A/32/PV.60 General Assembly
28. Question of Cyprus: report of the Secretary-General L Mr. CHRISTOPHIDES (Cyprus): Before I speak on the question of Cyprus I wish to join other speakers who have preceded me at this rostrum in offering the sincere conglatulations of the Government and people of Cyprus to the Governments and peoples of the USSR, the Byelo- rossian SSR and the Ukrainian SSR on th~ occasion of the sixtieth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolu- tion. The Soviet Union has increasingly become a major factor in world affairs, espedally in promoting policies of peaceful coexistence and co-operation among States in acoordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The Republic of Cyprus, which, ever since it achieved independence, has maintained excellent relations with the Soviet Union, fully recognizes and appreciates the just pride of the Government and peoples of the USSR in their achievements. ... 2. This is the fourth consecutive year in which the General Assembly has debated the situation in Cyprus, which, as very aptly observed by the Secretary-General in his report on the work ofthe Organization, is not only serious in itself but also has very special implications for international peace and security[seeA/32/1, sect. IlL) NEW YOlK 3. I address you today in order to apprise the Assembly of the continuing crisis in Cyprus and to seek its support for a just and lasting solution of the Cyprus problem, the tragic dimensions of which, as they continuously expand, aggra- vate further the already critical situation in the =.sland. The absence of hostilities in Cyprus does not mean the presence of peace, for under the apparent quietness of the situation lurk the grave dangers involved in any armed aggression and continuing uneasin~ss for the future of a non-aligned State Member of the United Nations which a militarily powerful neighbouring country is trying to destroy by the use of force. 4. Beyond these dangers, the situation in Cyprus and its implications pose a grave challenge to the effectiveness of the United Nations and r.dse fundamental questions regard- ing the values and the basic principlas on which the continued existence of the Organization depends. 5. Since the Turkish aggression against the Republic of Cyprus in July and August 1974, and the continuing occupation of 40 per cent of its territory by the Turkish forces, the General Assembly and the Security Council haV(} repeatedly dealt with the Cyprus problem. Both the Assembly and the Council l:ave established, tlrrough the adoption of a series of resolut1Jns, the framework for the just settlement of the Cypms problem. The ~n~ral Assembly adopted resolution 3212 (XXIX) by unanumty, and resolutions 3395 (XXX) and 3 01/12 by near unanimity, with only Turkey casting a negative vote. The Security Council, among other resolutions, adopted, also unani- mously, resolution 365 (1974), by which it endorsed resolution 3212 (XXIX), thus rendering its implementation mandatory, and resolution 367 (1975) by which it estab- lished the process of a negotiating procedure between the representatives of the Greek and the Turkish Cypriot communities in Cyprus-the Greek majority of 80 per cent and the Turkish minority of 18 per cent. 6. These and other United Nations resolutions call on all States to respect the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic ofCyprus; call for the cessation of all foreign interference in its affairs and demand the withdrawal, without delay, of all foreign troops and the urgent return of all refugees to their homes in safety. These provisions are clearly directed at Ankara and their implementation concerns Turkey exclusively. The resolutions also provide for substantive and meaningful negotiations, under the auspices and personal direction of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, between the representatives of the two communities, with a view to reaching freely a mutually acceptable political settlement based on their fundamental and legitimate rights. 7. The attitude of AnkJi'a towards the United Nations resolutions on Cyprus has been one of conternptuJus 8. Of all the provisions of the United Nations resolutions on Cyprus, Ankara has chosen seemingly to show respect, but in reality to pay lip service only, to the one which refers to the intercommunal negotiations. Events have demonstrated that Ankara's professed support for this provision has been dictated only by ulterior motives. Turkey has' been trying to downgrade and obscure the prime provisions of the resolutions, which are directed at it and at it alone, by claiming that the withdrawal of its troops and the return of the refugees to their homes are subject to the outcome of the negotiations. 9. The purpose of the intercommunal negotiations, how- ever, is clearly and unambiguously stated in the resolutions. These negotiations are concerned only with the internal aspect of the problem, and not with the withdrawal of the foreign troops and the return of the refugees to their homes which, in accordance with the resolutions, should precede and not follow the talks. For how could the people of Cyprus bring about the cessation of the aggression and the occupation of their country by. a foreign military Power, and in what way could they be expected to negIJtiate their future freely, as provided in the relevant United Nations resolutions, in the presence of a powerful army of occupaticn on their territory and faced with the agonizing problem of 200,000 refugees, one third of the island's total population? 10. Despite the constrcints im;"lQsed by the oppressive presence of the Turkish army of occup.ation and the paralysing problems of the refugees, the Greek Cypriot side, with the full concurrence of the Cyprus Government, entered iIito the talks, which began two and a half years ago, within the framework of the said resolutions, with the reasonable expectation that Turkey, in compliance with these resolutions, would, in a parallel action, set in motion measures for the progressive implementation of those provisions of the resolutions directed solely at Ankara. 11. The Government placed many hopes in the talks and the Greek Cypriot side "":~proached them with goodwill and in a constructive manner, believing that through a well- meaning dialogue opposing views can be bridged and differences settled. Contrastingly different, however, has been the Turkish attitude towards the talks. Ankara, which dictated the Turkish Cypriot stand in the intercommunal negotiations, not only did not allow a constructive dialogue - to develoll but also turned whatever limited agreements were reached at the talks, such as the humanitarian agreement of August 1975, into a painful travesty, through bad faith and broken promises. 12. Last February, a climate of ::')me optimism for a break-through in the intercommunal talks Was created follOWing two meetings between the President of the Republic, the late Archbishop Makarios, and the Turkish Cypriot l~ader, Mr. Denkta~. At the meetings, agreement 13. Mter receiving assurances from Ankara, through third parties, that the Turkish Cypriot side would respond positively and clearly to proposals for a federal solution of the constitutional aspect and a bi-zonal settlement of the territorial aspect of the problem, the Greek Cypriot side took the far-reaching decision to submit at Vienna proposals, together with a map, on the basis of a bi-zonal federation. In this respect, I remind the Assembly that the Turkish side has always proclaimed that the main obstacle to progress in the uegotiations is the Greek Cypriot side's refusal to accept a bi-zonaIJederation. 14. However, the goodwill and moderation shown by the Greek Cypriot side foundered on Turkish intransigence. Not only did the Turkish Cypriot negotiator, in breach of the guidelines, reject a federal system and insist on the creation of two separate, loosely connected states in Cyprus but also, contrary to the prior assurances given by Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership, he failed to give any indication al. all of his side's views on the territorial aspect of the problem. Bluntly, but vety revealingly, the Turkish Cypriot negotiator stated: "I have not come to Vienna either to give-anything back or to indicate what we intend to give" 15. Such a reply should not be surpllsing nor should be the fact hat the talks, two and a half years after their commencemeqt and despite the very ~mmendable efforts of h'le Secretary-General, have demonstrably failed to produce any positive results. The reasons are too apparent. Ankara which, as already stated, dictates t.h.e Turkish Cypriot position in the talks, has never allowed a construc- tive dialogue to develop since it does not aspire to a just solution of the Cyprus problem through the talks. It only fmds convenient a semblance of negotiation. In this way, Ankara is enabled to evade its obligations under the resolutions and head off pressures and international efforts for-a just solution, by misleading the world into thinking that it is genuinely seeking a solution to the Cyprus problem through the intercommunal talks. Still worse, Ankara exploits the time occupied in the talks for the creation of faits accomplis and ,the consolidation of its position in the occupied area. 16. Since the commencement of the intercommunal talks, Ankara and its army of occupation, through the instru- mentality of the Turkish Cypriot leadership, has proceeded to an illegal declaration purporting to establish what it calls the "Federated Turkish State of Cyprus" and to the introduction of a so-called "constitution" under which Greek Cypriot~ are considered as aliens while Turkish colonizers are considered citizens of the bogus "State" During the same period, the army of occupation through actions and tactics of deprivation, humiliation, -harassment and physical violence, has expelled from the area under its 17. Of all the faits accomplis and the continuing actions of Ankara against Cyprus and its people, the ~ost damning for a solution of the Cyprus problem and at the same time the most cruel are the expulsions of the indigenous population from their homes, those actions directed against the refugees and those promoting the colonization of the occupied area through the importation of an alien popula- tion from Turkey. For, through them, Ankara is laying the foundations for the dissolution of the Republic of Cyprus while at the same time grossly violating human rights and causing immense human suffering to the people of Cyprus-Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot alike. 18. The world is moved when innocent human beings are rendered homeless as a result of an act of God and it laments its impotence to prevent the suffering, Yet~ paradoxically, the world has been less responsive to the continuing tragedy of the thousands of indigenous Greek Cypriot inhabitants who have been brutally driven out of their ancestral homes, to become refugees in their own country as a result of the deliberate act of man. Day after day, in ever increasing i1umber, the Turkish army of occupation has been relentlessly uprooting these unfor- tunate people from their homes and properties, calculatedly and cruelly in fulfIlment of a plan conceived long ago by the Turkish military. Day after day, Ankara has been colonizing, unimpeded, the occupied part of Cyprus by massively importing an aUen population froo Turkey. Day after day, the drama of the helpless beings rendered homeless has been brought to the attention of the world. But in terms of calling forth effective action to remedy their plight, their voice has been a VOj~f in the wilderness. In an age which rightly prides itself on} avmg won the fight against colonialism and in the era of human rights and fundamental freedoms, it is a sad commentary-indeed a tragedy-that Turkey should be allowed to promote its plans unimpeded, in defiance and contravention of all principles of humanitarian law and of United Nations resolutions. 20. Turkey has also alleged that its forces invaded Cyprus for the protection of the Turkish Cypriots. This allegation has also been proved false by time and events. The Turkish Cypriots have been victims, almost as much as the Greek Cypriots, of the infamous partitionist policies pursued by Ankara in Cyprus, and have suffered a great deal as a result of Ankara's policy of self-segregation and from the influx of the settler-colonizers, who receive preferential treatment from the Turkish occupation forces. The plight of the average Turkish Cypriot is attested to by all objective observers with access to the occupied area, and is grimly and extensively reflected in the darkest colours even in the Turkish Cypriot press. It is our fIrm conviction that the people of Cyprus as a whole can, if left free of external interference, live and prosper together in harmonious co-operation. 21. The facts to which I have referred speak eloquently and reveal the Turkish policy on Cyprus. That policy is aimed at the dissolution of the Republic of Cyprus, the partioning of tl}e island and the de facto annexation by Turkey of the occupied area, thus satisfying for the present its geopolitical objectives. All Turkish actions with regard to Cyprus are motivated by this over-all aim. The parti- tionist policy of Ankara is not a new development. Turkey has been advocating it for over 20 years, officially proposing it in 1957 to the British Colonial Government, and in 1964 and 1965 to the United Nations mediators. Since 1963, Turkey has been actively cultivating it on the ground by dictating to the Turkish Cypriots, through their leaders, a policy of self-segregation, unmindful of the deprivations that such a policy caused them for 11 years-the 11 years of suffering, as Turkey unabashedly calls them. In 1974, taking advantage of the pretext prOVided by a criminal coup d'etat perpetrated by the military junta then ruling Greece, Turkey put into full effect its plans for the destruction of the Republic of 23. My Government is of the fll'IIl opinion that there is no room for further delay in the implementation of the United Nations resolutions on Cyprus ifpeace on the island is to be secured.. If further tolerance is shown to the contemptuous disregard by Ankara of the resolutions, and to its illegal and arbitrary actions, the problem of Cyprus could be com- plicated to the extent that it will become insoluble, with dire consequences to peace and security in the sensitive area ofthe eastern Mediterranean. 24. The existing General Assembly and Security Council resolutions provide a valid framework, and contain all the necessary elements for a just and lasting solution of the Cyprus problem. We~herefore believe that, in addition to reafimning these ba::1~ elements, the General Assembly mould also impress upon the Security Council the necessity of taking, as a matter ofurgency, all measures warranted by the situation in order to bring about the long overdue implementation of the Council's resolutions on Cyprus, and especially of resolutions 365 (1974) which endorsed General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX). In this respect, I would remind the Assembly of the statement of the Secretary.General, Mr. Waldheim, in the introduction to his report last year on the work of the organization. He said: "The responsibilities of Governments do not cease when a resolution is adopted; indeed, resolutions usually require determined action by Governments, in addition to the parties directly concerned, if they are to be translated into reality"" 25. It is such determined action that we are seeking from this Assembly to give effect to the United Nations commitment to advance a just and lasting solution of the Cyprus problem.
I now call on the representative of' Algeria, who wishes to introduce draft resolution A/32/ L.16.
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Mr. President, I would like to avail myself of this opportunity to salute the sixtieth anniversary of the October Revolution which opened up a new era in the history of mankind and which represents a major step forward against exploitation in all its forms.
28. Having been entrusted by the group of non-aligned countries to follow the evolution of the Cyprus crisis, the contact committee, made up of Algeria, Guyana, India,
29. The contents of this draft resolution, distributed to the General Assembly in document A/32/L.16, is the result of long and laborious negotiations among all the parties directly concerned in the Cyprus question and, in par- ticular, the representatives of the two Cypriot communities, Greek and Turkish, and the contact group.
30. The constant concern of the members of that Com- mittee is to seek all constructive elements capable of restoring an atmosphere of mutual confidence, which alone can facilitate the quest for a solution satisfactory to all and therefore lasting.
31. It is clear that in the area of the eastern Mediter- ranean, where the situation is already explosive, the . problem of Cyprus has, unfortunately, undergone no change. This cannot but arouse the concern both of the non-aligned countries and of the international community.
32. Our Organization has taken decisions in this respect, and for our part we remain convinced that resolution 3212 (XXIX), which was adopted unanimously, is a valid basis for fruitful negotiations that may lay the groundwork for a solution to the Cyprus crisis. Thus our draft resolution calls for rapid implementation of that resolution as well as of the relevant resolutions on the matter adopted by the Security Council.
33. When we speak of Cyprus our group of non-aligned countries can only envisage a Cyprus with all the attributes of sovereignty based on the will expressed by the entire Cypriot people to safeguard their independence, territorial integrity and policy of non-alignment. For this the Re- public of Cyprus must be protected from any foreign intervention and all external pressure.
34. The negotiations between the two communities under the aegis of the Secretary-General of the United Nations have not achieved the expected results; nevertheless we continue to believe that any valid settlement must come about through dialogue, on a footing of strict ec;,uality between the two Cypriot communities, Greek and Turkish.
35. The re-establishment of confidence in their relations with each other will undoubtedly be a long-term task, and for such a process to develop positively will require from our Organization close support 'and permanent readiness to assist the two parties concerned to rise abov(~ their deep-rooted difficulties and entrenched antagonisms. Above all, it is a matter of creating the necessary conditions to enable each community to feel reassured regarding its present and its future and to encourage through serious and fruitful negotiations between the two communities a solution acceptable to all.
36. These elements, as well as those which appear in our draft resolution, are nut to be considered separately from one another or even linked by the order in which they are set forth. While recommending that the S~curity Council
37. In any case the group of non-aligned countries feels equal friendship and sympathy for the two communities constituting the Cypriot people, and we urge them to forget the pressures of the past and to turn towards the future so as to build an independent Cyprus, safeguarding its terri- torial integrity and policy of non-alignment.
38. Finally, despite the weaknesses which no doubt exist in the draft resolution submitted to the Assembly, the contact committee of non-aligned countries entrusted with the task of following the question of Cyprus hopes that this Assembly will give broad support to our text.
As I have the honour to be the Chairman of the group of Eastern European States for the month of November, permit me fIrst to extend on behalf of the delegations of Bulgaria, the GeJman Demo- cratic Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Czecho- slovakia our warmest congratulations to the delegations of the Byelorussian SSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the USSR on the occasion of their great holiday-the sixtieth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. As a represen- tative of a socialist State, I take a special pleasure in extending congratulations to those delegations in this forum of the most representative world organization.
40. The Great Octobel Socialist Revolution was an event that exerted a fundamental influence on the further course of history not only in the Soviet countries but throughout the world. It is symptomatic that the fIrst decree signed by the creator of the Soviet State, Lenin, was the Decree on Peace. From that fIrst decree up to the peace initiative by the USSR submitted at the current thirty-second session of the General Assembly and the most recent proposals made by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Comrade Brezhnev, Soviet foreign policy has been consistently and unswervingly striving towards the securing of international peace, the relaxation of international tensions and the strengthening of peaceful co-operation among all nations.
41. Since the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution mankind has passed through an intensive and accelerated development. International relations have been marked by the struggle between the forces of socialism, peace and progress and the forces of reaction, oppression and aggression. What has been at stake are such basic questions as the problems of war and peace, of peaceful coexistence and international co-operation, and of the freedom and national independence of all peoples, as well as the question of their economic and social progress. Soviet foreign policy has always approached the solution of the aforementioned problems from a class-oriented inter- nationalist position which is fully in keeping with the results of the fust socialist revolution in the history of mankind.
43. I should like to wish. the delegations of the USSR, the Byelorussian SSR and the Ukrainian SSR much further success in the continued construction of an advanced socialist society and in their efforts to strengthen inter- national peace and security.
44. The significant changes that have occurred throughout the world on the basis of an extensive peace initiative by all progressive and democratic forces of the world have, especially in recent times, been reflected also within the United Nations. The problems now considered by the General Assembly indicate, however, that the overcoming of a number of the remnants and practices of the past is a complicated process. The progressive forces in this Organi- zation should not spare any effort in the search for the solution and elimination of dangerous hotbeds of tension that are a threat to peace. Every such'hotbed of tension may develop into a situation endangering international security.
45. A grave problem in the area of the eastern Mediter- ranean awaiting solution for many years now is the problem of Cyprus. The island of Cyprus has for a long time been the subject of keen interest on the part of the imperialist forces striving to maintain their positions at this important
strategic cross-roads. A host of schemes designed to bring to an end the non-aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus has complicated still further the situation in the island~
46. Since the establishment of the independent Republic of Cyprus the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has recog- nized and respected Cyprus' inalienable right to develop free from external interference. We have always stressed the necessity for the people of Cyprus themselves-for both the Cypriot Greeks and Cypriot Turks-to be able to exercise their inalienable right to solve the problems of the sovereign and non-aligned Republic of Cyprus in conditions of peace and non-intervention. Our traditional friendly rdations with the people of that country are but one example of our foreign p<flicy of peace and good relations with ~ountries having different social systems. We bow to the t .~mory of the great personality of President Makarios, the untiring fighter for the independence of Cyprus and one of the founders of the non-aligned movement.
eCl.stern Mediterranean and that is why they obstruct a just settlement of the Cyprus problem. As a consequence, the situation threatens to end in a division of the island. Those circles are in no ne~d of peace in the island, or of a peaceful solution of the disputes between the Cyprus communities; on the contrary, they are interested in stepped up tension in Cyprus and in its adjacent areas and in a sharp confrontation between the two ethnic communities. They are aware that a successful intercommunal dialogue consti- tutes a significant element in the settlement of the whole problem and do not desire the negotiations between the communities to reach a successful conclusion. Influential NATO circles are trying to negotiate behind the backs of the Cypriot people and to settle the problem contrary to the interests of peace and security in the eastern Mediter- ranean.
48. The Czechoslovak delegation supports a just solution of the Cyprus question on the basis of the principles of respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial in- tegrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, an end to foreign interference' in its internal affairs and the • withdrawal of all foreign troops from the island.
49. The basis for the solution is provided by a number of well-known decisions taken by the United Nations, notably Security Council resolution 365 (1974) and General As- sembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), complemented byresolu- tions 3395 (XXX) and 31{12. These resolutions contain all that is necessary for a settlement of the crisis and we must strive to have them implemented.
51. The tragic events in Cyprus have brought, and every day continue to bring, suffering and hardship to the people of Cyprus. The Republic's economy has been gravely unsettled and its economic system is facing immense difficulties in trying to function on an emergency level. Tens of thousands of Cypriots were forced to abandon their homes as a result of military operations.
52. The events of the last three years, too, show that certain circles have not given up their intention of imposing decisions on Cyprus that would be at variance with its interests and would lead to the division of the Republic. Not only have those circles not abandoned their plans to divide Cyprus but they actively continue to create condi- tions for such a division. That is confumed by the complications introduced into the intercommunal talks, the aim of which is to reach a just and mutually acceptable settlement of the question of the internal arrangement of the State ofCyprus.
53. My delegation is convinced that no contradiction exists between the fundamental interests of Cypriot Greeks and Cypriot Turks and that what the two communities need is the possibility of negotiating without foreign interference. Both communities suffer as a result of the existing artificial division, and it is in the interest of both that the integrity of Cyprus be preserved.
54. It is our profound belief that it is within the abilities and possibilities of Llte people of Cyprus and their democratic system to solve their problems on the basis of due respect for the legitimate interests of both com- munities. We emphasize once more that the spirit and the letter of Security Council and General Assembly resolutions must be observed in the search for a settlement.
55. The Czechoslovak delegation wishes to express its thanks and appreciation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his endeavours in mediating the talks between the two communities.
56. The Czechoslovak delegation recomniends once again the implementation of the proposal by the Soviet Union of 22 August 1974 to convene an international conference within the framework of the United Nations.2 We believe that that proposal has lost nothing of its timely nature. A representative international conference within the frame- work ofthe United Nations would make it possible to work out throughjoint efforts solutions that would guarantee the existence of Cyprus as an independent, sovereign and integral State, in accordance with the interests of both the Greek and Turkish Cypriots.
2 See Offlcilzl Records of the Security Council, Twenty-ninth . Year, SUpplement for July, AugustandSeptember 1974, document 8/11465.
REPORT OF THE THIRD COMMITTEE (pARTS I AND 11) (A/32/307 AND ADD.I)
AGENDA I'IEM 79
Importance of the universa1 realization of the right of peoples to self-determination and of the speedy granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples for the effective guarantee and observance of human rights: report of the Secretary-General
REPORT OF THE THIRD COMMITTEE (A/32/3I8)
57. Mr. AL-HINAI (Oman), Rapporteur of the Third Committee: It is a great honour and pleasure for me to introduce to the General Assembly the reports of the Third Committee on items 74 and 79 of the agenda.
58. The fust report, relating to item 74 on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination is contained in documents A/32/307 and Add.I. The main report [A/32/ 307} includes a summary of the proceedings in the Third Committee relating to subitems (a)# (c) and (d). Document A/32/307/Add.l deals with-subitem(b).
59. The Third Committee took up item 74 (a) as a matter of high priority at the beginning of the current session, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 31/77. The Cominittee had before it reports of the Secretary-General submitted to the Economic and Social Council at its sixty-second session relating to activities undertaken in relation to the implementation of the programme for the Decade, as well as a resolution recommended by the Economic and Social Council for adoption by the General Assembly. More than 80 delegations participated in the general debate on this item. While condemning the practice of racial discrimination still prevailing in some countries of the world, speakers placed particular emphasis on the need for concerted and accelerated efforts by the international community to eradicate the abhorrent policies ofapartheid as practised in southern Africa in an institutionalized manner.
..
60. Paragraph 15 of part I of the report of the Third Committee in document A/32/307 contains the draft resolutions which the Third Committee now recommends to the General Assembly for adoption. Draft resolution I, entitled "Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination", submitted by the Economic and Social Council, was adopted by the ~omrnittee without a vote. Draft resolution 11 on the "Status of the International
61. The report of the Third Committee on subitem(b) of item 74 is contained in document A/32/307/Add.1. On this subitem, many speakers commended the work undertaken by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial DiscrimiIul- tion and the serious manner in which it had carried out its responsibilities under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, thus becoming one of the most successful working bodies in the United Nations in the implementation of human rights instruments and in the promotion and protection of human rights.
62. Paragraph 7 ofthe Committee's report contains a draft resolution entitled "RepQrt of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination", which was adopted by the Committee by 103 votes to 1, with 1 abstention .
63. The report relating to item 79 is contained in document A/32/3I8. This report includes a summary of the proceedings in the Third Committee on the item. In the course of the general debate on the item, speakers agreed that the right of peoples to self-determination was an indispensable prerequisite to the enjoyment by all of basic human rights and fundamental freedoms. It was also mentioned that ther~ could be no lasting peace in the world until the right to independence and self-determination for all peoples was recognized.
64. Paragraph 13 of the report c<?ntains the draft resolu- tion entitled "Importance of the universal realization of the right of peoples to self-determination and of the speedy granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples for the effective guarantee and observance of human rights", which the Third Committee now recommends to the General Assembly for adoption. This draft resolution· was adopted by the Committee by 108 votes to 3, 'vith 18 abstentions.
I now invite the representative of Belgium to introduce the amendment contained in docu- ment A;32/L.I7.
I have the honour today to introduce, under item 79 of the agenda, on behalf of Canada, Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the United States of America, and Belgium an amendment to the draft resolu- tion in paragaph 13 of document A/32/3I8. This amend- ment appears in document A/32/L.I7~
67. This amendment has already been introduced in the Third Committee, and the voting on it showed dearly how the Committee was divided on it. The purpose of the
amendm~nt is to delete from paragraph 7 of the draft resolution a direct reference to NATO, an organization of which all of the sponsors are members. In taking this
68. In the Western tradition, having diplomatic relations with a country has never implied automatic approval of the policy of its Government. Moreover, our countries do not feel that their relations with South Mrica are encouraging the Pretoria Government to continue stifling the aspirations of the peoples of southern Mrica to independence, self- determination and dignity. Thus, for example, the major developments that have been occurring for the last year in respect of the Zimbabwe problem give us grounds for hope that it will soon be possible to reach a just and peaceful solution based on majority rule. These developments, albeit drawn-out and sometimes disappointing, are nevertheless continuous and irreversible. It is undeniable that they are partly due to the permanent pressure exerted either on Salisbury or, thrQugh diplomatic channels, on Pretoria by two member States of NATO.
69. Since early this year, fIVe States, all members of the Atlantic Alliance, and all, except one, members of NATO, have been tenaciously endeavouring to use their relations with Pretoria to speed up the process of independence for Namibia by peaceful means. Here too, their actions have already yielded substantial results and have strengthened the irreversible nature of that process.
70. I have just stated the reasons which have prompted us to can for the deletion of this hostile reference to NATO. This reference was included several years ago in a similar General Assembly resolution. How long are we to see this reference still figuring inappropriately in our texts? Probably nobody remembers who originally suggested it; it has become a stylistic clause, and perhaps most United Nations Members that vote for it do so without attaching much importance to it. But our delegations deplore it strongly, inasmuch as we #consider that this reference is aimed at undermining the relations between the non-aligned countries of Africa and the countries members of NATO. These relations, whether bilateral or multilateral, are generally excellent politically, economically and com- mercially, as well as in the fields of co-operation, culture and sp-orts. These relations are carried on in the true interests of all parties, and with mutual and absolute respect for the sovereignty of others.
Pursuant to rule 66 of the rules of procedure, it was decided not to discuss the report of the Third Committee.
I shall now call on those represen- tatives who wish to explain their votes on any of the draft resolutions by the Third Committee in parts I and 11 ofits report.
My delegation would like to explain its vote on the draft resolution which appears in paragraph 7 of document A/32/307/Add.I.
75. My delegation was one of the sponsors of the draft resolution on the report of the Committee on the Elimina- tion of Racial Discrimination. Nevertheless, for reasons beyond our control, we could not participate in the vote in the Third Committee. I therefore feel bound to state that my delegation supports all the provisions of this draft resolution and will now vote in favour of it.
The Assembly will now take a decision on the various draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee. I invite representatives to turn fIrst to the draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 15 of part I of its report [A/32/ 307J.
77. Draft resolution I is entitled "Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination". The Third Committee adopted draft resolution I without a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draftresolution I was adopted (resolution 32/10).
We turn now to draft resolution II, entitled "Status of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination". I have not received any request for a vote on this draft resolution. May I consider that the Assembly wishes to adopt this draft re&olution without a vote? If I hear no objection, it will be so decided.
Draft resolution 11was adopted (resolution 32/11).
We turn now to draft resolution Ill, entitled "Status of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime ofApartheid". A recorded vote has been requested on this draft resolution.
A recorded vote was taken.
The draft resolution was adopted by 101 votes to none, with 25 abstentions (resolution 32/12).3
I now invite representatives to turn to the draft resolution recommended by the Third Com- mittee in paragraph 7 of part 11 of its report [A/32/ 307/Add.I). The draft resolution is entitled "Report ofthe Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination"
81. A separate recorded vote has been requested on operative paragraph 7 of this draft resolution. Accordingly, I now put that paragraph to the vote.
A recorded vote was taken.
We shall now vote on the draft resolution entitled "Report of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination" as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested.- 4 The delegations of the Dominican Republic, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Sri Lanka subsequently informed the Secretariat that they wished to have their votes recnrded as having been in favour of the paragraph. S The delegations of Equatorial Guinea and Gabon, subsequently informed the Secretariat that they wished their votes to 1Je recorded as having beeIlin favour ofthe paragraph. 6 The delegation of Equatorial Guinea subsequently informed the Secretariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution.
A recorded vote was taken.
The draft resolution was adopted by 132 votes to 1 (resolution 32/13).6
A recorded vote was taken.
The Assembly will now vote on the draft resolution recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 13 of its report [A/32/318]. It is entitled "Importance of tli~ universal realization of the right of peoples to self-determination and of the speedy granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples for the effective guarantee and observance of human rights". A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
The draft resolution was adopted by 113 votes to 3, with 18abstentions (resolution 32/14).8
I shall now call on" the represen- tatives who wish to explain their votes on all the votes which have been taken.
87_ Mr. NOTHOMB (Belgium) (interpretation from French): In joining the consensus on draft resolution I, which the Assembly has just adopted under item 74 (a) of its agenda, the nine members ofthe European Community, on whose behalf I have the honour of speaking, wished above all to stress their devo"tion to the struggle against racism and racial discrimination wherever they occur.
88. They were particularly glad to do so in that the draft resolution in question has replaced the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination within the context of the Programme in resolution 3057 (XXVIII), which was unanimously adopted by th~ General Assembly at its twenty-eighth session.
( 89. However, operative paragraph 5 of this draft resolu- tion does create some considerable legal difficulties for our countries. The subject of this paragraph is basically within the purview of the Security Council. If there had been a separate vote on operative paragraph 5, none of our nine delegations would have voted in favour ofit.
90. This in no way implies that the nine countries are not aware of the problem which prompted the sponsors of the
8 The delegation of Equatorial Guinea subsequently informed the Secretariat that it wished to have itsvote recorded as.having been in favour of the draft resolution.
91. Lastly, the nine members of the European Community have reserv;ltions of a legal nature on the fourth preambular paragraph of the resolution. Here also, they feel that the subject of this paragraph is exclusively within the com- petence o~: the Security Council.
Draft resolution III in document A/32/307, which was just adopted with Brazil's favourable vote, takes note in its sixth preambular paragraph of document A/AC.l1S/L.467, which contains the General Declaration and the Programme of Action adopted by the World Conference against Apartheid, Racism and Colo- nialism in Southern Africa, held in Lisbon last June. Brazil's position on these matters is founded on the finn rejection, embedded in the character of the Brazilian people and enshrined in our national legislation, of all forms of racial discrimination. Our repudiation of the practices of apart- heid has been inscribed in several declarations made either unilaterally by the Brazilian Government or jointly with other countries and has been proclaimed time and again in multilateral forums.
93. If a paragraph-by-paragraph vote had been taken, the Brazilian delegation would have voted against the sixth preambular paragraph since, in our judgement, the docu- mentation issued by the Lisbon meeting-and especially in that specific passage wherein a false and slanderous refer- ence is made to Brazil-deserves our categorical repudiation.
94. Moreover, Brazil considers it to be an undesirable practice to make references to meetings sponsored by non-governmental organizations in resolutions such as the one we have just adopted, since in some cases represen- tation at such meetings is open to question, and these meetings serve as a tribune for interests other than those stated in the formal title of the meeting involved.
The delegation of Mexico voted in favour of draft resolution III in document A/32/307, on the status of the International Convention on the Sllppression and Punish- ment of the Crime ofApartheid. However, we wish to state that if the sixth preambular paragraph had been voted on separately, Mexico would have had to abstain in the vote.
My delegation wishes to explain its vofe on draft resolu- tion I in document A/32/307.
97. Israel, as a matter of principle, supports any legitimate and warranted action intended to eliminate all forms of
99. In regard to the draft resolution in document A/32/ 307/Add.1, my delegation was compelled to vote against this text for the reasons mentioned in the course of the debate, but we wish to place on record that we were prepared not to break the consensus, if that draft resolution had not been put to the vote.
100. This is a fitting opportunity to state that the draft resolutions before us, by direct and indirect references in the texts of certain resolutions, introduce distorted con- cepts and elements alien to the item under debate which are totally unacceptable to my delegation.
~ -101. The repeated reference to equivocal and defective resolutions increases the damage. Nevertheless, Israel anx- iously awaits the occasion when the original concept and the legitimate objectives of the Decade will be restored, so as to be able once again to support all action for the elimination ofall forms ofracial discrimination.
I wish to note for the record that the United States did not participate in the adoption of draft resolution I in docu- ment A/32/307, pertaining to the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination.
103. Miss SHAHKAR (Iran) (interpretation from French): The Iranian delegation voted in favour of all the draft resolutions relating to the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination, including draft resolution III in the report of the Third Committee [A/32/307j, relating to the status of the International Convf',tion on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid. We have thus demonstrated once again our support for any positive measure to ensure the elimination ofapartheid.
104. Nevertheless, in the Third Committee my delegation abstained in the'separate vote taken on the sixth pream- bular paragraph of that draft resolution. We would have done the same today if a separate vote had been taken on the sixth preambular paragraph, since it takes note of a document which is unacceptable because it contains false allegations.
105. Mrs. DIN~MEN (Turkey): When the draft resolution contained in document A/32/307/Add.l, concerning the report of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, was voted upon in the Third Committee, my delegation did not ·participate in the vote on either operative paragraph 7 or on the draft resolution as a whole. For the reasons we explained in the Third Committee at its 30th meeting, the Turkish delegation did not participate in the vote on the text just adopted by the General Assembly.
107. We voted in favour of the draft resolution as a whole in the Committee, a,s we did on the present occasion. We also abstained in the separate vote taken on operative paragraph 7 of the draft resolution in document A/32/ 307/Add.l, as we had in the Third Committee. Costa Rica voted in favour of the draft resolution entitled uReport of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimi- nation".
108. Miss RICHTER (Argentina) (interpretation from Spanish): We should like to refer to operative paragraph 8 of the draft resolution in document A/32/318 on the principle of self-determination which we have just adopted because, as we understand it, this paragraph must be interpreted in the light of the principles applied by the major organs of the United Nations system in regard to decolonization, such as the specific historical. and geo- graphical characteristics of each colonial question con- sidered individually.
109. In some colonial cases the applicable principh is that of territorial integrity, as is established in resolution 1514 (XV), the Declaration on the Granting of Inde- pendence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, paragraph 6 of which states: .
"Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles ofthe Charter ofthe United Nations."
110. This has also been the understanding of the sponsors of the draft resolution that appears in document A/32/318, who, while in general supporting the principle of the self.determination of peoples, recognize in operative para- graph 4 that in the case of the Comorian territu1Y of Mayotte the principle of territorial integrity is applicable for the purpose of satisfying the objective of decolonization in accordance with the principle ofjustice.
_111. Mrs. MEHDI (pakistan): My delegation has voted in ·favour of operative paragraph 7 of the draft resolution contained in document A/32/307/Add.l entitled "Report of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimi- nation", on the understanding that the "relevant decisions of the Committee" referred to in that paragraph 7 relate only to the occupied territories on the West Bank, the Golan Heights and the Panama Canal Zone.
113. In spite of what I have just said, we wish to place on record that we reserve our position regarding the sixth preambular paragraph, which, had it been voted upon separately, we would have voted against because it refers to a document adopted in Lisbon that contains insulting references to certain Governments, including my own, which my delegation categorically rejects and which, furthermore, we deem to be unacceptable.
As regards draft r~solution III entitled "Status of the Inter- national Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid" in document A/32/307, which we havejust adopted, the delegation of Peru wishes to express its gratitude to the sponsors for having agreed to amend the preambular part in such a manner that the reference to the Declarations of the Maputo and Lagos Conferences, both United Nations conferences, are separate from the General Declaration of the Lisbon Conference.
115. This goodwill on the part of the sponsors made it possible for my delegation to overcome some of the difficulties we had with some of the paragraphs of the Lisbon Declaration by abstaining in the vote on the sixth preambular paragraph in the Third Committee.
116. On the present occasion, the delegation .of Peru, which voted in favour of this draft resolution, wishes to reiterate the reservations we have in respect of several paragraphs of the General Declaration of the Lisbon Conference, mentioned in the sixth preambular paragraph, and had this paragraph been voted upon separately we would have abstained in the vote on it.
117. Miss OBREGON (Colombia) (interpretation from Spanish): The delegation of Colombia voted in favour of draft resolution III in document A/32/307, on the status of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, but we wish to place" on record that if there had been a separate vote on the sixth preambular paragraph we should have abstained, because we have serious reservations concerning it.
118. Mr. RAKOTONAIVO (Madagascar) '(interpretation from French): The delegation of Madagascar joined in the consensus on the adoption of draft resolution 11 in document A/32/307. As we were absent during the adoption of this draft resolution in the Tlprd Committee for reasons beyond our control, we regret that we were not able to participate then in the vote. We should now like to indicate that we fully support the provisions of that draft resolution and that if a vote had been requested dUring the considerntion of the matter here we should have voted in favour.
The meetingrose at 5.35 p.m.