in those Territories and others under colonial domination, as well as the problem of foreign investments in them.These problems are not only a source of serious present concern and a threat to peace in general but also-end this is one of the aims pursued they are part of those procedures which, after independence, make it possible for exploitation to continue. The international community must no' be passive when these conflicting situations arise affecting international relations and attempts are made to mortgage the effective severeipty and Independence of future States. 150. f or all these reasons, we believe that the Special Committee is not only far from having concluded all its tasks but alsothat its workisin fact growing in volume and scope withevery day that passes. 151. We should like to use this opportunity to congratulate the Special Committee on what it has done to disseminate lnformatlon about the problems of decolonizatlon, as reflected in the annex to chapter If of document A/3J/23/Rev.l. 153. The J>RESlDENT: I shall now call on representatives who have asked to be allowed to exercise the right of reply. Before doing so,I wish to remind members that the General Assembly, at its 4th plenary meeting, decided that statements in theexercise of the right of reply should be limited to 10minutes.

I have taken note of the statement made by the representative of France on Monday, 13 December 1976f97th meeting}, inconnexion with the explanation of vote given on 1 December 1976 by my delegation on the question of so-called French Somaliland (Djiboutl) f85th meeting], It is true that Somalia was a sponsor of the draft resolution that became resolution 31/59. The reason for that sponsorship was clearly stated in the aforementioned explanation of vote contained in the verbatim record of that meeting. We stated that the resolution which was adopted by theGeneral Assembly had a single objective, namely, the decolonization of that Territory in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, as provided for by General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960. The fact that the question of French Somaliland was included under agenda item 25, on the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, is clear substantiation of my statement. 155. I therefore disagree that the remarks made by the representative of France when hesaid: ", .. the essential aim of this debate and of the resolution was precisely to obtain from the two neighbouring States unequivocal assurances regarding theindependence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of that future State."{97th meeting, para. 126.1 156. The Somali delegation maintains that the real thrust of thedebate andof the resolution was instead addressed to France in itscapacity asthe administering Power. Ofthe 15 operative paragraphs of that resolution, 13were directly or indirectly addressed to France. Two other paragraphs are addressed to all Member States, which of course include France. The resolution called upon France to grant immediately and uncondltlonally independence to the people of the Territory. The resolution called upon France to implement scrupulously and equitably, under democratic conditions. the programme for independence outlined by the representative of France before the Fourth Committee. It demanded that France withdraw its military base from the Territory without delay. It requested France to consider the result of the referendum in its totality, thus respecting the territorial integrity of the future State. It called upon France to allow and facilitate the return to the 157. Having said that, I wish to reiterate here and now that the Somali Government wm recognize, respect and honour the independence, sovereignty and territ('~ial integrity of French Somaliland, in conformity with the principles of the United Nations Charter. However, like any other independent State, old or comparatively new, the future independent French Somaliland will be capable of looking after its national interests, and no one else can convince us that he has the mandated right to be a guarantor of itsexistence and welfare. 158. We maintain that any attempt to limit or set prior conditions for the sovereignty and freedom of action of an independent French Somaliland cannot and should not have a place in the provisions of the resolution, and such an attempt is contrary to all the accepted norms of international law. 159. Somalia will not subscribe to the manoeuvres and intrigues which certain quarters are engineering against the Interests of the people of the Territory. We have always believed, and continue to believe, that the question of French Somaliland is purely and plainly one of decolonlzation. We reject outright any idea which suggests that the question of French Somaliland is an issue between two neighbouring countries. 160. On the same day {97th meeting], the Ethiopian delegation, in exercise of its rlght of reply, made reference to my statement in explanation of vote on the same draft resolution. In his statement, the representative of Ethiopia accused Somalia of, among other things, attempting to circumscribe the scope and objective of resolution 31/59 and of delivering a mortal blow to the high hopes which the international community places in the resolution. 161. It is not our intention, nor do we believe that it isIn the interests of the issue involved, to allow ourselves to indulge in replying to such irresponsible allegations with the same harshness with which the representative of Ethiopia directed his remarks at my country. It was not the intention of Somalia to circumscribe the scope and objective of the resolution. It was rather Ethiopia that intended to give that resolution a colour that it cannot reasonably have. In fact. the representative of Ethiopia is determined to inject into this purely decolonlzation problem of French SomaJiJand matters which are extraneous to it. 162. As J said earlier, we have no intention of entering into unnecessary polemics, since we believe that the exchange of acrimonies wm do more harm thangood to the true interests of the people of the Territory involved. It il for this reason that I shall limit myself to rejectlns categorteally the accusations which the Ethiopian representative saw fit to direct against my country, and to reaffirm our opinion that resolution 31/59 has only one objective and J underline this, one objectivc c ,namely, the decolonization of French SomaliJand.

The statement which the representative of Somalia has just made does not address itself to the central problem I raised at the 97th plenary meeting of the General Assembly, namely, Somalia's territorial claim to Djibouti. As such. it must be dismissed as irrelevant and superfluous. 165. Let me indicate briefly why this is so. It will be recalled, in the first instance, that the procedure to which the representative of Somalia resorted inexplaining hisvote on the draft resolution of which his country was a sponsor at the Committee level. a draft resolution which was recommended to the Assembly by the Fourth Committee without changing a comma, is a departure from the usual practice of the United Nations, even if it may not be said that such a procedure contravenes the rules of procedure of the General Assembly stricto sensu. 166. The procedure if> even more unusual because what the Somali representative did was not to explain his vote but, rather, to make a formal reservation on his Government's acceptance of the resolution. The t December statement of the representative of Somalia 185th meeting] does not only seek to attach his own interpretation to the resolutlon-although it should be noted that his Interpretation is self-serving, inasmuch as it seeks to justify his Government's territorial claim to Djlboutl-vbut, what is more serious, reaffirms two former reservations that the Somali Government had made on the nartlcular demands which the United Nations and OAU have made in the past year. 167. These are, first, the formal reservation that the sJme representative of Somalia made at the thirtieth session of the General Assembly when resolution 3480(XXX) was adopted, It should be noted that this Assembly has reaffirmed resolution 3480(XXX) in paragraph 10of the resolution it has adopted this year. The records show that the representative of Somalia reserved his Government's position on operative paragraph 6 of resolution t71. Tlnc reminds me of the story of a mother watching her son in'a F'l ade and saying that all the otherswere out of stepexcept her son. 3~80 (XXX). That particular paragraph contains a call by the Assembly on aJJ States "to renounce forthwith anyand all claims to the Territory and to declare nuU and void any and all acts asserting such claims". Out of the entire membership of the United Nations, only the representative of Somalia felt compelled to say that the call for withdrawal ,)f claims did not apply to his country, suggesting that, since Somalia considers Djibouti to be already part of its national territory, such a call would be superfluous and inapplicable as far as Somalia was concerned. 1n. In view of the reservations which the representative of S()J~alia made on 1 December on the resolution on Djibouti, what value can one attach to the pious declarations, which were made at the Committee level and here in the Assembly and which were repeated today, that Somalia welcomes the independence of Djibouti and to all other utterances of the same nature'! After everything is said and done, the question we raised at the beginning of the debate on the Djibouti question remains unanswered. That question is, does Somalia have a territorial claim or not'! The representative of Somalia owes the General Assembly an unequivocal reply no 'ifs" or "buts". 168. Secondly, at the twenty-seventh ordinary session of the OAU Co-ordinating Committee for the Liberation of Africa, Somalia made a formal reservation when that importantorgan of the OAlI declared: 173. As long as Somalia doesnot provlde this unequivocal answer. the onlyconclusion we are left with isthat S()Iil;·II<l continues to maint..in its territorial claim. which j'i 1;11- shrined in suceessl., constitutions and le~al charters of the "... that the OAU member States, in particular Lthiopia ..nd Somalia, have commltted themselves to guarantee 169. It" is thus clear that. in his so-called explanation of vote on the draft resolution which the Assembly approved without change. the representative of Somalia reaffirmed the reservations that his Government had made with regard to specific calls for the withdrawal of territorial claims to Djibouti. The pertinent question to ask here and this is a question which Somalia must answer clearly and without equivocation --is whether or not it has territorial claims on Djibouti. If it does not, then why make a reservation? If it has claims, then it isnot qualified to become a sponsor of a draft resolution which contains a speciflc call for renunciation of claims. The representative of Somalia, however adroit he may be in verbal gymnastics, cannot mean one thing and expect people to believe him to be saying quite the opposite. Thisisthe crux of the matter. 170. This unusual behaviour of Somalia raises a fundamental matter, that is, the question of negotiating in good faith. All of us who sponsored the draft resolution did so with the full understanding that all the words appearing in that draft resolution meant what the sponsors intended them to convey. It isnormal practice in the United Nations, unless controversies of interpretation arise regarding any word or phraseology, for the literal interpretation to prevail. No one can seriously suggest that this resolution adopted by the United Nations leaves itself open to any other interpretation except that of the words contained in the resolution and, even more,arrogate to himself the right to interpret the intentions of the other sponsors by saying that all that the sponsors intended in that resolution was to deal with the issue of decolonlzatlon, to the total exclusion of all other considerations. Could it not have occurred to the representative of Somalia that, if the other sponsors had had any difficulty interpreting their own resolution, they would have said so'! But none did,except the delegation of Somalia. 174. The Assembly should recognize that the question involved is not a matter of semantics or one of honest differences of opinion. It is a serious matter. It relates to a policy of expansionism, in contrast to a policy of genuine search for the independence of Djibouti and theconditions that would ensure the peace andsecurity of thisregion. The Assemhly should be aware that the continued pursuit by Somalia of a policy of territorial claims would create conditions which would be susceptible of adversely affecting the peace and security of our region. 175. Mr. HUSS::1N (Somalia): I apologize, but I am compelled to speak again. 176. I listened with great interest to the statement of the representative of Ethiopia, who preceded me. To the best of my understanding he said nothing new, nothing he did not say in hisearliel statement of 13 December. Nor do I 177. We strongly believe that, according to existing international law, such pledges and assurances are more than sufficient to show that a country has no intention of jeopardizing the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of another State. 178. I think I can understand the concern and the words of the representative of Ethiopia. As I said earlier, his problem is not that of French Somaliland; his is another problem, one well known to this Assembly. Ethiopia and Somalia know it very well. That is why in my statement I said that Ethiopia is always trying to inject into the discussion on the decolcnizatlon of French Somaliland matters which have nothing to do with that specific problem. 179. I am not ready to discuss theproblem of Ethiopia at thisstage andin thisplace.