A/32/PV.82 General Assembly

Once again this Assembly is considering the question of the Middle East in the light of the report of the Secretary- General [A/32/240 and Add.1 and 2j, which faithfully reflects the complexity and the seriousness of the problem in that troubled part of the world. We can only express our admiration and appreciation of the sincere and intensive efforts that the Secretary-General has made and is still making with a view to the solution of this problem and the implementation of the United Nations resolutions and the spirit of the Charter. 2. The people of my country are part of the Arab nation, and, because of our geographical situation close to the scene of the events, we are thus more affected by what is taking place in that region. We can see that events in the region in the period since the adoption of resolution 31/61 last year have taken the people of the region further away from peace rather than bringing them closer to it. 3. The strained situation in the Middle East results from Israel's persistence in holding the Arab territories it conquered by force since its aggressive war of June 1967, and the fact that the Tel Aviv Government refuses to apply the many resolutions of the United Nations calling upon Israel to withdraw all its troops from all parts of the occupied territories, including Arab Jerusalem. 4. In considering the question of the Middle East the United Nations has not limited itself to the question of the occupied territories and the fact that Israel is refusing to end its occupation of those territories, but has attacked the root of the problem, namely, the Palestinian question. In addition to Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which call for the total withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied Arab territories, resolution 31/20 was adopted by the General Assembly last year. In that resolution the General Assembly reaffirms that a just and lasting peace in the Middle East cannot be established with~ut the achievement of a just solution to the problem of Palestine on the basis of the attainm\':nt of the NEW YORK in:,:~i~nable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right of return and the right to national independence and sovereignty. 5. My Government has welcomed all effo~s undertaken to fmd a just and lasting solution tp the Middle East problem on the basis of the United Nations Charter and the relevant resolutions. We believe that the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council reflect an international consensus and represent the concern of the international community for ensuring respect for the purposes and· principles of the Charter, which should govern relations among Members of this Organization at all times. 6. The Arab peoples, for their part, have not given up hope for the establishment of peace, although Israel continues to disregard the resolutions of the United Nations. The Arab Governments have many times expressed the desire to reach a just and lasting solution of 'i:he problem. The countries whose te~itories are still occupied have expressed the desire to coexist peacefully with Israel, without giving up their lj.ghts to their land and without making any concessions regarding the rights of the Pales- tinian people, who, alone, have the right to determine their own destiny. 7. However, by its behaviour in recent years the Tel Aviv Government runs the risk of destroying the remaining possibilities for peace. Israel has decided to persist in its expansionist policy and flagrantly to annex the occupied territories while still seeking pretexts for maintaining its presence in those lands, which it has occupied since 1967, without taking into account its international obligations or world public opinion. Israel has established a number of settlements with a view to settling Jews from all parts of the world in them. The Begin Government announced last August its decision to apply Israeli laws to the peoples of those territories, which, a'.:cording to Israeli leaders, are liberated territories and not occupied territories. 8" The convening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East is being blocked by Israel, which insists on preventing the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLOj from being represented. Israel clearly is not interested in peace or in the Geneva Peace Conference. It would be interested in the Geneva Peace Conference only if that Conference could guarantee the type of peace that Israel desires. It is clear that Israel wants to prevent the Palestinian people, represented by the PLO, from partici- pating in any future talks. To do that would be to deny the existence of that people and to deny its legitimate rights, which are recognized by resolutions of the United Nations. 9. We once again affirm that any peaceful solution to the Middle East problem must be based on the following 10. We believe that the joint United States-Soviet state- ment of 1 October last represents a favourable sign which will help in fmding a solution to the problem. But the primary responsibility for the establishment of peace in the Middle East rests with the United Nations, because it is the United Nations which established Israel by the resolution on the partition of Palestine [resolution 181 rII)], and the United Nations must fully shoulder its responsibilities. 11. In conclusion, I should like to state that we support draft resolution A/32/L.38 and Add.l and 2, which in- cludes the principal elements for the solution which we are seeking. We hope that that text will receive the full support of the General Assembly. Unless we are able to solve the Middle East problem in accordance with the principles that I have just described, the situation will rt:'main tense and will threaten not only that region, but the whole world.

I should like at the outset to express my delegatic;l's sympathy and condolences to t.lJ.e delegations of India and Argentina in connexion with the natural catastrophes which have struck their countries and which have led to great loss of life. 13. With the consideration of the agenda item on the situation in the Middle East at the current thirty-second session of the General Assembly we shall have completed a decade in which the General Assembly has had on its agenda an item on the situation in the Middle East at every session s;nce the Israeli aggression against the Arab States in June 1967, despite the fact that the situation in the Middle East is part of a more generalized, older and more comprehensive problem, namely, the problem of the usurpation of the land ofPalestine and the dispersion ofits people by the racist Zionist movement and the establish- ment of t1!e Zionist entity of Israel ill the land of Palestine. 14. The United Nations has lived th~("Ugh the tragedy of Palestine and the tragedy of the Palestinian people from the beginning. More than that, the General Assembly adopted resolution 181 (H) of 1947 on the partition of Palestine, 15. In any event, the United Nations General Assembly during the period 1947 to 1976 adopted 183 resolutions on the problem of Palestine and the Middle East. Similarly, the Security Council has adopted 82 resolutions on the same problem to date. In addition, resolutions have been adopted by the Trusteeship Council, UNESCO, WHO, the ILO and ICAO. 16. I do not wish to take the matter further, but it seems to me that reference to certain resolutions adopted by our international Organization would be of certain benefit and use in the present consideration of the :;ituation in the Middle East. 17. General Assembly resolutions 2253 (ES-V), adopted by the General Assembly in 1967, calls upon the Zionist entity to rescind measures adopted to alter the status of the city of Jerusalem and to refrain from adopting such measures in future. What has the resolution amounted to? It has not been implemented by the Zionist entity, aTld its supporters ignore the resolutions of the international Organization. 18. General Assembly resolution 2546 (XXIV) of 1969 condemn~ the violations of human rights in the occupied territories and calls upon the Zionist entity to put an end to its repressive practices and policies. What has been done? Nothing. We even see the United States of America increasing quantities of destructive weapons and generous material assistance to the Zionist entity, further over- looking and neglecting resolutions of this Organization. 19. General Assembly resolution 2851 (XXVI) of 1971 urgently calls upon the Zionist entity to rescind al! procedures and measures concerning the annexation of occupied Arab territories or the establishment of settle- ments on those territories and requests the Special Com- mittee to Investi"'ate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories to continue its work. Have such procedures been stopped or ended? The reply from the Zionist entity is made clear in the declaration of the legality of the annexed territories, which have been termed "liberated territories" and the Zionist entity continues to establish new Zionist settle- ments in the occupied territOlies. 20. General Assembly resolution 2949 (XXViI) of 1972 expresses grave concern at the continued Israeli occupation of Arab territories, and calls upon all States not to recognize the changes introduced by Israel in occupied territories and to avoid any actions that cculd constitute such recognition. 21. General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX) recognizes the rights of the Palestinian people. 22. Resolution 31/20 endorses the Iecommendations adopted by the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalien- 24. During the past few days we have witnessed an event which is directly linked to the situation in the Middle East and to the Palestine problem, and I mean the visit of Mr. Anwar El-Sadat, th.e President of the Arab Republic of Egypt, to occupied Palestine and his dialogue with the Zionist enemy. If we ignore the psychological and infor- mation propaganda, planned for very carefully by the Zionist and imperialist authorities, and in particular by American imperialism, which accompanied the visit of President El-Sadat-propaganda expressing we!" Jme and justification of the visit-we can say that this visit only means a serious and grave derogation from the Arab cause and the rights of the Palestinian people. President EI-Sadat may have the right to exert efforts in the field of policy (Lld diplomacy, and these efforts are subject to revision and analysis in accordance with different circumstances and conditions. But neither President El-Sadat nor any other person has the right to transcend his limits and affect the national rights and dignity of all the Arabs, particularly as far as the Palestinian cause is concerned. No Arab ruler has the right to act independently in this issue. In any case, a ruler is capable of acting when he represent') the conscience of his people and its dignity. But his actions must be on rJs own individual responsibility if they run counter to the interests, rights and dignity of his people, in this case, the Arab n2.tion, of which Egypt is a part and of which tem of thousands have been killed at the hands of the Zionist usurpers. He cannot possibly accept the policy of surrender and concessions. Thos~ who regard the policy of surrender and concessions lcgarding the occupied homeland territories and submission to United States imperialism and Zionist occupation as a wise and flexible policy are merely misleading public opinion and themselves. 25. The expansionist policy Jf the Zionist entity is a reflection and actual applic. n of the expansionist theory and doctrin" of zionism, whi_ll has affirmed since the very beginning the Lecessity of expansionism. In rer1y to a question -ut Jut the necessary boundaries. Herzl sai&: "'Ne do not ask for the amount of land we need: the more immigrants we have, the more territory we need." 26. The idea of the establishment of a State of Israel has passed through various stages, starting with allowing the Jews to emigrate to Palestine; it then passed on to another stage: that of the demanding and calling for th~jr national homeland under the British Mandate, and then publicly calling, at the Zionist Baltimore Conference in 1942, for the establishment of a Zionist State and an end to the British Mandate; the same evolution applies to the bound- aries of the Zionist State. After hailing the victory it achieved in issuing the partition resolution, it sought to expand its geographical boundaries, through the 1948 war, by annexing land representing about 50 per cent of the original area that was specified in the resolution~ which they proceeded to ignore and to refuse to ir.lplement. "Certain circumstances will arise in the future, and we must make use of these circumstances to expand the boundaries and borders of the State. If such circum- stances do not arise, we must create them ourselves." 28. Thus the tripartite imperialist aggression against Egypt in 1956 was an operation aiming at creating new conditions justifying a further expansion. It was no, cause for surprise that the Zionist leadership, before the invasion of 1956, should claim that the provisions of the temporary truce for 1949 had become permanent, as declared by the PeLmanent Representative of Israel before the Security Cuuncil in 1951. But the Zionist entity rejected and eenied this situation following the 1956 war, as mentioned in the statement with regard to putting an end to the application of the Peace Treaty with Egypt, in the memorandl;m submitted by that entity to the Secretary-General of the United Nations on 4 November 1956.1 Finally, came the Zionist aggression of 1967 to increase th"eefold the area of the territories occupied by the Zionist entity. 29. It is known that the Zionist entity stantis alone at the international level as the only State whose laws d) not delineate concrete and clear national borders, those borders and boundaries being left dependent on Israel's material and military capacity. 30. Golda Meir, ex-Prime Minister of the Zionist entity, said that Israel's internatioaal boundaries ne determined by the places where the Jews settle. 31. That explains dIe great efforts being made by the Zionist entity ~o establish settlements in the occupied Arab territories since the 1967 war. 32. The Zionist movement has veiled its expansionist aims with various justifications 'md declarations. The memo- randum submitter: ty repreSt::ntatives of the World Zionist Organization to their Conference on 3 February 1919, entitled "Declaration by the World Zionist Organization on Palestine", proposed fIxing the borders of Palestine to extend from the north near the City of Sidon, from the east to the Hejaz Railways ending with Aqaba, and from the west to the Mediterranean; the southern borders would still be negotiable. The justification of the Zionist organization in calling for such borders was not religious but economic. It said that those borders were considered essential and crucial to the country's economy. 33. Now we hear the refrain of "secure and defensible" borders which was started following the 1967 war to justify further Zionist expansion, not only at the expense of the lands of the people of Palestine, but also to ipclude the territories of other Arab countries by force i)f anns. In this respect, I need only call to mind United Nations resolutions which have repeatedly confirmed the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force-for 34. Despite all that, Israel defies all those international resolutions and documents and perpetuates its legional expansionism, relying on its mili~aIY power and United States imperialist support. Thus it emphasizes what Hitler said: that the borders and boundaries established bv men can be changed by men. 35. The recent resolutions adopted by the Begin Govern- ment concerning the legality of the three settlements on the West Bank, the establishInent of new settlements and the application of Israeli laws to the population of the occupied West Bank emphasize the expansionist nature of the Zinnist entity and .the degree of contempt which the Begin 'Government has for world public opinion. 36. The Arabs' concern and fears regarding the Zionist entity and the racist movement are tIle result of long experience and bitter realities that have convinced us that the Zionist movemen~ is an <igglessive, hostile movement seeking the destruction of the Arab nathn and everything that is Arab. This movement is an instrument of neo- colonialism in the area a.qd works hand in hand with it for mutual interests. 37. The establishment of a secular, democratic State in a united lanG of Palestine would guarantee the rights of various sects and minorities. The age of settler imperialism has ended for ever. PalestinF~ is the land of the Palestinian people, who should deteolline their future for themselves; and all those who have' come seeking imperialist gains and interests should be evacuated. That is the lasting and durable solution that will establish real peace; other solutions can be only manoeuvres seeking to consolidate expansionism and aggression by a series ofvaried operations with the ultimate aim of the destruction and occupation of the Arab nation. 38. That is the truth and reality of the Palestinian issue, and that is the essence of the Middle East questian. Therefore, can the United Nations do something for justice, truth Md peace in the Middle East? The answer is in the affirmative: yes, it can do that by considering and dealing with the iollowing issues. 39. First and foremost, the Zionist entity occupies the territories of three countries, namely, Egypt, Syria and Jordan, in contradiction and violation of all international laws and various United Nations resolutions. The United Nations is responsible for that occupation of the territories of Member States and can impose on the Zionist entity the necessaIY and appropriate sanctions to force it to withdraw from them immediately, without any condition or political gain. 40. Secondly, any support extended to the Zionist move- ment leads to an aggravation of tension and the perpetu- ation of the conflict in the Arar region, and thus constitutes a threat and menace to world peace. American "We contribute only 45 piastres from our own efforts out of eveIY Israeli pound in the general budget: the rest comes from the United States and loans and contribu- tions from the Jewish people." 41. Thirdly, the other aspects of support for the Zionist entity is in the form of Zionist immigration to that entity. Therefore, encour.aging immigration to Palestine by world zionism, and all activities in that field, constitute a twofold danger: the need for further territory, and consequently expansion, which naturally leads to more wars and more dispersion of the people of Palestine. We believe that it is essential for the General Assembly to take the initiative in considering this subject and to adopt the necessaIY meas- ures to condemn immigration to Palestine. 42. Fourthly, since the adoption of the partition resolu- tion t..ltis Organization has adopted a ~ries of resolutions emphasizing the right of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland and to self-determination, in particular resolution 3236 (XXIX). The establishment of the 20-mem- ber Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People constituted a positive step for in its recommendations adopted during the last session3 it emphasized the necessity of seeking to repatriate the Palestinian people on the basis of a defmite programme. Instead today we are witnessing a series of political, military and economic measures undertaken by the Zionist entity for the purpose of expelling. Palestinians and evacuating them from the occupied Arab territories in Gaza and the West Bank. We invite the United Nations and its specialized agency to take into account this dangerous manifestation and prevent the situation from getting any worse by adopting economic, cultural, health and social programmes capable of ensuring the survival of the Arab populations in the occupied territories. 43. Fifthly, the United Nations is the natural and most valid framework for the consideration of the Palestinian question and the situation in the Middle East, with the participation of the representatives of the Palestinian people. The attempts to get around the United Nations and the efforts some parties are making to solve the problems themselves in conferences like the Geneva one cannot really reach a proper solution of the problem. This will merely maintain the status quo and will not solve the problem because the elements of contradiction and conflict will remain. It is the United Nations which is responsible for the creation of the Palestinian tragedy. At that tIme the Organization was under the hegemony of the imperialist 44. From this tribune, in the Security Council and in all international bodies, Iraq has repeatedly expressed its position, namely, that resolution 242 (l967) of 22 No- vember 1967 can in no way be a valid basis for the solution of the Palestinian problem-in no way at all-nor can it establish a just and lasting peace in the Middle East in confonnity with the Charter. 45. In certain Arab and non-Arab circles the argument has been put forward that if resolution 242 (1967) has no bearing on the Palestinian problem at all but rather deals only with the situation in the Middle East that is because it is a text that was adopted after the aggression of June 1967 and was designed to deal with the question of withdrawal from the territory that was taken away from Egypt, Syria and Jordan. Those who put forward that argument go so far as to say that the Palestinians and the PLO should not be asked to take any specific position on this text or on any effort to adopt a new resolution which would amend the 1967 text. 46. Whatever may be the true reasons why this argument is put forward, it is incompatible with the scope and the dimensions of the Security Council resolution. I am going to describe to you the conditions in which that text was adopted and reveal the reasons why this argument is being supported. 47. We must first of all recall th~ conditions in which tpe Security Council took that decision, before we think about the true aims of the text or the solution it offers for establishing peace in the Middle East. 48. In November 1967 the Security Council considered the draft resolution and on 22 November-that is to say, five months after the Zionist aggression which led to the occupation of Sinai, the Golan Heights and other areas in Palestine-it adopted the text. The efforts made by the Security Council in June 1967 to draft a text which would ensure the withdrawal of the Zionist entity from the new territories it occupied failed. The same thing had happened after the tripartite aggression in 1956. 49. Similarly, on 17 June 1967, the Assembly, at its fifth special session, was unable to adopt a resolution on the withdrawal of the Zionist forces from the territories. All this resulted in the freezing of th~ situation, to the advantage of Israel, and has paralyzed the international efforts made to fmd a solution to the crisis. And for the first time in the history of the United Nations, the Organization failed to fmd a speedy soktion which would ensure withdrawal after the acceptance of the cease-frre. But at the same time, two texts were adopted. They were Security Council resolution 237 (1967) of 14 June 1967 and General Assembly resolution 2252 (ES-V) of 4 July 1967. The two texts call upon the Zionist regime to pennit the refugees to return to the lands they had been forced to leave, but no account was taken of those resolutions and the situation remained unchanged until the regular session of the General Assembly began in September 1967. territOlfes of the three Arab countries" but it wanted to eliminate the Palestinian problem as a whole. 51. Thirdly, we only have to look at the text to see that we are right. The preamble of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) proVides that the necessary efforts should be made to establish a just and lasting peace, enabling each country to live in security. Paragraph 1 says: " 1. Affirms that the fulfIlment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both the following principles: "(i) Withdlawal of Israel anned forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict; "(ll) Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political inde- pencIence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force". And paragraph 2, states: "Affirms further the necessity " "(c) For guaranteeing the territorial inviolability and political independence of every State in the area, through measures including the establishment of demilitarized zones ...". 52. Fourthly, technically speaking, the texts do not deal with the rights of the Palestinian people directly. The Palestinian question was not in fact included in the agenda of the Security Council or in that of the General Assembly, but was considered under the item on UNRWA. But the situation in the Middle East finally received the attention of the whole world and of the United Nations, and then the stress was laid on the conflict between the Zionist State and the neighbouring Arab Shtes. This does not mean, or justify the argument, that the Security Council resolution 242 (1967) has no bearing on the Palestinian problem: quite the contcary. Of course, the essential goal of the resolution was to exploit the new situation to impose a final solution with regard to the Palestinian question and to cause the Arab parties to accept it and to give up all their nationalistic claims to Palestine. 53. Fifthly, the situation that developed, as well as the escalation of Palestinian resistance and international Arab 54. Sixthly, as far as the great Powers and the interna- tional community are concerned, resolution 242 (1967) is the basis for the Geneva Conference and the efforts to achieve an over-all solution to the problem. Hence it is paradoxical that the issue of the representation of the Palestinian people should be the first obstacle to the convening of the Geneva Conference, because we cannot say that that resolution has nothing to do with the Palestinian question. 55. Seventhly, in this connexion, this is what the repre- sentative of the United Kingdom, Lord Caradon, the author of resolution 242 (1967) had to say at the 1381st meeting of the Security Council on 20 November 1967: "Our policy has been consistent and clear throughout. We have spoken and we have voted in the Assembly and in this Council on all the issues-on the need for withdrawal an.d equally on the necessity for a pennanent peace, and on the refugees and on Jerusalem. We stand by our votes and we stand by our declarations."4 Lord Caradon then quoted the earlier statement of his Foreign Minister in the General Assembly. He said: " '... Britain does not accept war as a means of settling disputes, nor that a State should be aIIowed to extend its frontiers as a result of a war. This means that Israel must withdraw. But equally, Israel's neighbours must recognize its right to exist, and it must enjoy security within its frontiers. What we must work for in this area is a durable peace, the renunciation of all aggressive designs, and an end to policies which are inconsistent with peace.' "5 56. Moreover, when the draft resolution was being con- sidered at the 1379th meeting of the Security Council, on 16 November 1967, the representative of Mali, who was presiding over the Council, stated the foIIowing: "There is another point of agreement which likewise cannot be denied in view of the clear and unambiguous way in which it has been expressed in the debates of recent months, namely the necessity to do universal 57. The representative of Mali then remarked that it was the non-recognition of the sacred right of the Arab people of Palestine to live in its own land which had unleashed 20 years of violence. To which he added: "If, therefore, we wish to break the vicious circle of reprisals and counter-reprisals in the Middle East, we must start by finding a political and humane solution for the plight of the Arab refugees, which remains at the heart of the Middle East drama. The future of peace in the region will depend on the redress of that wrong."? 58. Moreover, in a memorandum dated 15 October 1968, Abba Eban, then Foreign Minister of the Zionist entity, specified the position of the Zionist entity with regard to the Jarring mission. He wrote: "I explained in my statement in the General Assembly, inter alia, the conditions for the convening of a confer- ence among the Middle East countries. With a view to contributing to helping the refugees within the context of the relevant specialized agencies of the United Nations, one might establish a five-year plan for solving the refugee problem on the basis of a lasting peace by integrating the refugees into a productive life. That conference can be convened before the peace negotiations and as part and parcel of a peaceful settlement. It would be necessary for the signatories to set up joint committees to integrate the refugees and to resettle them in such a way that the projects for their integration in the Middle East have regional and international support." 59. It is clear that the reason resolution 242 (1967) was adopted was to eliminate the Palestinian people completely and prevent them from exercising their right to self-deter- mination by considering them as refugees. 60. For all these reasons, which confirm our interpretation of resolution 242 (1967), and in the light of the proposals that accompanied it, I declare that Iraq is ready to support any action aimed at freeing the occupied Arab territories and that we support the struggle of the Palestinian people to exercise its inalienable rights in Palestine. 61. My delegation finds no elements in the present draft, which is based on Security Council resolution 242 (1967), that would enable us to participate in the voting on that text.

The aggressive and expansionist policy of Zionist Israel remains the main obstacle to peace in the Middle East. At the same time, the Palestine question remains the core of what is called the Middle East conflict; for without the complete withdrawal of the Israeli forces from all the Arab territories occupied in 1967, and without the complete realization of the inailen- 63. The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen feels that the latest political move by President EI-Sadat of Egypt and his visit to Israel constitute a real danger to Arab solidarity and unity and serve no real purpose; for honourable peace cannot be attained as long as the Zionist enemy continues to uphold a policy of expansionism and militarism. Arab solidarity and unity remain the corner-stone of the struggle towards peace. 64. My delegation will not participate in the voting on draft resolution A/32/L.38 because its operative para- graph 3 calls for the convening of the Geneva Conference on the basis of Security Council resolution 242 (l967)-a resolution which does not recognize the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.

At the outset, I should like to express my gratitude and congratulations to the Secretary-General of the United Nations for the comprehensive report he has submitted in document A/32/240 and Add.l, concerning the situation in the Middle East. That report clearly indicates the most important obstacles to the establishment of peace in the area. I should like to congratulate the Secretary-General also for the efforts he has been making for a long time now towards the achievement of a just and lasting settlement of the Middle East problem. 66. Sudan has clearly indicated on more than one occasion that the critical situation in the Middle East is a threat to international peace and security. Everyone is certainly aware that the four wars that have taken place in the region in the past 30 years have almost caused another world war. We are convinced that this situation is the result mainly of the dispersal of the Palestinian people following the establishment of the State of Israel, and then the occupa- tion of large parts of Palestine and neighbouring Arab States, under the policy of expansionism and aggression practised by successive Tel Aviv Governments, as well as those Governments' repeated rejections of United Nations resolutions and the demands of the international com- munity. 67. This Assembly has adopted many resolutions empha- sizing the need to establish the appropriate atmosphere for bringing peace to that explosive region. But all the positive efforts exerted in copnexion with this issue have been one sided; they have come from the Arab States, which, seeking to safeguard international peace and respecting United Nations resolutions and the demands of the international community, have made efforts towards the achievement of a peaceful and just solution to the problem. 68. But the problem remains. The resolutions adopted by the United Nations remain dead letters as a result of Israel's obstinate defiance of the international community and of United Nations resolutions, as well as its continued occupa- tion by force of Arab territories on the West Bank, in Sinai and on the Golan Heights and its continued refusal to respect the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self-determination. 70. The war of October 1973 and considerable changes in world public opinion have clearly signalled to Israel that it cannot purchase its security and stability with aggressive acts, which only arouse the hostility of the neighbouring Arab countries, as well as the majority of other countries of the world. That clearly indicates that what Israel regards as a gain in the short run will be a considerable loss in the long run. 71. The General Assembly has laid down the sound bases for the establishment of peace in the Middle East, in accordance with the Charter. These are: first, Israel's complete and unconditional withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied since the 1967 aggression; secondly, full recognition of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, as provided for in General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX) of 1974,. and recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, sover- eignty and national independence, as well as the establish- ment of an independent State on its own territory; thirdly, the return of the Palestinian refugees to their homes and property; and fourthly, the return of the city of Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty, so that it may once again be what it has been throughout the ages: a sb..rine for all followers of and believers in the three monotheistic religions, where they can exercise their religious rights in all freedom. 72. The Arab States, furthermore, have expressed their readiness to go to the Geneva Peace Conference in accordance with the Security Council resolution. Had it not been for Israel's manoeuvres and delaying tactics, the G~neva Conference would have been held last March, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 31/62. We believe that the Geneva Conference is the framework within which agreements could be reached concerning the basis of peace in the Middle East, for that Conference is held under the auspices of the United Nations. 73. But in order not to have any confusion about where the priorities should lie, I would state here that this Conference must be held with the participation of all the parties c~ncerned, including the PLO, on a footing of equality with other parties, since the PLO is the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people inside Israel and in the occupied Arab territories, as well as throughout the Arab world.

Any debate on the situa- tion in the Middle East inevitably reflects the anxiety felt over a problem which constitutes today the most serious danger for peace. To promote a convergence of efforts towards a peaceful solution in conformity with the prin- ciples laid down in the basic United Nations resolutions should therefore be the task of this Assembly. 76. An over-all settlement of the problem of the Middle East should embody the principles enunciated by the United Nations and be compatible with the requirements of a just and lasting peace. It is on this basis and within the already existing framework that negotiations should be initiated without delay. 77. As a country situated in the area, Turkey is deeply concerned about the peace and tranquillity of the Middle East. My Government's position regarding the elements of a solution and the procedure for negotiations remains un- changed. Turkey has always been strongly opposed to the acquisition of territory by force and, in our view, the evacuation by Israel of all the territories it has occupied since June 1967 is a fundamental prerequisite. 78. We have always, on the other hand, stressed the crucial importance of the Palestinian question and supported General Assembly resolutions reaffirming the rights of the Palestinians to national self-determination and requesting that the PLO be invited to participate on an equal footing with the other parties in all deliberations and conferences on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations. We are convinced that the Geneva Conference cannot achieve a durable settlement unless it is open to the participation of all the parties directly concerned, including the representatives ofthe PLO. 79. Finally, it has been our constant belief that an over-all solution of the problem of the Middle East should imply respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and inde- pendence of all States in the region-including, of course, Israel-and for their right to live in peace and within secure borders. Peace and coexistence between all the countries of the Middle East will contribute more effectively than anything else to the security and well-being of their peoples. 80. This debate in the General Assembly on the Middle East has coincided with important developments in the area. The recent contacts at the highest level have focused the attention of the whole world on the conflict and have intensified the yearning and expectations for a peaceful solution of this problem, which provoked four tragic wars in a time span of 30 years. There is no doubt that any initiative that can give a new impetus to the search for a just anti lasting over-all settlement, safeguarding the legiti- mate rights and interests of all parties, should be properly evaluated.

Once again the Sierra Leone delegation joins the world body in its constant search for peace in an area that has continued to present a problem of grave dimensions-the Middle East. My dele- gation considers that we would be remiss in our inter- national responsibility if we did not make our own contribution, even so late in the debate, to the re-establish- ment of the formula for peace, that is, a just and lasting p~ace, as perceived by the international community. 83. My delegation has made its position crystal-clear on numerous occasions in this Assembly. In the last general debate, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and leader of our delegation had this to say: "While we welcome the renewed peace initiatives, we are convinced. that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of November 1967, notwithstanding its studied ambiguity ... in certain particulars, provided to a large measure the point of departure for a viable peace settlement in the Middle East. While we acknowledge and reiterate the right of Israel to exist within secure and recognized boundaries, in accordance with the spirit and letter of the said Security Council resolution 242 (1967), we remain resolved t~t the right of Israel to exist within those borders is as valid and as imperative as the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. In other words, we affirm that the Palestinian people have a right to a secure homeland... and we believe that the recognition, acceptance and application of that fact by the parties concerned in particular, and by the inter- national community in general, would supply the missing but indispensable link in the chain of a durable and just settlement in the Middle East". [17th meeting, para. 126.J 84. Our position coincides with the expressed feelings of others on this issue because the present stage of world events calls for peace and justice. The reason why most delegations present in this Assembly support the Arab cause lies in the simple dictates of the Charter of the United Nations. The world is now ready to support the lawful demands of those who deserve justice and to correct the basic injustices that man has perpetrated against his fellow man. 85. Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, a former Secretary-General of this Organization, stated in the introduction to a report in 1960: "The organs of the United Nations have consistently maintained that the use of force contrary to the Charter as interpreted by these organs cannot be permitted to yield results which can be accepted as valid by the Organization and as establishing new rights". This is the crux of the matter. 87. It would be unwise, for example, for Israel to consider peace without agreeing to a complete withdrawal from Arab lands. It must be either peace or the lands for Israel-not both. We have enough evidence to confirm that the combination of both is incompatible with the situation in the Middle East. In addition, without the acceptance in any peace talks of the participation of the PLO, which is the legitimate representative of the Palestinians, it would be difficult to achieve peace. While my delegation believes that Israel has a right to exist and to develop as an independent sovereign State, this right does not include the right to extend its national frontiers into neighbouring States. Therefore, to consider peace without a complete with- drawal from Arab lands would be an unwise move for Israel. We have also maintained that a homeland for the Palestinians is a crucial determinant of peace. In the general debate statement of my Minister from which I quoted earlier, we also read the following: "Finally on this point, HO fact in the history of the twentieth century is more staggeringly improbable than the State of Israel itself. Its establishment owes much to the fmest ideals in man and much to his darkest barbarism. We therefore call upon Israel to recognize as a fact that the Palestinian people have a right to self-deter- mination in a State of their own, as was envisaged and stipulated nearly 30 years ago by this Assembly in the partition plan resolution ... We are convir..ced that it is only through the recognition and application of this fact that peace-a durable and just peace-will be restored to this part of the world". [Ibid., para. 129.J 88. It is to emphasize the above principles that my delegation has become a sponsor of draft resolution A/32/L.38 and Add.1 and 2, which, in the view of my delegation, represents the consensus in this Assembly. The draft resolution does not, as some may like to imagine, condemn anyone. Rather, it condemns an act: the con- tinued occupation of Arab territories by Israel in violation of the Charter of the United Nations, the principles of international law and repeated resolutions of the United Nations. 89. The draft resolution calls again for the early convening of the Peace Conference on the Middle East. It cannot, therefore, be said to be an "obstacle" on the path to peace, except, of course, if the obstacle is interpreted in the sense that the basic prerequisites for peace called for in the draft "Urges the parties to the conflict and all other interested parties to work towards the achievement of a comprehensive settlement covering all aspects of the problem and worked out with the participation of all parties concerned ...". 90. If everyone in this Assembly co-operated with the Security Council and the Secretary-General in order to secure the implementation of the operative paragraphs of this draft resolution in their entirety it would prove beyond any doubt that this is not a "barrier to the prospects for peace". . 91. It now lies with Israel to respond appropriately, with an equally bold venture, to that dramatic Arab move, which was certainly nothing less than a recognition of the existence of the State of Israel in the area. It is important to note here also that the very desire and agreement of the PLO to participate in the Geneva Conference, at which Israel will be present, constitutes de facto recognition of the State of Israel. President EI-Sadat did not mince matters in Jerusalem. The object ofhis mission was made very clear. It would seem to my delegation, therefore, that the ball is in Israel's court. 92. What should Israel's response be: to abandon negotia- tions, .to restore the Arab lands, to withdraw from some Arab lands before the Geneva Conference, to accept the representation of the PLO in the peace talks? Let Israel decide. The delegation of Sierra Leone urges Israel to take the hand at last outstrefched to it in peace and to follow up the emotions of last week-end with action this week-end.

A solution of the Middle East problem remains today the most critical test of the credibility and viability of the world community of nations. It is no more and no less than a fundamental challenge to the validity of the principles and norms enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, the constitution that governs our international society. The objective application of the basic tenets of the Charter to this problem will determine whether that document remains an impractical ideal or a solid foundation for welding the peace, security and well-being of nations-in short, the touchstone to distinguish between right and might, between justice and the manipulation of Powers. 94. For 30 years the United Nations has grappled with the Middle East problem, seeking to cure what it had itself failed to prevent-the virtual imposition of an alien people on the Arab world through the creation of Israel. In the resulting turmoil the search for peace has remained as ephemeral as a mirage in that part of the world. No other problem has provoked so much thought, wl1eashed so much indignation or polarized to such a degree the emotions of nations and individuals alike. But, beyond the contra- dictions, the intrigues, th~. bitter ironies and the brutal 95. As the Secretary-General has pointed out: "... the current year came in with a widespread feeling that real progress towards a peaceful solution might be 2t hand. The desire for peace had never been more clearly expressed on all sides in recent years. There was a climate of moderation and reasonableness which appeared to favour the efforts of the United Nations, the Co-Chair- men of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East and others concerned with helping the parties to move forward to a just and peaceful settlement." [See A/32/1, sect IlL] 96. Despite the varying interpretations of the tumultuous events of the recent past, for gc 1 or ill, Bangladesh is convinced that we should not reverse the process of the psychological momentum towards peace now generated. It is the duty of all States to forge ahead constructively and to work towards the future to which the peoples of this region aspire. It is our belief that, in charting the course towards a viable solution, each nation must pronounce itself individ- ually upon the essentials of such a solution, in the light of all existing facts, so that a combination of the views of all countries may constitute the objective will of the inter- national community and provide the essential framework for meaningful negotiations. 97. Bangladesh's stand on the Middle East question is unequivocal and consistent; it is not based on political expediency or mere solidarity, but on our firm belief in the principles enshrined in the Charter. It is founded on our enduring commitment to the cause of oppressed peoples everywhere struggling tu free themselves from the bondage of colonialism, aggression and exploitation and to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination, freedom and political independence. It is rooted in the ideals of tolerance and the conviction that men and women of all religions and all races can live together in an environment of peace, justice and equality. It is geared to uphold the right of every people freely to determine and build its own social, economic and political system by ways and means of its own free choice. 98.. To this end, Bangladesh views the essentials of any meaningful peace plan in the Middle East as a compasite whole or as a comprehensive settlement, each part of which is integrally related to the other. 99. It is now universally recognized that the central core of the Middle East question, the cause and essence of the problem, is the question of the legitimate rights and aspirations of the Palestinian people. 101. It was not until 1974 that the General Assembly, after a quarter-century of diffuse and piecemeal delibera- tions on the problem of Palestine, finally dealt with the question in its totality, encompassing all aspects-historical, political and juridical. By an overwhelming endorsement, in the adoption of resolution 3236 (XXIX), the Assembly recognized the right of the Palestinian people to present their own case and participate in the deliberations through their own duly acknowledged representatives, namely, the PLO-representatives who have secured for the PLO such specific recognition as full membership in the non-aligned conferences, the Islamie Conference and the League of Arab States, and through General Assembly resolution 3237 (XXIX) the status of permanent observer with the unprecedented right to participate in sessions of the General Assembly and all conferences convened by it. 102. Today, there can be no doubt that the people of Palestine are a definite political entity. To ignore their presence is to discount a reality recognized by the overwhelming majority of States and indeed by all man- kind. To dismiss their cause and their existence would have incalculable consequences for a Middle East peace. 103. Thus the fundamental element-the keystone of a durable and permanent Middle East peace-is the ensuring of the rights of the Palestinian people in Palestine to self-determination, national independence and sovereignty and the right of the Palestinians to return to their homes and property, from which they have been displaced and uprooted. It follows, therefore, that the Palestinian people are and must remain a principal party to any Middle East peace settlement. The question as to who will represent the people of Palestine at the talks is a question that has been resolved by the Palestinian people themselves. It cannot be subject to imposition by Israel or, for that matter, by the international community, which can only acknowledge it. What remains to be !ietermined at a peace conference is the establishment of a Palestinian State and the territory over which it would extend. 104. The seco~d basic imperative for a permanent peace settlement concerns the occupied territories. The main- tenance of the present status quo is untenable. It is 105. It is not our intention here to enter in depth into the degree and scale to which Israel has violated the human rights of inhabitants of the occupied territories. That has already been the subject of discussion elsewhere. Suffice it to say that international law considers occupation to be a temporary, a provisional, situation. Howeve~': hrael has remained in these lands now for a full 10 year,:; ;::md has been taking measures of a permanent nature th1,:'Ugh the pursuit of a policy incompatible with its obligations as an occupying Power. 106. It follows, therefore, that the second essential premise for a Middle East settlement is the vacation of all territories occupied by Israel since June 1967. Such a step is only logical under existing international law. It is not subject to compromise. It cannot brook ex.ception, for the consequences of such an exception would make a mockery of the most fundamental of Charter injunctions, that is, the rejection of the acquisition of territory by force. 107. The third intrinsic element for any comprehensive programme i'c!' peace is the status of the holy city of Jerusalem. This, as is well known, touches on the suscepti- bilities not only of Arab nations but the entire Moslem community of 800 million people, and beyond to hundreds of millions of Christians. 108. Jerusalem symbolizes the roots of three of the world's greatest religions and embraces the spiritual and intellectual contribution of more than two thirds of mankind. It remains a permanent edifice to the coexistence, unity and tolerance of timeless generations of believers. 109. Bangluuesh believes that these are the three funda- mental foundations for a Middle East settlement and constitute the content and substance of a peace with justice. Without their fulfilment a comprehensive peace will remain ephemeral. Given the preponderance of its own military might, given the backing of others to shore up its defences, Israel's demand for security at the expense of others cannot be the basis of either peace or justice. 110. Recent events have clearly underscored that tbe onus lies very much on Israel to demonstrate that essential change of attitude that the Secretary-General referred to as being necessary for going beyond mere procedural means and breaking down the barriers of distrust, fear and lack of confidence. The choice now squarely rests with Israel: whether to move urgently along a realistic path to a durable and just peace through 'timely and forthright action or, by failing to do w, to open up the abyss of conflict and global conflagration. As the Constitution of UNESCO so aptly declared: "... That since wars begin in the minds ofmen, it is in the minds of men that the defences of peace must be constructed". 111. In conclusion, Bangladesh, which is a sponsor of draft i'escbtifJU A/32jL.38 and Add.1 and 2, commends it for 1he approval ofthe General Assembly.

For decades the General Assembly of the United Nations has heen meeting at least once a year to discuss the problem of the Middle East. Throughout all this time it has done its best to bring this problem out of an impasse in which it has become more and more entrenched with every passing year. There have been all kinds of appeals and invitations for a peaceful course of action to be followed in order to spare the world the dangers arising from the instability in the area. However, after every General Assembly session, the situation seems to grow worse and become more dangerous. General Assembly resolutions have not met with the response that they should have found and have not been implemented in an appropriate manner. If we reconsider those tests, we will see that rejection has always come from one side, certainly not the Arab side. I say "certainly" because those resolutions on the problem guided us in the direction of peace, and the Arab countries have always been in favour of peace. Theirs has never been a philosophy of war or aggression. They have always endeavoured to defend their lives and recu- perate their usurped rights. So it has been that the Arab States have not feared peace. Never have they felt any fear of peace. But the other side has put obstacles in the way of 113. Violent confrC\ntation, however, has not produced the results expected by Israel. Neither the 1948 war, nor the 1956 war, nor the 1967 war, nor the last stage of the 1973 war, has brought Israel real security or tranquillity. Neither expansionism nor the establishment of settler colonies has guaranteed a decent future for Israel. Neither the distortion of the Palestinian entity nor individual interpretations of that entity have been useful. That has led to a loss of time; it has led to the loss of many innocent lives; and indeed it has delayed the arrival of that just peace, which 'is in fact inevitable sooner or later. 114. But these experiences, in spite of their negative aspects of the problem, have brought certain positive elements. They have shown that the methods followed thus far in dealing with the problem have not led to any result and that violence has not been successful. Aggression can be deterred by force, but also a just and lasting peace can be brought about without resorting to war. However that may be, experience has shown that a new approach must be taken to the problem and new efforts- be made. That explains perhaps why world public opinion fmds the general picture of the situation in the Middle East rather monotonous, and it is tired of that monotony. Perhaps that also explains why the world is anxious to find some way of getting this problem out of th~ vicious circle in which it is locked, needlessly, especially since the atmosphere that prevails at th'" present time seems to be moving toward peace and confrontation. 115. May! remind the Assembly that Tunisia is faithful to the principle that rights in the Middle East need tu be defended and that the Arab peoples and countries must be protected in their just struggle. However, we have con- stantly recommended that :iherence to principles should be matched with a flexible approach to problems and that realism should be shown. 116. I shall not review what President Bourguiba said to the Anglo-American Commission of Inquiry which went to Cairo before Israel was created. I shall not remind the Assembly ofhis historic speech in Jericho in 1965, when he tried to open people's minds to acceptance of the United Nations resolution on pa :ition and the fact of Israel's existence. Nor shall I remind the Assembly ofhis speech at the First Ct:nference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Belgrade in 1961, when he advocated that a just solution be found. Those speeches outlined a position which has been constantly followed by Tunisia and which guided the Foreign Minister of Tunisia when he spoke in the General Assembly here on 4 October last [19th meeting}, aftj when he paid a tribute to the efforts of certain ffikjor Powers and their contribution to a settlement of the problem of the Middle East, and he st:pported any sincere initiative towards that end. 118. First, there should be complete withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories, including Arab Jerusalem; and, secondly, there should be recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to create an independent State and their right to self-determination and, for that purpose, to a dialogue with their real representatives, the leaders of the PLO. 119. The Tunisian Government considers that coexistence between Israel and its neighbours can be soundly based only if that State abandons its spirit of domination and expansionism. 120. During the past week an important meeting of the Foreign Ministers of Arab countries took place at Tunis. The latest events in the area have made it impossible to derive direct benefit from 11le work of that meeting. However, it would be useful to remind the Assembly that its resolutions exist. and provide a framework within which any initiative concerning the area should take place. The communique of that conference explained that the Arab nation welcomes a new stage of effective common Arab action and welcomes the consolidation of sincere efforts to bring about a just peace in the area so that all eventualities may be dealt will.. in a manner serving the interests of the Arab nation. 121. In keeping with the resolutions of that meeting, I wish to reaffirm tr•.1t the Tunisian Government believes that any political action for peace should be based on two principles: complete withdrawal from occupied Arab terri- tories and guarantees for the national rights of the Palestinian People, includmg their right to return, their right to self-determination and their right to the creation of their independent State-which requires recognition of the right of the PLO to play its role to the ft,1l in the area of political action. 122. We believe that the problem of the Middle East is one and indivisible, and that all attempts to divide it up or to defme it as a bilateral conflict betw~en Israel and each Arab country should be abandoned. 123. If we reconsider the speeches that we ha .~ heard here we will not fmd one that has neglected the word "peace" or the question of peace. That is irrefutable proof that world public opinion has clearly chos~m a certain COllrse of action and t"as chosen one particular aspect of the solution. My country has always adopted the same position, but we consider that peace cannot be established and become lasting if it is not just and honourable-otherwise it would be to the detriment of one of the parties and could humiliate one of them. 124. Th~ various aspects of that just peace are well known to everyone: there must be withdrawal from the territory of others; the legitimate rights of the Palestinians should be recognized; exchange of guarantees among all the countries of the area should take place with respect for the 125. My Government hopes that those with goodwill, both within and outside the United Nations, will get together and that the major Powers will make a concerted effort to see to it that what the whole world desires-to see peace restored-will become a reality, that the picture of the area will change and that each one will take positive action in the service of all mankind.

Before I make my statement on the item before us, I should like to express, on behalf of the delegation of Botswana, our condolences to the Government and people of India on the vast loss ofhuman life and property resulting from the tidal wave that hit the south coast of India. We can only hope that the inter- national community will rally b2hind the people of that great country in this hour of their greatest need~ 127. The question of the Middle East has been on the agenda of the General Assembly for quite some time now. That unfortunate region of our world has not e.njoyed peace and tranquillity for a very long time. There have been four major wars which, instead of resolving the problems of that area, have created bitterness, suspicion and mistrust anlOng those involved in the conflict-bitterness and mis- trust that have contributed to frustrating the efforts made to find a just and lasting peace in that region. 128. The continued tension in the area now poses a great threat to international peace and security. Unless a speedy solution is found, the conflict could easily spill over the confines of the Middle East and involve others outside the area, thus turning a local conflict into a widespread catastrophe of major proportions. Local as it is, it is bad ~Jl0ugh; it would be still worse if it were internationalized. 129. My delegation believes that peace in the Middle East will be achieved only when the real issues of the conflict are tackled. The crux of the Middle East problem is the question of the Palestinians. The Palestinians must be enabled to realize their legitimate md inalienable right to self-determination and independence. 130. For a long time now we have concerned ourselves largely with the refugee problem. Very important though that is-because those people must be enabled to live as best they can under very trying conditions-the real answer is not that of catering for refugees; rather, we should address ourselves to the essential question, namely, how to realize the legitimate rights of a people rendered homeless as a result of the partitioning ofPalestine. At the moment more than 3 million Palestini~.,s are homeless and live in refugee camps in neighbOUring countries and beyond. Those camps are frequent targets of rnilital)' assaults and political outbursts not conducive to normal life and stability. Women and children are often dispiaced from their tem- porary homes by events over which they have no control whatsoever. There is a genuine yearning for peace and justice among those people who have experienced genera- tions of suffering. 132. There seems to be a tendency to deal with peripheral issues whenever the problem of the Middle East is tackled. This, unfortunately, is a short-sighted approach, which can only postpone a genuine solution and thus bring yet closer the day of confrontation which we all seek to avoid. . 133. It is important, therefore, that all efforts to fmd a peaceful solution to the problem should aim at a compre- hensive settlement whose main ccmponent will have to be the enabling of the Palestinians to exercise their right to self-determination, which can only be possible if a Pales- tinian homeland is created. The PLO, an organization recognized by the Arab League and the United Nations as the authentic representative of the Palestinian people, must be represented at any peace negotiations, if they are to be meaningful. 134. The continued occupation of Arab land by Israel is an obstacle on the path towards peace. Numerous resolu- tions have been passed by this body calling for the withdrawal of Israel from occupied Arab land, to no avail. My delegation believes. that the relevant United Nations resolutions, including Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (I973), should form the basis for a Middle East settlement. Israel must withdraw to its 1967 borders and live in peace with its Arab neighbour'.. At the same time, each State in the region should live in peace within recognized borders. Botswana recognizes Israel's right to exist as a sovereign State. We, do not, however, approve of the acquisition by Israel of Arab land by force of arms. We strictly adhere to the principle that the acquisition of territol)' by force on the part of anybody is inadmissible. 135. It is imperative that, while the search for peace is afoot, all actions aimed at presenting the international community with faits accomplis should be avoided. I have in mind here the creation of Jewish settlements on occupied Arab Territory. This illegal action can only create further bitterness and suspicion. There are numerous instances of violent resistance to the new settlements in the occupied territories. The illegitimacy of these settlements will always be a source of instability. This also shows that Israel is not prepared to withdraw to its 1967 borders. Such action can be a serious obstacle to peace and hence should not be allowed to continue or to recur. Unfortunately, the deliberate Israeli attempt to change the demographic structure of the occupied t~rritories by displacing people from their homes and adding new Jewish settlements exhibits lack of good faith on the part of Israel. We call upon Israel to desist from such actions. 136. We call for the convening of the Geneva Peace Conference as soon as possible, and urge the parties involved to make evel)' effort to iron out procedural obstacles and to get down to substantive peace negotia- tions. Let us not allow procedural matters to stand in the 138. But all these meritorious efforts will not succeed unless all the parties to the dispute co-operate fully in the search for peace, and fruitful co-operation can only be within the framework establishe,l by the United Nations in its numerous decisions on this issu':'. 139. W~thin the fra-lllework established by it'" United Nations, llotswana would welcome any irlitiatives atmed at fmding a solution to the problem of the Middle East. The value of any -such initiatives will, of course. ultimately be proved by whether or not they achieve what we all desire-a durable peace in the Middle East, a peace which will enable all the people of the Middle East to feel secure and thus be enabled to channel their human and material resources into the social and economic development of that very impor- tant region of the world.

Mr. President, the salient feature of the situation in the Middle East today is the intensification of the search for peace. This is not only in response to the resolutions of the United N--:tions; it is also in response to the deepest aspirat _Ins of the peoples of the Middle East and indeed to the dt.epest aspirations of the international community as a whole. It is the view of the Finnish Government that all avenues leading to peace should be used; none should be left unexplored. 141. In last year's debate on the Middle East, 1977 was described as the year of peace. But the road towards peace has continued to be paved with obstacles. At times these obstacles have seemed insurmountable. 142. The roots of these obstacles are in the 30 years of war, violence and bloodshed in the area. This time, however, there are signs that give reason to hope. A comprehensive solution through the early convening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations and the two Co-Chairmen of the Conference, the United States of America and the Soviet Union, might become possible in the near future. 143. The groundwork for these developments was laid by the Secretary-General's visit to the Middle East in February. The principal political conclusion of the Secretary-General was that changes of attitudes on all sides were ~.~~essary. He went on to say that these should involve mutua! recognition of the legitimacy of the claims of the different parties in suitable forms and adequate guarantees, as well as an effort on all sides to defme more clearly the shape of an ultimate peace settlemer.:c in the MiddL ~ast [see A/32/240 para. 4}. We share these views. 144. It is in the same spirit tliat the Finnish Government welcomes the efforts of the United States and the Soviet 145. The Finnish Government for its part welcomes eVl£j constructive effort to move the Middle East towards a peaceful solution. It is in this perspective that we see the rect::1t visit of President Anwar EI-Sz.dat of Egypt to Israel. It is, of course, as yet too early to assess the full significance of that visit. 146. On the substance of the que~tion of the Middle East the position of the Finnish Government is well known and re:aains the same. We consider that the political sclutic n of the Middle East con~ict shouid be based on S~=:'::lty Council resolutions 21-2 (1967) and 338 (!973). Furthermore, provisEon must be made for the legitimate rights of tt~ Palestinians, including t.~eil ri~ht to naticnall self-deteIT!:.12tion. The acquisitil)n of terrlLory by force is inadmissible _. and lisrael must therefore withjr~w fi'(C' the Arab territodes it occupie~ in 1967. Likewise, it is imperative that the right of Israel and ail other State:: of tnc area tc. exist withi.11 secure and r;o{'ognized borders 11e guaranteed. 147. The Govemr.lent of f inla.'1d has concurred :.1 the decisions of the United Nation.~ w~lic:. deciaff> ~he policy (If the Governmer.-:: of Israel with regard to settlements fn cccufied territori~s unacce:>table. We do so because th~se policies not odr are illegal bUt i-ut obstacles "11 tLe W<?; of peace by complicating the Israeli T;':ithdrav:al fran: th~ cccupied ter:itories. These measures shc..:hi therefC'fe be abGndoned. 148. While the search for peace goes on! the tranquillity in the area must be preserved. This makes United Nations peace-keeping operations in the Middle East an essential component in the sear~h ..Jr a campre :1._.e settlement. While Finland will continue to contribute to the United Nations peace-keeping operations in the Middle East by maintaining a sizeable contingent of troops, we are as aware as anyone that peace-keeping can never be an end in itself. Thus it is of vital importance that the presence of the United Nations peace-keeping forces be fully utilized by the parties for peace-making. 149. I now turn to the draft resolution on the situation in the Middle East [A/32/L.38 and Add.] and 2J. My delegation will be able to support that draft resolut:on, despite the reservations it has on some of its parts, in particular the condemnatory language in operative para- graph 1. We do this in the conviction that the draft resolution will further the early convening of the Peace Conference on the Middle East with the participation of all tlIe parties concerned and therefore the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the region. 150. Th~ affirmative vote of the Finnish delegation must not be construed in any way as a departure from the well-known position of Finland on the question of Middle East. Consequently, the delegation of Finland understands the text of operative paragraph 2 as a firm recognition of \ 151. Mr. MAGONGO (Swaziland): My delegation's inter- vention in this historic debate en the Middle East question comes very late and I shall therefore not pronounce on each and every point. The in-depth analysis of the issue has been eloquently and most ably articulated by the speakers who have preceded file. My late contribution has, however, afforded me the advantage of assessing the general trends; my aim will be simply to highlight the essential elements and state my delegation's position. 152. In our assess-:""ant of the debate, it would seem there is a meeting of minds among almost all delegations that the r~rties to the Middle East contlict should be encouraged to _"":lbark an a course of solving the dispute by peaceful ~eans. r would have failed in my duty if I had not ~.ssociated my r.ountry with !Pis noble thirlking, based on dle rririciples of the United Nations Charter. Like most representatives w:_::J have addressed this forum before me, I wish to P']t 00 re:"Jrd that It IS His Majesty's Govel~ment's sincere desire to see the resumption of the Genev2 peace talks on tl'e Middle E:;.r,t Mr. Mojsov (Y:..tgaslav!a IresUr-:zed the Chair. 153. Wc in Swaziland have made it our tradition to support and encourage moves whose essential thrust is to promote a peaceful exchange of views. We believe that issues can best be resolved in an atmosphere of mutual trust and of respect for each other's point of view. Unless this state of r.lind is developed among the parties to a conflict, no amount of rhetoric can influence the political will of any party to a dispute. My delegation is inclined to assume that the Middle East contestants are entering or approach- ing such a plane of mutual respect for each other. We pray that all parties concerned shouid enter Geneva on the same mental wave length, which should be characterized by the determination to solve this dp-cades-Iong crisis that threatens international peace and security. 154. My delegation has also listened attentively to this debate and has detected that there is a wide and cross- sectional view that the Palestinian question is at the centre of the Middle East crisis and that the Palestinian people should participate. in the coming Peace Conference in Geneva. 155. My delegation is also of the OpInIOn that the Palestinian question constitutes an important and crucial element in this conflict. It is our earnest wish that all parties should arrive at an agreement on how to approach this issue. My delegation appeals to the parties to put behind them the era of the verbal dart game that has been played over the years and move towards serious substantive negotiations. This Assembly could help by ignoring the excitement ofkeeping the verbal dart gam~ score-board. We may derive some excitement from seeing who scores the highest, but this exercise is not conducive to the peaceful initiatives in train. 157. In this regard, my delegation simply reiterates its adherence to the nf)ble principles of the United Nations Chart~r, which Qiscourages the practice of using force as an instrument to a~qliire territories. This principle is reflected h"! the second preambular paragraph of Security Council resolution 242 (I967), which emphasizes "the inadmis- sibility of the acquisithm of territory by war mid the need to work for a just and lasting peace in which every State in the area can live in security". 158. The need for Israel to withdraw from the occupied territories has been balanced by the recognition of the importance for Israel to live within secure ~1nd recogniZed boundaries. The historic and dramatic even~s of the past few d:lys have demonstrated beyond any sha'1ow of a doubt not (ljlly that Israel's existence has been accepted by Israel's neighbour but also that Israel has been guaranteed a safe and secure future without wars or "the nJ~~ours of wars". 159. Ours has always been an even-handed approach to this issue. We support the just and inalienable rights of both the Israelis and the Palestinian people. Both have a right to exist within secure and defmed boundaries. In saying 1:lhs, we do not claim or profess to be able exponents of this complex issue, nor do we desire to engage in heated cross-talk, which, in our humble opinion, is not conducive to the creation of the atmosphere ne ~essary for effective negotiations. Our balanced approach is born of a genuine desire for justice and fairness t.o all the parties in the region. i60. In conclusion, may I once again state my delegation's commitment to the promotion of peaceful initiatives. In our view, draft resolution A/32/L.38 contains a very important, indeed an overriding, element-the call for the early convening of the Peace Conference on the Middle East. We support this call because it is in Geneva that the parties will have an opportunity to reaffirm their desire for, and to conclude, a just and lasting peace settlement in that region, under which all the countries and peoples concerned would be able to live within recognized and secure bo:mdaries. But, owing to difficulties in communications with my Government, my delegation has not yet received instructions, and therefore we shall not be able to parti- cipate in the voting. That should not, '.:Jw~ver, be wrongly interpreted: the people of Swaziland have a sincere wish that peace and goodwill should prevail hi this biblical region.

The discussion of the question of the situation in the Middle East in all its aspects in the General Assembly is coming to an end. This discm:sion, undertaken on the initiative of the Arab r countries, and the consideration during the present session ~, of certain individual aspects of the Middle East problem I; i:t testify to the fact that the United Nations clearly perceives ii the acute threat to general peace and international security If represented by the failure to settle the n.ost complicated h 162. The situation W. the Middle East is becoming ever. more ~xplosive becau'.le of the continuing am~s build-up by Israel and its cruel policy of occupation of the A:ab lands it has seized. A great deal of combustible material has been accumulater! in that part of the world, and if there is a new outbreak of hostilities, no one can tell how it will all end. All this makes it especially necessary to adopt decisive measures towards a political settlement in the Middle East. 163. Speaking in the present debate, representatives have rightly noted that a lasting peace in the Middle East can be attained only on the basis of a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East problem in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter and the decisions of our Organization, and with the participation of all the parties . directly involved in the conflict. The need has also been stressed here for intensified efforts towards a speedy resumption of the work of the Geneva Peace Conference, the only international machinery ~specially established for the attainment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. 164. The Soviet Union's position of principle on the questions relating to a Middle East settlement is well known to Members of the United Nations. It is a consistent position and it is not influenced by changes that may occur from day to day or by individual events, even if outwardly such events may seem rather spectacular. This position has been repeatedly set forth in statements by th.: General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Comnde Brezhnev. It was again stated in the address by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, Comrade C~omyko, at the 8th plenary meeting of the General Assembly, on 27 September this year. The delegation of the Soviet Union has had an opportunity to confirm this position in its statements at the present session of the General Assembly during the con- sideration ofvarious aspects of the Middle East problem. 165. The Soviet Union is in favour of a comprehensive settlement in the Middle East. Its proposals in this respect are balanced and honest. They were set out, in particular, in the address by Comrade Brezhnev on 22 March this year to the Sixteenth Congress of Trade Unions of the USSR. They reflect the thinking of the Soviet Union, as a Co-Chairman of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East and as a State situated in direct proximity to the Middle East region, on the main principles, and directions of a future peaceful settlement in that region. They may be summed , up as follows. 166. A comprehensive political settlement of the Middle East conflict can and must be attained on the basis of the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war and on the basis of the right of all the States of that part of the world to an independent existence and to security under reliable international guarantees. The inalienable rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including its right to self-determination and to the establishment of 167. The peace documents might provide for the establish- ment, with the agreement of the States involved, of demilitarized zones on both sides of the frontiers. Within these zones either a United Nations emergency force or United Nations observers could be stationed for a clearly defmed period of time. 168. The implementation of the conditions of a peace settlement could be guaranteed, if the contracting parties so wished, by the Security Council, or possibly by individual Powers-for example, the Soviet Union, the United States, France and the United Kingdom. 169. In connexion with a peace settlement in the Middle East, the States involved might consider the question of working for the cessation of the arms race in that part of the world. 170. The way to the attainment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East lies only through the Geneva Peace Conference, at which the fmal peace treaties must be worked out and adopted by all the participants in the Middle East conflict. ' 171. The Soviet Union believed and still believes that there must be full participation in the Conference by all the parties directly involved in the conflict. This applies fully, of course, to the representatives of the PLO. 172. We are against any separate de31s concluded without the particjpation of any of the direct participants in the Middle East conflict. Such deals do not, and indeed cannot, lead to a lasting settlement in the Middle East. They r.an only complicate the search for such a settlement. 173. The speedy resumption of the wOlk of the Confer- ence with a view to attaining a comprehensive political settlement in the Middle East is becoming an increasingly pressing matter. In this connexion, the Soviet Union would Wee to note the positive significance of the joint Soviet- United States statement on the Middle East dated 1 October 1977. As the Assembly knows, this statement stresses that the 80viet Union and the United States believe that the only right and effective way for achieving a fundamental solution to all aspects of the Middle East problem in its entirety is negotiations within the framework of the Geneva Peace Conference, specially convened for that purpose, with participation in its work of all the parties involved in the conflict. In that statement the USSR and the United States, as Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Peace Conference, affirmed their intention through joint efforts and in their contacts with the parties concerned to facilitate in every way the speedy resumption of the Conference. The statement contains the agreed positions of the two Cc- 175. It is clear that a peace built on aggression and the annexation of foreign land cannot be a just one, and that means that neither can it be a lasting one. 176. On 27 September this year, speaking from this rostrum, the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union declared once again: H ••• we have been and remain advocates of the just cause of the Arabs, whose lands have been unlawfully taken away and are still retained by force of anns. Those lands must be returned unconditionally to the Arab peoples." And the Foreign Minister added: "But if there is any need to reiterate once more that Israel has a right to exist as an independent and sovereign State in the Middle East, then on behalf of the Soviet leadership, I say again that we have always adhered and will continue to adhere to precisely that line. So why should Israel not take advantage of the opportunity that presents itself and agree to a genuinely just settlement in the Middle East? That would, after all, be in its own national interests also". [8th meeting, paras. 141 and 142.J These words are particularly timely right now. 177. No peace can be just, and consequently lasting, if it ignores the vital interests of any State or people in the Middle East. This applies chiefly to the Arab people of Palestine, which is waging a courageous struggle for the establishment of its own State. It also applies to all other peoples of that region. They all have the right to national independence and a secure existence. 178. The delegation of the Soviet Union has carefully studied the dra\:t resolution on this item submitted by a number of non-aligned countries [A/32/L.38 and Add.1 and 2J, and it has decided to support it.

More than 10 years have passed since the conclusion of the June 1967 war, yet Israel continues to occupy the territories of its Arab neighbours. More than three decades have passed since the Arab people of Palestine were deprived of their inalienable national rights, and this situation has not improved in the slightest in recent years. The General Assembly, year after year, has debated the situation in the Middle East and has considered the question of Palestine, defining the criteria and principles that should guide the search for C! solution of the conflict that has prevailed in that part of the world. Yet it has not been possible to take finn strides towards a fmal and lasting settlement, one that is in accordance with the Charter's principles and the rights of all peoples of the area. 181. These intrigues and manoeuvres are aimed, above all, at creating division among the Arab peoples and isolating the Palestinian people, their legitimate representatives, the PLO, and the other Governments and progressive forces_ within the Arab world. They are designed also to separate the Arab peoples from their Ilatural allies, the countries of the socialist community, the non-aligned countries and the progressive forces of the world. 182. Imperialism on the one hand gives the Israeli aggres- sors its full political, military and fmancial support and on the other hand tries to frustrate the struggie of the Arab peoples by so-called partial solutions designed to conceal the roots of the Middle East conflict and to prevent the achievement ofglobal and permanent solutions. 183. The conflict which this Organization has been con- sidering for so long now cannot be resolved in this way. Only if there is a clearly anti-imperialist approac!l, which puts the struggle of the Arab peoples to recover their territories illegally usurped by Israel and the,struggle of the Palestinian people to exercise its national rib-~.ts in its true perspective within the framework of the general struggle of the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America against colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism, will it be possible to establish a succe -<'ful strategy leading to the victory of the Arab peoples and eliminating the conse- quences of the aggression against them. 184. My delegation believes that in the present circum- stances the only way to encourage the diplomatic process which can lead to a just settlement of this conflict is to mobilize the resources of the United Nations, in particular by means of the speedy convening of the Geneva Confer- ence, in which all the parties concerned, including the PLO, must participate on an equal footing. 185. For these reasons, my delegation has joined other delegations in submitting draft resolution A/32/L.38 and Add.l and 2, which was introduced in the Assembly a few days ago by the Pennanent Representative of Sri Lanka. We are confident that the Assembly will give the draft resolution its strong support and that it will serve to promote efforts to re-establish peace in the Middle East and to create conditions which will guarantee a peaceful and secure existeIlce for all the peoples of tPat region.

I should like to explain briefly the attitude of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya on the agenda item 188. It is clear that resolution 242 (1967) has been overtaken by events and thus cannot serve as a fair basis for the solution of the problem of the Middle East, especially as that is in truth, in its very essence, the problem of Palestine. Resolution 242 (1967) provides no solution to the problem of Palestine because it views that problem as one of refugees. Above all, it has been overtaken by the developments which have occurred since its adoption both in the region and the occupied territories, and in the 6eneral Assembly and the various United Nations bodies. 189. The whole world has recognized the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. It has also recognized that the PLO is the sole legitimate representative of the struggling Palestinian people. Similarly, in the General Assembly as in the other organs of the United Nations, and in regional and other institutions, the principle of the participation of the Palestinian people, represented by the PLO, in all the international bodies or conferences in which the problem of the Palestinian people is considered has been approved. I repeat that in this Assembly, as at various levels in international bodies and organizations, other resolutions have been adopted, all of which condemn zionism as a fonn of racism and the Zionist entity as a base of imperialism, colonialism and destructive reaction in Africa and the Middle East, and above all within the framework of the co-operation which has been established between zionism and the racist minority regimes in southern Africa. 190. However, there recently took place in the region a serious event that was prepared and arranged in the reactionary-imperialist movement, which is spreading in the whole of the region. That is what has compelled me to spe~ here briefly on what has happened in Jerusalem, in occupied Palestinian territory, on an event which cannot be viewed as anything but part of the joint Zionist-imperialist plan. We can see no distinction between what happened there and the plots in South Africa, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Benin. Similar intrigues are happening in Inany parts of the Middle East, and in the Arab and the African countries. 191. The forces of reaction and imperialism have learned the lessons of history and they know that their mortal enemies are the national liberation movements, the pro- gressive peoples' forces and the democratic forces. That is why they have decided together to destroy those forces, especially after the hard lessons that ~hey learned and the rebuff that they suffered in Viet Nam, Mozambique, Angola and elsewhere. 192. Unfortunately, in our region these were those who were willing to play the role assigned to them. Much too much is sought in our area. The most important of these goals are, first, the establishment and strengthening of the 193. It became evident that the visit that took place in occupied Jerusalem, in the occupied·territory was certainly not a sudden decision nor a specific reaction, as some would have had us believe at first so as to simplify matters. It was part of a previously agreed plan arising out of contacts among third parties known to all, and who advocated that action, so dangerous for the region. 194. When we speak on this question we speak very briefly, because the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has already fully explained its views and our position is well known. Therefore, when I speak in this Assembly from this rostrum I can confine myself to repeating that we shall not swerve from the policy that we have established, which is not to deal with African and Arab differences here in the United Nations, because we have our own means of settling them. We know that the battle being waged by the Arabs will take place in the Arab lands. It \vill be waged by the Arab people and will end in victory and liberation, progress and unity. 195. Nevertheless, we do have an obligation to speak, even if briefly and at this late hour, in order to explain our attitude, especially since such a serious decision as the one that was taken and the contacts that were made might give the impression that an Arab position has been taken, or that the attitude adopted was approved by the Arabs, as certain information and propaganda media would like us to believe. We repeat that what happened represents an isolated decision, the decision of one leader who did not take the advice of those dose to him and who certainly did not have the advice or the support of the Palestinian people, the people primarily concerned, or ipdeed of the true representatives of thtit people or of other Arab leaders. That is a truth which President El-Sadat himself stated, namely, that he alone took that decision, without asking the advice of any Minister in Egypt or anyone outside Egypt. That decision was taken with the advice of non-Arabs, naturally after c.eliberations and preparations. 196. We should like to make it clear that in indicating our objection on behalf of the Arab front which refuses to surrender we do not wish it to be understood that we are attacking Egypt or our Egyptian brothers, nor are we trying to preach to the great country of Egypt and its great people. In fact we ourselves are ready to take lessons from the great people of Egypt, lessons in nationalism and in sacrifice. That people has always been and always will be a 198. As I said, I will be brief when I speak of this problem. What happened was that the visit took place, harm has been done, and we are now going to try to put matters right and to repair the damage done. We consider this visit to be an Arab political defeat, imposed on us by the Zionist entity. We have suffered other military and political setbacks since the so-called State of Israel was created 30 years ago. But this does not mean that we have given up or that we are laying down our weapons. This does not mean that we have lost the battle. We know that we an:: fighting against the racist Zionists and their imperialist allies or local allies, and that it is a long and bitter struggle. We feel certain that in the end we shall win. 199. But at the present time, following this visit, we must w~it for the reactions and the results, which have not all emerged as yet. And we, the Arab nations, and in particular the progressive democratic forces of the region, are again examining the situation. We are asking, sincerely and objectively, why this happened and why the President of the largest Arab State took such a decision, which is so serious for the destiny of the Arabs. It is certain that these questions that we are putting, if they are considered objectively, will produce some results. We may be among the optimists who think that what has happened might turn out for the best. 200. Perhaps the resistance forces in the Arab nation, the force of rejection, the force of progress, the democratic force, will, with the support of the progressive forces in the world, re,;nite to perform the historic role which is expected of them. That is why, in spite of the feverish propaganda surrounding this visit and the distorted trans- mission of the reactions of certain Arab countries through the information media, whkh are dominated by impe- rialism, capitalism and zionism, we hope the world will not be misled. The cause is not over yet. The visit has just happened; the results are not yet known. We still have ahead of us both tile near and the distant future, when we shall see what will happen in our Arab region. 201. One could someday say: "What is the solution? You oppose and disapprove of the method and style of that visit. Does that mean that you are opposed to peace? In fact, we are not against peace in the region, and we are not against an equitable solution of the problem of Palestine, but what we would like to say is that we cannot dream of peace in the region so long as world zionism adheres to its initial theory, namely, the establishment of the Jewish State and the expulsion of the Arabs, and then the expulsion of still more Arabs from occupied Palestine in order to replace them by more immigrants from all corners of the world-in other words, the establishment of a State based on racist rules, that is, making out of a non-Jew. a second-class if not a third-class citizen. 203. We should like to emphasize that we are talking about zionism; we are referring to the racist Zionist theory and certainly not to the Jews. There are 150 million people in the Arab world. The Arab nation occupies one of the most important areas in the world. It extends from the Atlantic Ocean to the Indian Ocean. This nation is perfectly capable of haVing Jewish minorities. It can even absorb all the Jews of the world, should they be persecuted. But under no circumstances shall we permit any force to occupy any part of the Arab region, to expel its owners, to make refugees out of them and to establish a racist State. None of those present in this hall would accept such aggression against his own country. All States represented here have minorities, but if they were attacked from outside and a part of their territory were occupied on religious grounds or on flimsy historical grounds, they would certainly object. 204. When I speak of religious pretexts, I emphasize that the Zionist establishment is secular: it does not believe in religion, but is using religion as a means to deceive peoples and to delude public opinion, particularly in the United States of America and the Western world. The United States itself supports Israel financially and provides it with weapons, men, political and moral support. Had it not been for this continuous, unjust American support which knows no limit, this fake racist entity would have been unable to exist in our region. 205. My country, reacting against the initiative taken by Egypt, our brother country, has adopted certain measures. We have already announced them, as everyone here knows. However, I should like to underline here, that we are referring to the present Egyptian regime and our struggle is against that regime, and not against the Egyptian people. As I have already mentioned, we are brothers and we consider Egypt to be our country just as we consider our country to be their homeland.

The debate on the Middle East problem this year makes us ponder on this agonizing question. After many months of groping, why is there not yet in sight even a rough idea for a solution acceptable to all? What shall we do from now on? It is indeed painful to note that the continued stagnation-no war, yet no peace- in the region cruelly affects all the countries directly involved. This is a problem of grave concern for the United Nations. 207. In the light of such a situation, it is worth empha- sizing here the considered view of my Government 011 the issue, which is summarized as follows. The basis for attaining peace in the Middle East lies in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), plus the reaiization of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people under the 208. In recent months, sincere and unremitting efforts have been made in all quarters towards the reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference with the aim of producing a just and lasting solution of this long-drawnoout conflict. The recent visit of the President of Egypt to Jerusalem was a historic event in the negotiating process, and my delegation sincerely hopes that his visit will open a new path to negotiations for a just and lasting peace. Let us earnestly hope that this newly opened path will help remove obstacles and bring about new developments leading to a comprehensive solution of the problem. 214. Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) enunCiated two of the basic principles for a Middle East settlement. But the strategy adopted was gravely deficient in regard to the third and most important element, which dealt with the problem of the Palestinian people as though it was merely a problem of resettling refugees instead of one dealing with the legitimate rights and destiny of a nation thrown into disarray by the creation of Israel. The fallacious approach reflected in resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) has since been rectified, not in the Security Council, but in this Assembly as well as in the positions adopted by the international community, the major Powers and, indeed, by enlightened opinion within Israel itself. 210. My delegation feels that we are now at a particularly important and delicate moment. Therefore, it sincerely hopes that the debate on this item during the current session will be conducted in a constructive manner, with the sole concern of advancing the goal that we are already agreed on, and that the conclusion of our debate will serve to uphold constructive efforts in that direction and the conviction that peace can be achieved only through such constructive efforts. 209. Inas·much as all the parties directly concerned, in spite of the divergence in approach and prospect on how to make peace, seem not to be in disagreement on the early convening of the Geneva Peace Conference, my delegation ventures to appeal to all of them, as well as to the two countries that are Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Peace Conference, to make further efforts towards the early convening of the Peace Conference aimed at an over-all settlement of the conflict. If the efforts are made, my delegation believes that there exists a real possibility of such a meeting in the near future.

The long and chequered history of our deliberations on this subject has in no way diminished the importance of the issues involved or of the abatement of the emotions and agonies which they arouse. The purpose of our debate, as we see it, is to provide such impetus as we can to the efforts for a just and durable settlement of outstanding issues in the Middle East. 212. Pakistan is convinced that a sufficiently general consensus exists already on what should constitute the basic elements of a just and durable peace settlement in the Middle" East. These are: first, Israeli withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since 5 June 1967; secondly, recognition and vindication of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, induding their right to establish a State of their own on Palestinian soil; and, thirdly, due respect for the right of all the peoples and States of the region to live in peace and security. 215. The world has to contend with a new generation of Palestinians which has grown up homeless and stateless and which has nothing to fall back upon except despair and bitterness. The aspirations of this peuple are enduring and cannot be suppressed. There is now universal recognition that a just and durable peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved without securing satisfaction of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. These rights of the Palestinians have been defined in General Assembly reso- lution 3236 (XXIX) and subsequent resolutions adopted here on the Palestine question; they include their right to self-determination, to establish a State of their own in their homeland, and to return to their homes aHd properties or to receive compensation therefor. It is self-evident trat the ccncrete and peaceful fulfilment of these rights can be achieved through negotiations involving all the parties concerned. 216. Today we stand at a turning-point in the history of the Middle East. The attention of Governments, and of world public opinion, is focused on the possibilities for a break-through on the dispute. The prospects of success are more evident, and the consequences of possible failure more stark, now thafi ever before. 217. We are grateful to Secretary-General Waldheim for the efforts he has made in the past year, especially during 218. The recent diplomatic activity in the Middle East has culminated in the unprecedented visit of President EI-Sadat to Israel. Whether the outcome of this visit will be successful or not is something of a "great unknown" on which it is advisable that we reserve our judgement for the moment. All we can say, however, is that this "peace initiative" has not so far been matched by any tangible evidence of a willingness on the part of Israel to respond to the principal demands of the Arab parties to the dispute and to the imperatives of peace recognized by the world community. 219. Indeed, during the past 12 months Israel has re- mained impervious to the flexibility demonstrated by the Arab States on both the substantive and procedural issues. The extension of Israeli laws to the West Bank, the authorization of new settlements there, the references to the territory as "Judaea and Samaria" by Israeli leaders, have raised new obstacles in the way of reviving peace negotiations. 220. The onus for advancing the cause of peace now rests on Israel. It would be tragic for all concerned if Israel were to misconstrue recent developments merely as a tactical opportunity to be exploited for a short-term advantage rather than as a possibly unrepeatable opening to achieve a just and comprehensive settlement. Israel, we are con- strained to say in all sad sincerity, should remember that its security and survival depend ultimately, not on military superiority or the extension of its boundaries, but on the willing acceptance of its existence by all the Arab States and parties to the dispute including, and in particular, the Palestinian people. 221. Speaking in this debate yesterday [80th meeting). the representative of the United States urged that the momentum towards peace in the Middle East should be maintained. We welcome this desire. The United States and its people can make a signal contribution to this objective by utilizing their influence with Israel to urge it to take practical measures to respond to the demands of a just and durable peace in the Middle East. The international community expects that the Government of Israel will give some concrete expression of its willingness to withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories and to accept the re"Ezation of the legitimate rights and aspirations of the Palestinian people. 222. My delegation values the efforts designed to recon- vene as speedily as practicable the Geneva Peace Conference for the purpose of working out a just and comprehensive Middle East settlement. However, dialogue in itself cannot lead to the achievement of just and lasting peace unless at 223. A major obstacle at this stage is the refusal of Israel to agree to the participation of the legitimate represen- tatives of the Palestinian people-the PLO-in the nego· tiations Let us not forget that the status and legitimacy of the PLO as the Palestinian people's representative ha') been recognized by the General Assembly and the Security Council. Its representative character is attested to every day by Palestinians spread out both in the occupied territories and elsewhere. Israel can no longer evade the reality of the Palestinian people or of the PLO. My delegation shares th~ general belief that without the participation of the PLO peace negotiations will remain partial and, therefore, inconclusive. 224. Time is of the essence for peace in the Middle East today. Unless tangible movement is made towards a ~ust and equitable settlement, the threat to peace and security in the region will become imminent. A fourth _war in the Middle East would have grave consequences for the peoples of the region and throw the 'world into political and economic turmoil. We cannot contemplate the possibility of allowing any State or Government, merely for the sake of securing transient advantage or partisan sentiment, to place in jeopardy the well-being of all the peoples repre- sented in this Assembly. 225. The search for a settlem~nt in the Middle East, as elsewhere, can b~ likened to the movement of an object up a steep incline towards the pinnacle, where resides the dove of peace. If no progress is made towards the apex, the consequence is not merely failure in the conventional sense but a slide back to the depths, in many cases beyond any hope of redemption. History, as we know, can only move forward. It maintains a momentum of its own. The wheels of history have no brakes; nor can they be reversed. Though we may wish this so often, we cannot bid a yesterday to return. We must, therefore, learn to act before it is too late. For of old it has been said that on the face of every catastrophe that overtakes mankind are inscribed two tiny but terrible words: "Too Late".

My delegation's position on the Middle East problem has been fully stated in previous years. It is prompted by a desire for a just and durable solution based on the principles and purposes of the Charter and the specific resolutions of the United Nations on the subject. Our position, therefore, by its very nature, remains the same and unchanged. We may sum- marize it as follows: first, total respect for the principle of the inadmissibility of acquisition of territory by force; secondly, withdrawal of the Israeli armed forces from the territory occupied during the 1967 war; thirdly, respect for the right of the Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and lands; fourthly, recognition and respect of the right of the Palestinian people as a whole to national 227. The framework for a just and lasting solution based on these principles is provided by Security Council reso- lutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) which were adopted unanimously. We look forward to the convening of the Geneva Conference, with the participation of the PLO as the recognized representative of the Palestinian people. 228. We welcome the joint statement of 1 Octpber 1977 by the United States and the Soviet Union. It provides an outline for the Geneva Conference on the basis of United Nations resolutions, including the national rights of the Palestinian people, in accordance with the general recog- nition of such rights by the membership of the United Nations. 229. As to the representation of the Palestinian people, we hold, as already stated, that the PLO is their only legitimate representative. This has been confirmed by the 1974 Conference of Arab Heads of State or Government in Rabat, and in the General Assembly of the United Nations by its observer status in the Organization. 230. The participation, therefore, of the PLO in the Geneva Conference is indispensable for any progress to- wards solution of the problem. However,' the non-imple- mentation of United Nations resolutions, especially the resolutions of the Security Council, is the crux of the problem in this and in a number of other cases-more particularly, in cases where unanimous resolutions of the General Assembly on matters of international peace and security, fully endorsed by the Security Council and calling for the withdrawal ofthe invasion forces from the occupied territories, the cessation of intervention, and the return of the refugees to their homes remain wholly t:nimplemented, as in the case of Cyprus. 231. When the vital function of the United Nations thus fails to operate and when mandatory decisions of the Security Council remain without effect, it is a matter of serious concern, not only to the States involved but, more widely, to the United Nations itself as it affects the primary purpose of its establishment and its important function as the instrument of c~llective security and peace in the world. 232. By reason of this basic failing of the United Nations, problems cannot be peacefully settled through the Organi- zation. Neither can they be solved by war-as in the past-because the advent of the nuclear weapon has become the catalyst of war in our times. In this situation, we are still wjthout a substitute for war as a means of solving problemsJ for the United Nations does not function as it should. What it should do is to replace the solution of problems through war by the solution of problems by peaceful -means. Consequently, we now have necessarily abortive brush-fire wars and unduly abortive United Na- tions resolutions. As a result, problems remain and fester in an ever-deteriorating world situation which is between the 233. To that end, beyond the human intellect, the spirit of man must be brought into play. Only through his spirit can conciliation, understanding and co-operation come about and flower in the hearts and minds of the people concerned because it is from the people that the solutions will come-the people in these ancient and historic lands, who have within them the spirituality of faith through thousands of years of culture and civilization. The people will have to move on to a just solution. 234. In a spiritual uplift, man's mind joins the flow of the universe in its harmony, balance and rhythm, which, in human terms, is justice, love and forgiveness. 235. The spiritual plea for truth and justice is an impor- tant factor in the needed progress towards a just and lasting settlement of internC;ltional problems, as expressed by my delegation on more than one occasion over the years in the United Nations. It is more than ever needed now. 236. The strengthening of human ties based on our common humanity and spiritual heritage can be seen as a useful precursor to the Geneva talks we all desire to see occur in a positive spirit between all the Arab States concerned, including the representatives of the PLO, on the one hand, and Israel, on the other. 237. We express the hope that a spirit ofjustice will at last prevail in a new and more positive approach to the problem through the due implementation of the vital United Nations resolutions on the subject.

Year after year, the General Assembly has been called upon to discuss the situation in the Middle East in the hope, up to now always elusive, of helping to pave the way for a solution of the conflict opposing the Arab countries and Israel. 239. The position of the Portuguese Government re- galJing this problem has already been clearly stated: to the Portuguese" Government, the over-all settlement of this problem-and let me stress that only an over-all settlement will be satisfactory to us-has to be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), and has to respect the following principles: the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force; Israeli withdrawal from the territories occupied since 1967; an end to the state of belligerence between the forces concerned, and a recog- nition of the sovereignty, national independence and territorial integrity of all the States of the area, and of their right to live in peace, within secure and respected borders; and, finally, recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, including their right to self-determination and to the establishment of a homeland. 240. These are, for us, the fundamental principles which have to serve a a basis for a negotiated settlement. But it 241. Many important efforts have been made in the last year with a view to unblocking the situation. I should like to recall those of the Secretary-General, those made by the new administration of the United States of America and, finally, the joint American-Soviet statement of 1 October about the reconvening of the Geneva Conference. And yet just a few weeks ago it was still daub' ful how far these efforts would lead us on the road towards an over-all settlement of the conflict. 242. It was in this context that the visit of President EI-Sadat to Israel took place last week-end. We hope that history wili acknowledge the highly courageous decision of President El-Sadat as having been a decisive step towards the solution of the Middle East conflict. 243. The way Israel welcomed President EI-Sadat and what occurred during those dramatic days both in Israel and in Egypt all seem to be opening a new and promising era in the history of the conflict. But the moment has come for Israel to demonstrate its declared willingness to nego- tiate and to respond to President EI-Sadat's visit with concrete proposals and steps. It would therefore seem illogical to my delegation not to support the draft resolution on which we are about to vote, even if its tone does not reflect the reasoned and optimistic mood of th(; moment and even if some of its contents are not wholly satisfactory to us. 244. Let us, above all, keep in mind that new spirit. Let us join our efforts towards maintaining the present atmos- phere, so that positive negotiations will soon take place and that the hopes of the world will not once more be tragically eluded.

For almost 30 years the Middle East region has known no respite, no stability. Throughout tllat long period that region has only known conflict, war, destruction and bloodshed all at the hands of aliens to the region. 246. Indeed, since the installation of the Zionists in that part of the world, the most tragic upheavals have marked the history of people~ which have always lived in that region peacefully, in harmony and brotherhood with each other. 247. The main victim of this tragic state of affairs is undoubtedly the Palestinian people, which has been driven from its territory, deprived of its most elementary rights and kept beyond the pale of international society. That people has, in spite of the implacable fate reserved to it, demop-strated that it refuses to accept any longer the status to wl"jch it has been reduced, and it has been struggling for years to recover its legitimate rights. Its martyrs and the spilled blood of its sons are the price of the sacrifices that it 248. The occupation of territory by military force fol- lowing repeated Israeli acts of aggression is the second tragic aspect of the problem the acuity and the gravity of which escapes no one. Israeli irredentism has throug1l four deadly wars been the constant policy of the State of Israel. Israel's obstinacy in wanting to maintain its occupation come what may has always blocked any solution to the crisis of the region on the pretext of fallacious arguments of security and protection. 249. With respect to these problems, the position of Morocco, as reiterated in our Organization and in other international bodies, has always been clear. My country's position was unequivocally defined when it decided, in solidarity with its Arab brothers, to participate directly, and at the price of the blood of its sons in the Golan Heig1lts and Suez, in order to repel the aggression and to contrioute to the liberation of the occupied Arab territories and the restoration of the rights of the Palestinian peOple. 250. Last week the Middle East region witnessed new developments. In attacl].,ing to this phase of developments all the importance that it deserves, the Kingdom of Morocco is keenly aware of the exceptionally courageous nature of President EI-Sadat's journey to Jerusalem. We continue to follow the vagaries of this peace offensive, which reflects the nobility of feeling of a people better placed than any other and among the most deeply involved in the upheavals of the region, to seek for itself the path of honour and dignity while defending with determination the ideals of justice and peace. 251. Althoug1l President El-Sadat engaged on his own initiative th-: responsibility of his sovereign State, he did not fail to reaffirm in most vigorous terms the Arab position of which we are all aware, rising above narrow considerations, being convinced as he is that any solution must inevitably involve the liberation of all the territories occupied by Israel, including Jerusalem, and the restoration of the inalienable rig1lts of the Palestinian people, in particular the establishment of an independent and sover- eign Palestinian State. 252. The Kingdom of Morocco believes, however, that, as Israel has been offered an opportunity to bring the region out of the stagnation and the impasse in which it finds itself, any refusal on its part to respond to this exceptional peace initiative cannot but further complicate the crisis and reduce the chances for peace and stability in the region. 253. It is this conviction which underlies our policy and which will in future determine our attitude. It is also this spirit which is reflected in the draft resolution before us, on which we shall be called upon to take a decision. The Moroccan delegation will support it, for it is convinced that, without international moral pressure, the occupation 255. Morocco will continue to maintain its position side by side with its Arab brothers in the struggle fo: the liberation of the occupied territories and the full restora- tion of the rights of the Palestinian people, further committing its responsibility for the liberation of Jeru- salem-the Holy Land in many respects-and for which our people and Government will bring their prestige and weight to bear in order that it recover its original and traditional character. . 256. That is to say that we could not accept or even consider any compromise that might endanger or put an end to the legitimacy of the Palestinian people which today has become a reality. While awaiting the new developments which we are entitled to expect from the Egyptian peace offensive, my country remains firmly committed at the side of its Arab brothers of the region: as we have been in the past, and this regardless of the cost.

We have now heard the last speaker in the debate O!l agenda item 31. I shall therefore call on those representatives who wish to explain their vote before the voting on the draft resolution. 25fL Mr. KAf'i..LANI (Albania): The Generai ASsembly i~ about to vote on the draft resolution entitled "The situation in the Middle East", contained in document Aj32jL.38 and Add.l and 2. The delegation of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania deems it necessary to make the follOWing explanations h~fore the vote i., t&:~en. 259. The Albanian delegation expressed its position and points of view on the Middle East in its statement during the debate held on this important issue [8Ist meetingj. Nevertheless, at this point it wishes to reiterate that the Government of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania has been, is and will continue to be on the side ofthe just cause and struggle of the Palestinian and other Arab peoples. 260. The grave and explosive situation existing at present in the Middle East, the continuation of the occupation by Israel of the vast Arab territories and the denial of the inalienable rights of the heroic Palestinian people are a direct consequence of the imperialist Zionist aggression, of the rivalry and bargaining between the imperialist super- Powers, who strive, each for its own part, to establish domination and hegemony over the region of the Middle East. 261. The Albanian delegation wishes to stress once again that there can be no solution to the question of the Middle East by ignoring or bypassing the Palestinian question, which is the very heart of the issue. No soJt.lt~on to these problems can be found by pinning hopes O1i the so-called 263. The Albanian delegation wishes to stress that it has been and still is ag&inst Security Council resolution 242 (1967), as well as the other resolutions based on it, for resolution 242 (1967) is aimed primarily at denying the Palestinians their national rights in their motherland and fmally liquidating the Palestinian question. It has been our firm beli~f, and now it is our conviction, that without a solution of the Palestinian problem there can be no solution to the problem of the Middle East and that without a solution to that problem there is no point in talking about the establishment of a real and lasting peace in the region. 264. As certain formulations in the above-mentioned draft resolution may be so used.as to link this draft resolution to SeGurity Council resolution 242 (1967), and to refer back to that resolution, my delegation has reservations regarding these formulations. 265. In view of all the foregoing explanations, the Albanian delegation will not participate in the voting on draft resolution A/32/L.38, to which the Assembly is now called upon to proceed.

In his statement at the beginning of the thirty-second session [26th meet- ingj, the Foreign Minister of New Zealand stressed the importance which my Government attaches to an early start in the negotiation of a Middle East settlement. He said that, to b~ constructive, negotiations must include all the parties, among them the Palestinians, through their chosen representatives. 267. The bold initiative taken in the last few days by the Head of State of one of the parties offers hope that an apparent stalemate on the procedure for resuming nego- tiations may be resolved. What is needed now is for all the parties to demonstrate in the same courageous way their readiness to negotiate on all issues both of procedure and of substance. 268. What does not seem especially helpful at this juncture is further Assembly debate and additional Assem- bly resolutions. My delegation therefore refrained from speaking in the debate on this item and takes the floor now only to explain its vote on draft resolution A/32/L.38. What is needed at this stage, if any resolution is needed, is a 269. We welcome the fact that, by comparison with last year's resolution on this item, draft resolution A/32/L.38 contains new and positive elements. It asserts the need for a settlement under which all countries and peoples in the region can live in peace and security within recognized and secure boundaries. It urges the parties to the conflict and all other parties to work towards the achievement of a comprehensive settlement covering all aspects of the prob- lem. We welcome also the call for the early convening of the Peace Conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations and the co-chairmanship of the Soviet Union and the United States. 270. We note also that the draft doef not contain the condemnatory paragraph 4 of resolution 31/61 nor para- graph 5 of that resolution, concerning the supply of military and other assistance to Israel. Nevertheless, the draft resolution is not the non-controversial, generally acceptable text which in our view would meet the needs of the present situation. Despite the positive elements which I have mentioned, the lack of balance and the divergence fro.n Security Council resolution 242 (1967) are serious defects which prevent my delegation from giving its support. We shall be obliged to 2bstain when draft resolution A/32/L.38 is put to the vote.

The Chinese delegation has studied draft resolution A/32/L.38. We are in favour ofthose portions of the draft condemning Israel's continued occupation of Arab terri- tories and demanding Israel's withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories and the attainment by the Palestinian people of their inalienable national rights. However, in view of the fact that the above draft resolution mainly concerns the Geneva Conference and Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) on which the Conference is based, acting on the Chinese delegation's consistent principled position on these questions, we have decided not to participate in the vote on draft resolution A/32/L.38. 272. The Chinese delegation would like to take this opportunity to reaffirm that the Chinese Government and people will, as always, firmly support the Arab and Palestinian people in their just struggle against Israeli zionism and super-Power hegemonism and for the recovery of their lost territories and the regaining of their national rights. We strongly condemn Israel's crimes of aggression and the super-Powers' rivalry and expansion in the Middle East. We firmly maintain that Israel must withdraw from all the Arab territories it has occupied and that the Palestinian people must regain their sacred national rights. The Arab and Palestinian people are heroic people who have been tried and tested through long struggles. In the final analysis, the Middle East question can only be settled by the Arab and Palestinian people persevering in unity, upholding principles and carrying on persistent struggles against the common enemy. All the super-Powers' manoeuvres and

I shall speak on behalf of the States members of the European Community. 274. It is in the light of the statement of our nine Heads of Government of 29 June last, which I mentioned in our statement this morning, that ot:r nine Qovernments have determined their position on draft resolution A/32/L.38. 275. We have noted with interest certain improvements in the text as compared with the one which was submitted to us last year. 276. Nevertheless, this draft is still a departure from the views of the nine members of the Community on several matters of substance with regard to the settlement of the Middle East conflict. 277. Furthermore, it sometimes prejudges questions which, in our view, should be the subject of negotiations among all the parties involved. 278. Finally, in emphasizing some factors over others, the draft does not reflect the balance displayed in the four principles that I recalled in my statement this morning. 279. For alL these reasons, our nine delegations will abstain in the vote.

I now put to the vote draft resolution A/32/L.38 and Add.l and 2. A roll-call vote has been requested.

I shall now call on representatives wi~..ing to explain their vote after the vote. 282. Mr. 1\LGARD (Norway): In his statement in the general debate [7th meetingl my Foreign Minister stated that a real effort must be made by all parties to break the vicious circle of inflexible positions. My Government therefore welcomes the bold political decision made by President EI-Sadat in going to Israel and establishing direct contact on the highest political level between Egypt and Israel. The breaking down of the political and psychological barriers created during a 30-year-old conflict is in itself a major step towards improving the atmosphere and strength- ening the basis for negotiations. 283. We hope that President EI-Sadat's visit will open a new era of negotiations and that the efforts to reconvene the Geneva Conference in the near future will prove successful, so that a just and comprehensive settlement of the conflict in the Middle East may be achieved. 284. I should like at this point to reiterate briefly the three main principles on whic,n Norwegian policy on the Middle East conflict has been based. The first principle is that the acquisition of territories by force cannot be accepted. The second is that all States in the area must have the right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. The third is that a fair and just solution must be found for the Palestinians. 285. One of the important elements in these principles, according to the view of my Government, is that the Palestinians must recognize the right of Israel to exist as a State within secure and recognized boundaries, in the same way as Israel must recognize the right of the Palestinians to have a homeland. 286. At this crucial stage, the international community, including the United Nations, should refrain from rhetoric and concentrate on expediting the peace process. In the view of my delegation, the draft resolution just adopted contains elements which do not serve to promote the attainment of such aspirations. My delegation therefore abstained in the vote on the draft resolution just adopted. 8 The delegation of Equatorial Guinea subsequently stated that it wished to have its vote recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution (see below, para, 305). 288. On this occasion and in the light of the historic events that are taking place at present in the Middle East, we wish to emphasize, moreover, the desirability of supporting all efforts, whether bilateral or multilateral, directed towards a definitive solution of the Middle East problem which will satisfy all the parties concerned and which, through a negotiating process within the fram~work of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and other relevant United Nations resolutions, will lead to the attainment of the objective of the entire international community, namely, the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.

As we said in our statement yesterday [80th meetingI , we favour the early resumption of the Geneva Conference, which we hope will lead to a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. We wish to emphasize our support for any efforts at continuing dialogue between the parties to the dispute. We acknow- ledge that this resolution is an improvement oyer last year's resolution 31/61, which we opposed. We believe, however, that there &re certain elements in it which are incompatible with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and which prejudge discussions now going on among the parties and the negotiations which will even- tually take place in GeIWva. For this reason we decided to maintain our negative vote of last year.

The delegation of Chile wishes to clarify some points connected with the resolution which has just been adopted and for which we voted. Chile hopes that the efforts to achieve peace in which some of the parties in the Middle East have been involved during the past few months will come to fruition as early as possible. In this connexion, we hope that the very important events that we have witnessed during the past few days will bring results that will lead to the peace to which the world aspires. 291. That peace cannot disregard the situation of the territories occupied by Israel since 1967, from which it must withdraw in keeping with incontrovertible legal principles. That peace, moreover, should recognize the exi~tence of the State of Israel and its right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. It must further recognize the rights of the Arab States in the region and, in particular, it must recognize and satisfy the right of the Palestinian people to its homeland and to mastery over its own destiny. Chile considers that the Palestinian people has every right to participate in any peace negotiations that may take place and that that people cannot be excluded from those negotiations. In this connexion, we should point out that it is not for other States to limit the legitimate representation of the Palestinian people. That is why, in our view, the reference to the PLO does not preclude the 293. The United Nations and particularly the General Assembly has year after year reaffinned the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and called for Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories. 294. The General Assembly has recognized that the question of the Palestinian people is the core of the problem of the Middle East and that the exercise by the Palestinian people of its inalienable rights is a prerequisite to the establishment of a just and lasting peace. Accord- ingly, the Assembly at its thirtieth session established the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. At the same session, the Assembly in resolution 3375 (XXX) called, inter alia, for the invitation of the PLO, the representative of the Palestinian people, to participate in all efforts, deliberations and conferences on the Middle East which are held under the auspices of the United Nations on an equal footing with other parties on the basis of resolut~on 3236 (XXIX). At its +hirty-first session the General Assembly ieaffirmed those C:~cisions by resolution 31/61 of 9 December 1976. In this context, it is pertinent to mention that even the supporter of Israel, namely, the United States Government, has recognized the ::ight of the Palestinians to a homeland and to receive compensation for the losses they have sustained. 295. Since 1967, Israel has added a dangerous dimension to the Middle East problem. Instead of abiding by the resolutions calling for its withdrawal from the territories that it occupied in June 1967, Israel has followed a policy of fait accompli and embarked upon the establishment of over 90 illegal settlements in the occupied territories, namely, on the West Bank and the Golan Heights and in Sinai and the Gaza Strip. 296. I should like to recall that on 11 November 1976 the Security Council issued a c.onsensus statementlO which, inter alia, expressed its grave concern over the present situation in the occupied Arab territories as a result of the continuous Israeli occupation. That statement reaffirmed the applicability of the Geneva Convention to the occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and recognized that any act of profanation of the Holy Places, religious buildings and sites or any encouragement of, or connivance at, or any such acts may seriously endanger international peace and security. 297. In October 1977, this Assembly debated the illegal measures committed by Israel in the occupied Arab territories. In that debate speaker after speaker condemned those measures which are not only in viola' on of interna- tional conventions and international la\V, but also inimical to international efforts for the peaceful solution of the Middle East question. 299. More recently the present Prime Minister of Israel stilted in no uncertain terms on the question of settlements that: "... these territories are liberated territories and part of the historical land of Israel ...". Zionist Israel now refers to the West Bank as Judaea and Samaria. 300. Those statements and actions show the intransigent attitude of Zionist Israel, an attitude which can only lead to disastrous consequences in the Middle East and inde~d endanger international peace und security. 301. Instead of complying" with the United Nations resolutions which call for Israel to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories, Israel establi~hes new Jewish settlements in those territories and perpetrates inhuman practices against the Arab people. Israel denies the inalien- able rights of the Palestinian people and refuses the participation of the PLO a~ the Geneva Conference, it, contravention of General' Assembly resolutions 3375 (XXX) of 10 November 1975 and 31/61 of 9 Decem- ber 1976, which cal1e"a for the holding of the Geneva Conference with the participation of all those concerned, including the PLO, so that a just and lasting solution could be reached in accordance with the United Nations Charter and resolutions. 302. My delegation voted :n favour of draft resolution A/32/L.38 since that draft reaffirms that a just and lasting peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved without Israel's withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since 5 June 1967 and without the attainment by the Palestinian people of their inalienable national rights to self-determination. The resolution, furthermore, condemns Israel's continued occupation of the Arab territories in violation of the Charter of the United Nations, the principles of interationallaw and repeated resolutions of the United Nations. My delegation gives due weight to the provision in the resolution which calls for the ~arly convening of the Peace Conference with the participation on an equal footing of all parties concerned, including the PLO. My delegation hopes that the implementation of the resolution, which embodies the express desire of the international community, will lead to a just and lasting peace in the Middle East and thus spare the world yet another conflagration which would no doubt endanger international peace and security. 303. All Member States have the heavy responsibility of contributing to efforts for the attainment of a just and lasting solution to the Middle East problem. However, special emphasis should be placed upon those States which have taken upon themselves the responSibility ofprotecting Israel. They should bring pressure to bear on Zionist ISr2el so that yet another catastrophe can be averted. 305. Because of circumstances beyond its control, my delegation was unfortunately not able to be present during the voting. Had we been present, my delegation would have voted in favour of draft resolution A/32/L.38, which was presented by the delegation of Sri Lanka. 306. The international community of the United Nations and all of us are confronted with a dilemma which is becoming more and more crucial with every passing day. I do not believe that we should admit our incapacity to fulfIl our duties in connexion with this situation and for which we have especially selected elements in the resolutions adopted in the past, either by the General Assembly or the Security Council. 307. All of this shows that the United Nations is unable to command respect for the principles of the (;harter and as a result most of our resolutions are documeI. :: which reflect our desires rather than our real capacity to 7ght the blind forces of war. This kind of stagnation lea oS to nothing constructive and certainly does not heal open wounds. 308. However, we cannot accept that the Middle East should, as it were, drown in this swamp of "no peace, no war". Israel, which seeks to freeze the situation, must understand that the United Nations, which it so arrogantly defies, will not indefinitely remain indifferent, in the light of the illegal occupation by Israel of the Arab territories of the Golan Heights, Sinai, Gaza and the West Bank. 309. I should like to repeat before this Assembly some of the sentences in the statement made on 29 September 1976 by the President of Equatorial Guinea, His -Excellency Masie Nguema Biyogo, where, inter alia, he said: "We condemn all wars of aggression and conquest. We reaffirm the principles of the foreign policy of the Government of Equatorial Guinea, based on equality of rights, sovereignty and independence, and non-inter- ference in the internal affairs of other States, and reiterate that all international disputes should be settled by peaceful political.means. "I express the hope that positive changes will be made in order to speed up the independent and peaceful "I hail the national unity achieved by the Vietnamese people follOWing a long and arduous struggle against the imperialist oppressors. "I nourish the hope that in the Middle East a rapid and eqUitable solution will be found to the conflict in which the countries of the region are involved and that that solution will guarantee the 1967 boundaries of the States in the region, while ensuring the implicit recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independence. "As for Lebanon, may I express the hope that a negotiated political solution will be found with a view to restoring peace in that country." 310. Before concluding, I should like to associate my delegation with the ,Words of sympathy expressed by others in connexion with the tragedy that has struck both India and the Argentine Republic.

In keeping with the principles of international law that have traditionally guided our policy, and in our desire to contribute to the search for ways and means that will enable us to fmd a settlement to the Middle East conf1ict~ the R~public of Colombia has supported those decisions which; on the basis of full respect for the prillCip1es enshrined in the Charter, have advocated the speeding up of the process of negotiation with a view to achieving peace. 312. For this reason my delegation is happy to note the recent intervention of the Government of Egypt as an important step along the path leading towards a just solution. The climate of understanding that exists today is the product of a historic gesture that has favourably impressed world public opinion. 313. Since draft resolution A/32/L.38 was inspired by the desire for justice and moderation and the rejection of belligerency and violence, my delegation voted in favour ofit.