A/32/PV.90 General Assembly

The Assembly ~'::11 first cO.lsider the reJ.':»r7 of the Fifth Corrunittee mt agenda item H~O, entit!ed ""i:'roposed programme budget for the LLnnicm 1978-197Sf'. The report, which is contained in documer.t Aj32j389, relates to 7he revision of th~ FUlanci<J Regula- tion~ of the United Nations. 23. We shall no,,, t~ke a decision on ut.~ n:comm~ndation contained in paragraph:' of the report of flC; Fif~!h Commlttee. The Fifth Committe,~ adop:ed that reC;Jm- mcndation without ohjection. May I cosuider thbt :h~ General Assembly dacides to do like"vise? The reCOfl'mei1dation was adop'~L"" (deCision 32/41/,f).

The General j\5~ml.'ly will now consider the report of the Fifth ,":ornmittee on agenda item 103 concerning administ;:-ative a.,"1d b1ldgetarf co-ordination of the United Nations \...'ith the specialized agencies and lAEA [A/32/391]. Wp s.haU "OW t!:ll,-p' a '!ecision on the recommendation cor.tLled irl para~f.il 6 of the Fifth Committee's report. The Fifth Committee adopted that recommendation by consensus. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do lIkewise?

We shall now take up the report of the Fifth Committee on agenda item 106 [A/32/332}. We shaH now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Scale of assessments for the apportionment of the expenses of the United Nations", which has been l ..~com­ mended by the Fifth Committee in paragraph 11 of its report. A recorded vote has been requested.

Tshall nr.w call on those represt.~­ tatives wishing feo 2xplain their v Jte after the voting. '27. I\~r. SIBAPI (Syrian .\r~'b Ri;PilbHc) (interpretation ftom Arabic): My debgation a ready explained its position in the Fifth Ccwmittee when this item \-laS under consider- a'Lion, as was ')0 ril!htly stated by the Rapporteur of the Committee when he introduced the Committee's report [A/32/332]. My delegation at that time explained the fmancial and economic difficulties which my country was facing, together with the difficulties of the reconstruction necessitated by the aggression that we suffered in 1967 and the consequences of that aggression that we are still experiencing in the fmancial, economic, agricultural, trade and urban sectors, including housing. 28. The Committee on Contributions should have taken those difficulties into account when establishing our contri- bution to the expenses of the United Nations budget. Furthermore, Syria is experiencing other economic difficul- ties, and it is one of the geographically disadvantaged countries in terms of the classification used at the proceed- ings of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. That is just to give an idea of the scope of the economic difficulties facing my country in relation to its resources. For the above reasons, I will merely state my reservations. As I have said, my delegation abstained in the vote on this draft resolution. 29. Miss FORCIGNANO (Italy): Without entering into the details of the various motives which have prompted the Italian delegation to abstain in the vote on the scale of assessments proposed for the biennium 1978-1979, I would like to summarize the most important of these motives. 1 The delegations of Costa Rica and El Salvador s~lbsequently informed the Secretariat that they wished to have t:leir votes recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution. The delegation of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya subsequently informed the Secretariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as havir.g been against the draft resolution. 31. However, I want to stress that we are pleased with tbe reduction LI assessments favouring the developing countries with the lowest incomes, and we accept this as proof of the interest taken by the United Nations in the special situation of these countries. This reduction supplements the benefits they already derive from programmes established in their favour. 32. On the ot.i.er hand, the Italian delegation would have hoped for a fairer distribution of the financial burden amoflg other groups of States and among other ,;ountries participating in such groups. Of course, such a dislribution . would hdve to take into full account the real contributive cafacity of Member States. 33. We are fully aware of the difficulty of quantifying this contributive capacity, and in that connexion ".~ greatly appreciate the efforts mrrce by the Committee Of1 Contribu- tions. But at 'the same time we maintain that a substantia! balance among the various assessments would have con- formed more closely to the application of the principle of L'1e collective fmancial responsibility of States Members of the United Nations. 34. Having said that, I also want to say that Italy will not contest the will expressed by the General As<:~mbly in this regard and will fulfIl. its duty to meet its uwn financial obligations in order that the activities of the United Nations may be carried out according to principles of economy and efficiency for the attail.ment of our common goals of peace and economic and social development.

We shall now consider part II of the report of the Fifth Committee on agenda item 111, concerning the financing of UNEF and of UNDOF [A/32/299/Add.l]. 36. I now call on representatives wishing to explain their vote before the vote. 37. Mt. HASSAN (Democratic Yemen) (interpretation from Arabic): My delegation has already explained its position on this point in the Fifth Committee.2 On that basis, we are not going to take part in the vote.

The presence of UNEF and of UNDOr ~!l the Middle East is the direct consequence of persistent Israeli aggression against Arab territories and of Israeli obduracy in refusing to withdraw from those territories, ill. violation of the United Nations Charter and of the many resolutions adopted by our Organization. 39. That Israeli obstinacy, together with its refusal to submit to the will of the international community, is the .~f the Member States affected in one wa:;' or another by the events-by occupation, by acts of aggress~on or any other act requiring the presence of peace-keeping forc~s-then the resolutions concerned require that all those questions shall be taken into consideration and that the victim of the aggression should be exempted from contributing anything towards the expenses involved in the presence of those forces. 40. While we appreciate the major role that i:) played by these forces and we are perfectly well aware that, to carry out their mission and fulfIl their function, they have to be funded, at the same time we feel that their presence should be temporary and the costs fmanced by the aggressor, which is persisting in its aggression contrary to all the principles. laid down in the resolutions and Charter of the United Nations, which affirm the inadmissibility of the acquisition of other people's territory by force. As my country opposes that annexation, it feels that all the costs should be borne by the aggressor country, and that other countries should not have to meet the expenses incurred. 41. Furthermore, the fact that the aggressor has to meet the costs would discourage it from continuing with its aggression, or at least would discourage any subsequent future aggression. My country has been exposed since 1967 to Israeli aggression, which has led to the occupation of a great part of its territory and resulted in innumerable obligations and expenses as well as loss and aamage in every vital sector, including the economic sector, in the occupied territories, not to mention the need to secure new and substantial means of livelihood for all those who have had to leave their homes in those territories for no good reason. All of that leads us to thuLk that our country should not have to assume any liability for the funding of these forces. Indeed, how can one ask a country which has been a victim of aggression and has suffered many losses to pay for the costs resulting from the aggression it has suffered and for the occupation ofits own territory? The lack of distinction between the aggressor and the victim of aggression by the imposition of obligations on both parties is a consecration of occupation and an exaltation of aggression and viola- tions; it represents support for crimes and the sabotaging of all the definitions of the Charter and resolutions adopted by the United Nations. It is an infringement of all the principles of irlternational law and of mankind as a whole. We are opposed, in principle, to the payment of any part of those expenses by our country, regardless of the sum involved, because the occupation of other people's ~erritory by force is inadmissible. Therefore, the costs incurred should be I'aid for by the aggressor, in this case the Zionist racist entity, which has been condemned by the interna- tional community at every session of this international body. 42. For the reasons that I have given, my country therefore is obliged to vote against the draft resolution in document A/32/299/Add.l, both as a whole and in detail.

When the Fifth Committee considered item 111 on the fmancing of UNEF and of

The day before yesterday in the Fifth Committee, my delegation supported the extension of the mandate of UNEF and UNDOF and will refrain from entering again into an ambiguous dialogue with some of the previous speakers. It is beneath our dignity even to comment on the allegations made by the Syrian represen- tative here and in the Fifth Committee. It seems unfor- tunate that those representatives, in their statements, were unable to refrain from injecting the negative terms of refusal and rejection that have been emanating from their capitals in recent days. We, like most ofher delegations, support this extension as long as it serves a purpose for all the parties concerned.

The General Assembly will now take a decision on the recommendations of the Fifth Committee in its report [A/32/299/Add.1]. I inv:te mem~ bers to turn their attention to the recommendation contained in paragraph 10 of that report. The recommendation was adopted by 112 Yotes to 3, with 10 abstentions (decision 32/416).

We shall now take a decision on draft resolutions A and B entitled "Financing of the United Nations Emergency Force and of the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force", which have been recom- mended by the Fifth Committee in paragraph 11 of its report [A/32/299/Add.1]. 48. A separate vote has been requested on operative paragraph 1 of section I of draft resolution A. As there is no objection we shall proceed accordingly.

The General Assembly will now take a decision on draft resolutions A and B as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested.

I should like to thank all represen- tatives, and particularly the members of the Fifth Com- mittee, for their co-operation and for the swift action on the items whose consideration we have just concluded.

The question of the restoration of the legitimate national rights of the Arab people of Palestine-that is, the solution of the question of Palestine-is an integral part of the whole problem of the comprehensive settlement of the explosive situation in the Middle East. More than 3 million Palestinian Arabs live beyond the boundaries of their homeland or in territories occupied by Israel. Of those Arabs, 1,700,000 are refugees who were driven from their homes and deprived of their land and property. Despite this tragic situation, the Arab people of Palestine are to be found in the vanguard of the field of education; they have s..l).own a high sense of solidarity, mutual help and political consciousness. 52. Despite the numerous decisions and resolutions of the United Nations-there have be~n over 1,000 meetings to conduct negotiations and over 200 resolutions on the Middle East have been adopted-the demands of the Arab people of Palestine have not been satisfied, and their hopes of returning to their homes and of the restitution of their property have not been fulfIlleu. 53. There is no doubt that the Government of Israel is responsible for all this, together with international imperial- ism, which protects that Government. 54. For many years the Arab people of Palestine waged an unco-ordinated struggle in isolated groups. A significant 4 For the adoption of resolution 32/4 A, see 45th meeting, paragraph 60. 55. Thanks to him a decision was taken in January 1964, during the Arab summit conference in Cairo, to establish tl).e Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] so that the Arab people ofPalestine could itself shoulder responsibility for their national cause. S In 1964 a national congress took place in Jerusalem which adopted a decision to create the PLO. It approved the PLO's statute and its programme document, entitled the "Palestine National Charter", which in fact became the political platform of that movement. In accordance with those documents, which wele approved by all the representatives of various groups, the PLO became the main force in the struggle for the national liberation of the Palestinian people. It enjoys the general recognition not only of the Arab States but of the whole international community. 56. Since 1973 the PLO has been recognized as the only legitimate representative of the national liberation move- ment of Palestine. Significant international recognition was accorded the PLO in 1974 when at the twenty-ninth session its representative for the first time took part in the work of the General Assembly of the United Nations and when, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX), the right of the Palestinian people to self·determination was recognized. 57. International recognition and the growing prestige of the PLO constitut0 one of the factors which ensure that even its most embittered opponents cannot deny the existence of the Palestinian question. However, they try to resolve that question in a way consistent with their interests, and many efforts are be!ng made to prevent the participation of the PLO in political negotia~lvns and to remove it from the political arena through attempts to set up another Palestine leadership wh;ch would consist mainly, as stated by the former Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Rabin, of "reasonable Pales :"lians"-that is, persons who would be loyal to the Government of Israel and who, incidentally, would represent not even a negligible minority of the Palestinian people. 58. The Government of Israel continues its dangerous political course in the Middle East, and in so doing it is being guided by a rather strange logic. It has deprived the Arab people of Palestine of the very rights it demands that the international community recognize for Israel-that is, the rights to independence and to a secure existence. 59. In the meantime, the Government of Israel is taking measures ill the occupied territories that can be described as servi.'1g its expansionist purposes. Those measures deprive the population of the occupied territories of all their rights and serve the far-reaching objective of the Judaization of Arab territories. It is superfluous to recall the repression with which the Israeli authorities meet every attempt by the Arab population to express its will freely in regard to the occupied territories. 5 See statement of the Council of the Kings and Heads of State of the Arab League Member Countries on its First Session, issued at Cairo on 17 January 1964. 61. In 1976 the Committee prepared several quite positive recommendations, which are contained in document A/311 35.6 The essence of those recommendations is the recogni- tion of the right of the Arab people of Palestine to self-determination, which includes the creation of their own State and also includes the right of return of those Palestinian refugees who were evicted from their homes as a result of military action in that region. 62. In its resolution 31/20 the General Assembly endorsed the recommendations of the Committee and thus opened the way to their implementation. The report submitted to the thirty-second session of the General Assembly in document A/32/35 reflects the selfless and useful work of the Committee in trying to ensure the exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. It is a compre- hensive review of all the efforts and objectives and deserves our full support. 63. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, which took place in Libreville from 2 to 5 July 1977, adopted a resolution on the Palestinian question. That resolution strongly supports the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine. Paragraph 8 of the resolution states: "Endorses the recommendations of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and, in particular, their legitimate and inalienable rights to return to their national homeland and to create an independent State of Palestine and requests the General Assembly of the United Nations to take all measures for the implementation of these recommend- ations". [See A/32/310, annex I, CM/Res. 580 (XXIX}.} 64. During the discussions on Palestine it has become clear that the just cause of the Palestinian people is receiving very broad support throughout the world, not only from the socialist and the Arab countries, but even from the majority of all other countries and in particular the developing countries, which have clearly expressed their support for the Arab people of Palestine and fully support its just demands. 65. The list of questions which relate to the situation in the Middle East and which are being considered at the current session of the General Assembly and the contents of the statements of the majority of representatives very clearly confIrm these facts. 66. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has always sup- ported and will continue to support an eqUitable solution of the Palestine problem as one of the components of a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East conflict in accordance with the resolutions adopted by the United 67. Czechoslovakia supports the proposal to resume the Geneva Peace Conference with the participation of all the interested parties, including the PLO as an equal partner. 68. It would be very desirable if all the participants in that Conference without exception were to show generosity and selflessness so as to achieve a positive solution of the problems before them. The Conference must serve as an effective tool for the solution of all problems of the Middle East, until the time comes when the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine can be ensured and the security of all the States in the Middle East guaranteed.

This year's debate on the question of Palestine has taken place against the back- ground of dramatic development, with sometimes sUQrising turns. President EI-Sadat's visit to Israel from 19 to 21 November this year was a historic event which may have an important influence 0n the developments in the Middle East. It is tne hope of the Swedish Government that it will increase the possibilities of an early convening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East and strength- en the efforts to reach a comprehensive solution of the Middle East problem. 70. In order to achieve a just and lasting peace, the legitimate right of all the States in the area, including Israel, to live in peace within recognized and secure boundaries must be safeguarded; but that is not enough. As the Palestinian problem is central to the whole Middle East complex of questions, any settlement must include also a solution of the Palestinian problem. It can hardly be denied that the interests and rights of the Palestinian Arabs have not been sufficiently taken into consideration in the previous attempts at attaining a settlement of the Middle East question. It must be recognized that the Palestinian people have their legitimate national rights, which include the right to form a State that will live in peace side by side with Israel. It is only through the realization of those rights that the Palestinian problem will be settled. 71. The Swedi.;h Government holds the view that the Geneva Peace Conference still offers the best opportunity for peace, and also for a settlement of the Palestinian problem. The task of that Conference is to reach a settlement based upon two Security Council resolutions, resolutions 242 (1::>67) and 338 (1973). Furthermore, provision has to be made for the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian Arabs. It should be possible to fmd a lasting and just settlement within this framework. In the present situation it is of the utmost importance that all efforts should be concentrated on facilitating the convening of an early and constructive conference at Geneva. The Swedish Government therefore supports the efforts of the Secretary-General to bridge the differences bp.tween the parties. His efforts must be highly commended. 73. My Government therefore supports all efforts to achieve such a process and appeals to the parties to act. forcefully in favour of reaching agreements, arrangements and an understanding that will lead to the ultimate goal: a just and durable peace in the Middle East.

We have before us the report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People in which the Committee reaffirmed the validity of the recommendations it made last year and called for their implementation with a minimwn of delay. Cyprus is a member of the Committee, and my delegation supports the basic considerations and guidelines in the report. 75. Tile question of Palestine is at the very core of the Middle East problem, and consequently, as the Committee pointed out, there can be no solution to the crisis in the Middle East that does not fully take into account L1.e legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people. Their right, ther~fore, to return to the homes and properties from which they were displaced in the 1967 armed conflict must be promptly satisfied. The right to one's home and the longing to return to one's homeland have a deep meaning and significance for man. Those rights are inalienable. No passage of time can affect them, whether in Palestine, or in Cyprus, or elsewhere. 76. Moreover, the right of the Palestinian people to self-determinati. 'f"J. and national independence has been generally recognized. It has been endorsed by the aforesaid Committee in the conviction that the full implementation of that right will contribute decisively to a comprehensive and fmal settlement ofthe Middle East crisis. 77. Finally, the participation of the representatives of the Palestinian people, the PLO, on an equal footing with the other parties, on the basis of the relevant General Assembly resolutions, is indispensable in all efforts, whether at the Geneva Conference or in any other deliberations or confer- ences on the Middle East which are held under the auspices of the United Nations. 78. It is therefore the duty and responsibility of all concerned to enable the Palestinians to exercise their inalienable rights. In that respect an expanded and more influential role for the United Nations and its organs is required, especially for the Security Council, in promoting and i'llplementing a just solution to the question of Palestine. The Security Council. has a responsibility to take appropriate action to facilitate the exercise by the Pales- tiniaIls of their right to return to their homes, lands and property, from which they were displaced by the 1967 war. 80. The first principle is that of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war, as emphasized in the preamble of that resolution and as affirmed in its operative part by a call for the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from occupied territories. These two interconnected parts of one and the same resolution clearly indicate that the military withdrawal, as referred to 41 the said resolution, covers all the occupied areas. 81. The second principle which must be equally applied and emphasized is that of the right of every State to the acknowledgement of and respect for its sovereignty, terri- torial integrity and politicalliidependence, as well as of its right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries, free from acts or threats of force. It is fundamental to the Charter that acts of occupation of territory by armed force, whether in Palestine or in Cyprus or elsewhere, can never be admitted by the international community or legitimized by The United Nations. That is basic to our technologically advanced and now closely interdependent world of the United Nations flra, whatever may have been the history of ne.tions in the past. 82. It is needless to add that the just solution to the problem of the Palestinian people as provided for in Security Council resolutions is of pre-eminent importance to any peaceful settlement of the situation in the Middle East. The United Nations Members therefore have a clear responsibility to respond positively to the appeal made by the Palestinians. It is generally recognized that a durable settlement in the Middle East cannot be separated from justice to the Palestinian people. 83. There is no doubt that the PLO can and must be accepted within the context of whatever negotiations are opened as the next step. There is also no doubt that the legitimate rights and aspirations of the Palestinian people must be met within j],e context of today's realities. Ifone group of people in the area has a right to an internationally guarf'~teed homeland, then most certainly and pre- eminently so do those who have been recently displaced from their homes and lands. But the reality i~ that an unjust settlement of an interna- tional problem would most probably be followed by a more dangerous conflict, whether in the Middle East or in Cyprus or elsewhere, with the possibility of its eventual escalation into a major war with all its terrible consequences. Contemporary experience has repeatedly demonstrated that violence and war can solve no problem in our time; it can bring no benefit to those who use it but, rather, in the long run accumulated calamities for all concerned and ftJr the world at large. 85. The question of Palestine and the problem of the Middle East have been under consideration and have repeatedly been discussed in the United Nations for nearly 30 years now without any positive results, although one can see a deterioration in the situation. The time has come-and is long overdue, we believe-when the United Nations must solve both international and global problems in a peaceful way through the coming into operation of its functions in the manner provided for in the Charter. We know that problems cannot be solved today by force and therefore they must be solved in some other way. The United Nations and its Charter are the alternative to war, to violence and to destruction, but that alternative must function. A United Nations that does not perform its primary responsibility, the maintenance of international peace and security, and is not effective because it refuses or fails to implement resolutions of the Security Council becomes meaningless and as a result there is a loss of respect for the authority of the United Nations as an organization. Therefore, we express the hope that problems which have been pending now for so many years will be solved by the exercise of the fundamental function of the United Nations, which is to solve problems in a peaceful way.

I do n··: intend to dwell at length on the subject under discussion today. The views of my Government on the Palestinian question are well known, and, in any event, the attention of all of lls-the focus of the world with regard to th~ Middle East-is directed elsewhere these days. 87. The rapid sequence of events that we have witnessed in recent weeks is altering the Middle East political scene in ways that no one yet can foresee, but which, we hope, will quicken the process of Arab-Israeli rapprochement and lead to a comprehensive settlement. It does seem possible, however, to draw at least one lesson from these develop- ments: that is that the future of the Middle East dispute lies in the parties sitting down together and negotiating a mutually agreed settlement. 88 The General Assembly cannot prescribe or dictate to [sratl and its Ar~h neighbours either the form of negotia- tions or the elements of a settlement. That is, unfor- tunately, precisely what the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People was created to do. As I listened to the debate I wondered whether some of the representatives here are living in the real world. While 89. I should like to share with you a portion of the Scriptures that was a favourite of our late President, John Kennedy. It is from Ecclesiastes. "For every thing there is a season, and a time for every matter under heaven: . "a time to be born, and a time to die; "a time to plant, and a time to pluck up what is planted; "a time to kill, and a time to heal; "a time to break down, and a time to build up; "a time to weep, and a time to laugh; "a time to mourn, and a time to dance; "a time to cast away stones, and a time to gather stones together; "a time to embrace, and a time to refrain from embracing; "a time to seek, and a time to lose; "a time to keep, and a time to cast away; "a time to rend, and a time to sew; "a time to keep silence, and a time to speak; "a time to love, and a time to hate; "a time for war, and a time for peace {[;cc!esiastes, 3: 1·8.] 90. This is the time for peace-it is not the time for the Palestinian rights Committee. For that reason, my delega· tion will vote against the two draft resolutions prepared by the Committee {A/32/L.39 and Add.1, A/32/L.40} to extend its own mandate and to increase its staff.

The Middle East today is in a state of fennen!. That is apparent from the great flurry of 7 Ibid.• Thirty·second Session. Fifth Committee, 54th meeting and ibid.• Fifth Committee. Sessional Fascicle, conigendum. 92. My delegation welcomes the recommendations con- tained in the report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and would like to express its appreciation to its Chairman for his untiring efforts to fulfIl the mandate of the Committee. The Committee's recommendations elaborate the content of the rights of the Palestinian people and the modallties by which they should be realized. Those rights include their right to self-determination, to return to their homes or to receive compensation, and even to a national and sovereign State in Palestine. Pakistan joins the Chairman of the Committee, Mr. Fall of Senegal, in expressing regret that so far the Security Council has not found itself able to approve the recommendations of the Committee relating to the realization of Palestinian rights. It is more evident today than ever before that, unless the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people are realized, a comprehensive and durable settlement in the Middle East will remain as elusive as it has been for the past 30 years. 93. The problem of Palestine is at the heart ofthe dispute in the Middle East. Such a conclusion is self-evident from a cursory review of historical events in the Holy Land since the turn of the century. The U'1just partition of Palestine and the ejection of its people from their homeland was the outcome of a conspiracy perpetrated by !he colonial Powers. The plight and the suffering of the Palestinian people, with all the consequences this has produced, is one of the greatest tragedies of the present era. The United Nations has failed for three decades to provide an answer to the dispute in the Middle East mainly because it ignored the just and legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people. It was only as a <;onsequence of the struggle and the sacrifices of the Palestinian people that their rights were fmally recognized by this world Organization in resolution 3236 (XXIX) of this Assembly. 94. No one who examines the recent history of the Middle East objectively can remain indifferent to the injustice imposed ~n the people of Palestine or fail to empathize with their noble and, at times, lonely struggle to realize their national and legitimate aspirations. These aspirations will not be effaced either by oppression or further procrastination. The Palestinian people have struggled too long, made too many sacrifices, and endured too much hardship to give up their struggle in the face of what, from their point ofview at any rate, is no more than a tempcrary 95. It is my delegation's hope and prayer that recent developments in the area, however dramatic they may appear, will not be allowed to stand in the way of an early resumption of negotiations among all the parties concerned, including the PLO, to establish conditions to secure a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. The two super- Powers-the Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference-bear a heavy responsibility to ensure that the Middle East peace negotiations, and such other steps as are taken in that direction, accord with the realities of the situation and respond to the dictates of both peace and justice. We welcome the affirmation in the joint statement issued by the United States and the Soviet Union on 1 October 1977 that7 "... within the framework of a comprehensive setdement of the Middle East problem, all specific questions of the settlement should be resolved, including such key issues as ... the resolution ofthe Palestinian question". The joint statement also indicated that "the only right and effective way for a Middle East solution is: "... negotiations within the framework of the Geneva Peace Conference ... with participation in its work of the representatives of all the parties involved in the conflict, including those of the Palestinian people". The international cO:&lmunity expects both the super- Powers-the United States and the Soviet Union-to adhere to these cOl1'unitments. 96. We welcome the fact that the PLO reaffmned its commitment to peace when Mr. Kaddoumi, speaking in this hall on 28 tTovember, stated that "... we shall seriously participate in all political efforts likely to solve our probi~m peacefully provided that our national aspirations, which this Organization has already approved and reaffmned its support of, are realized." [84th meeting, para. 52.J 97. It is particularly unfortunate that Israeli leaders continue to oppose the participation of the PLO in the negotiations for a comprehensive settlement. It is not for Israel, or for anyone else, to determine who shall represent the Palestinian people. We believe that the people of Palestine have made this determination already and have by concrete expression and action designated the PLO as their sole legitimate representative. This decision has, moreover, ooen endorsed by the Arab, Islamic and non-aligned countries at the highest level. The representative character 98. If there are any possibilities for a break-through in the Middle East, these can materialized only as a result of the steps taken on the Arab side. Israel has not so far taken any tangible step to further the cause of a just and durable settlement in the Middle East. On the contrary, by extending its laws to the occupied territories, by authoriz- ing new illegal settlements on the West Bank and by describing those territories as "Judaea and Samaria", the Israeli regime has placed further obstacles in the way of those who are eager to secure a just and durable settlement. 99. The onus therefore now rests on Israel. It must match its rhetoric with the offering ofsome earnest of its desire to achieve peace with justice in the Middle East. In speciclc ~terms, Israel should accept the three basic elements fur peace: that is, tust, total withdrawal from occupied Anb territories; secondly, the fulfilment of the iegitimata national rights of the Palestinian people; and, thirdly, the acceptance of the right of all States and peoples of the region to live in peace. The Arabs have demonstrated their readiness to negotiate peace, but they should not be asked to negotiate such fundamentals as the principle of the non-acquisition of territory by force or their right to self-determinaticn. 100. The United Nations bears a heavy responsibility to achieve a settlement in the Middle East. It was in this Assembly that the initial wrong committed against the Palestinian people was reinforced by the resolution for the partition of Palestine /t~t!,solution 181 (II)J. We continue to believe that, even now, the surest road to peace in the Middle East still runs through this world Organization. In this context we reaffirm our appreciation for the efforts that the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, has made and is making to bring the parties concerned to thl; negotiating table. We believe that once the clouds that hover over the Middle East today begin to clear, the United Nations will once again assume the central responsibility for the evolution of a just and negotiated settlement in the region. 101. Each State represented here has a direct national interest in ensuring that a comprehensive and durable peace settlement in the Middle East is achieved as soon as possible. Such a settlement must respond to the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people. Unless we are able to discharge this obligation, which devolves fully and squarely upon the United Nations not only under the Charter but also as a consequence of its history, we may once again witness the renewal ofhostilities in the Middle East. A fifth conflict in the Middle East would be more bloody and more terrible for the people of the region and produce grave conseqlJences for the political and economic stability of the world. 102. Let us therefore bend all our efforts to ensure that that apocalypse does not overtake us. 103. Mr, KIKHIA (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) (interpreta- tion from Arabic): First, I should like to comment on the 104. Despite the reservations which we have on some paragraphs of the report and some conclusions reached by the Committee, we should like to thank its members. We support many of the conclusions, particularly the reaffirma- tion of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, rights which are recognized in many of the Assembly resolutions. 105. The problem that we are dealing with today is indeed that of the people of Palestine and its tragedy, the result of a direct imperialist colonialist aggression without precedent. The aggression inflicted on the Palestinian Arab people- although imperialist-is of a special character. We are all familiar with imperialism in Latin America, Asia and Africa in this modem era. We are familiar with the imperialism whereby the developed countries use their oppressive force to conquer our countries, exploit our wealth and persecute our peoples; but until now the imperialists have at least allowed the people to live. But, the colonizing imperialism imposed by world zionism and its allies on L'te people of Palestine has the aim of uprooting the Palestinian people, of turning them out and expelling them from their own land, in order to in5tall immigrants from the four corners of the earth. 106. The report of that Committee sets forth the develop- ments which have taken place in this Assembly and in the international organizations in recent years, and also in world public opinion vis-a.-vis the question of Palestine particularly as a result of the resolutions adopted by this body. These resolutions r,ecognized the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and, first and foremost, the right of that people to self-determination. Secondly, the PLO was recognized as the sole legitimate representative of the struggling Palestinian people. Thirdly, in the resolutions to which I have referred it was alw recognized that the Palestinian people should be represented by the PLO at any meeting or international conference relating either dIrectly or indirectly to the Palestinian question. Fourthly, those resoltttions condemned zionism as a racist movement and as one ofthe forms of racial discrimination. 107. That was the outcome of the heroic resistance of the Palestinian people to the Zionist invasion and Arab ob- stinacy in confronting world zionism and its allies for 30 years, without yielding to the aims of either zionism or world imperialism. 108. It is also due to the basic changes in the structure of this Organization, for the General Assembly that adopted the resolution on the partition of Palestine has nothing in common with the Assel'1bly I am addressing today. It is possible that if the General Assembly had not been the instrument of the forces of oppression, and probably also of ignorance, the Zionist entity might perhaps never have been born, never have established itself in our land of Palestine. The changes in world public opinion, and in the 109. Our position on that question is well known, since it is our primary concern. We reaffirm our unwavering solidarity with the people of Palestine and our Arab brothers in their struggle against zionism. Although there is no need for us to reiterate our position, I should neverthe- less like to refer to certain aspects of the problem. For 30 years we have been discussing the question ofPalestine, and all those who wish to inform themselves about the problem can refer to what has been written thereon during that period. However, from time to time we have ~o revert to certainessential points, particularly since when w~ are at the United Nations Headquarters we are living in a country where the sources of information are so powerful that nothing that takes place in this chamber can be published without the authorization of the Zionist forces. 110. That is why I am repeating what we have already said on so m::.ny previous occasions in the hope that, .rhat I say will reach nations that have been deceived by zionism or by their Governments, which nudge them along the path of a mistaken policy in support of Zionist aggression against the Arab nations. 111. First, as I have just emphasized, this is a problem of imperialist invasion or colonization that differs from the conventional actions of imperialism in modern times, since its aim is to eliminate an entire people. Moreover, we are faced here with a type of racist imperialism that we know well, because we have experienced it in many countries, and are still suffering its effects under the influence of the minority rule of the racists in South Aflica. Zionism aims at creating an exclusively Jewish State where non-Jewish citizens would be second-class citizens; to achieve that aim they will resort to various means; and they will also rely on the time factor to eliminate the non-Jewish elements. 112. In this respect, the evidence is quite clear because racism is a contagious disease. Racism against the Arabs, Christians and Moslems, in the fmal analysis, comes to mean racism against coloured or Oriental Jews. The most recent example witnesed by the world and reported in the press is that hundreds were expelled and many black Jews were ill-treated in Israel because they are black. 113. Secondly, we wish to affirm that our struggle against zionism is a struggle against Zionist invasion, against the racist Zionist movement which is a fanatical aggressive movement. Connected with world capitalism and imperial- ism, it acts always in the service of the great Powers. The history of zionism is well known. It offered its services to the Tsar in Moscow, to the emperiors in Berlin, and to the caliphs of the Ottoman Empire. At that time the Ottoman Caliph refused to give up Palestine. Offers were also made to the Emperor of Vienna, and to Great Britain. Finally zionism allied it~elfwith a greater Power, the United States. The history of zionism is well known; it always tries to ally itself with the dominant Power in the world in order to serve it. 115. Universal zionism has based its activity on lies and falsification. The Zionists have told the world, and even the Jewish majority, that Jews without land went to instal themselves in a land without people, and they say nothing, in speaking of Palestine, about the Palestinian people or what they are doing to the Palestinian people. But the people of Palestine does exist; it has proved its existence and they can never prevent it from existing. 116. Zionism has endeavoured, and is still endeavouring, to exploit what is called anti-Semitism. This is something which is unknown in our region, in our history and in our civilization. It is an invention which was born in the West, in Europe in particular. Zionism does not want anti- Semitism to disappear because it is a useful weapon in the hands of the Zionist organizations to' attain two objectives: fIrst of all, to keep Western institutions, Governments and societies under a constant tlireat born of a feeling of guilt; and secondly, to keep the majority of Jews in a state of fear and apprehension, in order to dominate them and use the Jews of the world to implement the diabolical Zionist plans. Zionism also has tried to dominate the institutions of government in the Western States by all legal and illegal means, including corruption and intunidation. Zionism has tried to get a grip on the mass media in those countries in order to use the mass media to help Zionist aggression against the real interests of those peoples, particularly those of their working classes. 117. In this respect, I should like to recall yet again that our struggle is not against the Jews but against zionism. As I made clear, we make a distinction between zionism and Judaism. The history of Judaism in our region is well known. There has never been the religious fanaticism in our region that has afflicted other regions. We have never had an Inquisition, and we never invented anti-Semitism. We have never had ghettos in our countries, and no leader in our country has ever said, "Kill them all. God will know his own." 118. We have never done this. The Arab nation has always been a refuge that has sheltered many. including the Jews. The most flourishing time for Judaism and Jewish culture was under the reign of the Islamic Arab Empire, which dominated the south, east and west of the Mediterranean at one time. The Arab nation, as I have already said, is ready to welcome and to coexist with the Jews~ as they have in past centuries. But the Arab nation can never accept a situation where an aggressive imperialist invasion displaces the population of a country in order to replace that population with emigrant Jews from foreign countries who have no links with this region or with Palestine. 120. The settlements are a flagrant example of Israel's evil practices. Has not the President of the United States himself said that these settlements are illegal? Yes, Presi- dent Carter has said that publicly, and he has said also that such actions are not likely to create a climate favourable to peace in the region. But meanwhile these settlements are fmanced with money collected in the United States, and the contributions are exempt from taxation, especially when they arc collected through the "United Jewish Appeal". 121. We could speak at great length about the dominant position of zionism, about the enormous assistance it receives from the giant super-Power, the United States, against the Arab world. But the facts are so well known that I can be brief. I shall say only this: there is a great deal of talk these days about kidnappings and the taking of hostages. Well, zionism has kidnapped the entire American establishment and has made the American giant, this powerful State, a hostage of zionism. 122. Still on the subject of United States involvement, I should like to remind the Assembly, particularly after the !atest developments in the region, that there are certain indications that dangerous plots are being hatched in our Arab region which clearly threaten several countries of the region. Confmnation of this is to be found in the media and in discussions at political meetings. I must say that what I read and hear these days worries me very much. 123. Last Sunday, 27 November 1977, there was an article in The New York Times by the well-known columnist C. L. Sulzberger, in which he said that Israel should strike against the radical and progressive forces in the Middle East region and that if the peace efforts failed and there were a war, Israel should not attack the moderates, as it had done in the past, but should direct its strikes against the rejectionist groups no matter how far away they might be, specifically pointing to Libya and Iraq under the pretext of liquidating Soviet weapons stockpiled in those two coun- tries. 124. Such reports should not be taken lightly; they must be taken seriously in view of the possibility that plots are t~ing hatched in the region against the nationalist, pre- gressive and democratic forces, as I have already said. 125. Another well-known columnist, Jack Anderson, wrote on 29 November, in an article published in the New York Daily News and the Washington Post. that there Wa3 good reason to believe-and he probably had information on this from certain circles-that one of the possible motives for the recent events in the Middle East region, the reconciliation and the visit which had taken place was the agreement of an Arab President to aSSt.ree the task of liquidating another Arab leader. 127. I have already said that I shall not dwell on the attitude of the United States of Americ~. But I have to mention t.'le statement made earlier in this meeting by the representative of the United States in which he reaffirmed his country's negative position on the rights of the Palestinian people. He quoted from a greaf literary work, and what he said boiled down to this: this is the time for peace and not the time to deal with the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. 128. Tile hostility of the American Administration towards the rights of the Palestinian people is obvious. It is as thougil the speaker was saying there was a contradiction between speaking of peace and speaking of the rights ofthe Palestinian people. We should lik~ to tell him that no peace can come to the region until the Palestinian people can exercise their inalienable rights; there will be no peace without the effective Rarticipation ofthe Palestinian people and its agreement to any measures to be taken in this field. 129. The representative of the United States has quoted the Scriptures. I do not know whether it was in prose or poetry, but I will follow his example, and say in reply: "There is a time for justice; there is a time for peace after aggression and occupation; there is a time for law, which should redress wrongs; and there is a time for objectivity and integrity after partiality and injustice." I hope he will remember what I have just said with full integrity and objectivity. I would tell the representative of the United States that if, as he said, there is a time to embrace and a time to refrain from embracing, then we say to him: "You have embraced the Zionist cause for 30 years, and now it is time for you to refrain from embracing that cause." 130. I do not wish to speak of recent events in our region, or of the visit that was made, particularly since we- have already explained our position on this point. But in concluding my statement I should like to emphasize two points. 131. The first is that our opposition to the political tendencies of the leader who made that visit is not due solely to our attachment to the Arab cause and our desire to serve that cause, and to our solidarity with the heroic people of Palestine, but also to our wish to declare our brotherly love for and solidarity with Egypt and with the Egyptian people in their struggle, for they have always been and always will be in the vanguard of our national struggle. 132. The second point I wish to stress here is as follows. If we speak thus of the question of Palestine, and criticize an Arab President who has shaken the hand of a Zionist, if we