A/32/PV.96 General Assembly

In considering the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples {resolution 1514 (XV)), we are to a large extent dealing with the residual problems inherited from the age of European expansion and Western domination, or, as one Indian historian described it, "the Vasco da Gama epoch". That era, which started with the arrival of Vasco da Gama in Calicut on the shores of India in 1498 and lasted for 450 years, ended as a dominant factor in world history with the withdrawal of British forces from India in 1947 and of the European navies from China in 1949. 2. During the ensuing three decades, over 75 former colonial countries, representing over half of the world's population, won ..heir independence; and several other countries which were independent in name but were in fact subject to Western domination reasserted their national sovereignty. However, this newly acquired political sover- eignty is now being subverted in many subtle ways, particularly through economic power. But this problem itself remains inseparable from the unfinished task of bringing the era of colonialism to a complete close. 3. Independence was regained by these countries by various means, violent as well as non-violent. But in every case the people's struggle was the most potent power which forced the colonial masters to relinquish their hold. !f in 1579 A/32/PV.96 NEW Y 0 I~ K some cases it appeared that the colonial masters had the wisdom to hand over power gracefully, it wa~ due to recognition on their part of the relentlessness of the struggle of the 10ng-enslaved masses and the victory of the non-violent method of resolving the conflict. 4. In this connexion, I might mention that the struggle that was conducted by Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa against racism and colonialism was the first of its kind and was successfully carried back home; as a result of it, the British had to withdraw from India. 5. However, in other cases, either for short-term economic gains or for reasons of pri.dt; and prestige, the colonial Powers tried to hang on to their colonies, only to be ejected by means of armed struggle, waged by the liberation movements. Unfortunate'~v, in yet other cases: predatory racist minorities unilateniny and illegally usurped power from the colonial authorities, pushing people from one period of darkness to another. On the whole, however, the overwhelming trend since. the Second·WC'rld War has been against colonialism and racism, and the last remnants of those conservative misanthropes, who belong to a bJ gone era, are bound to be swept away by the tide of history. 6. The age of the subjugation of the peoples of Asia and Africa has given way to the principle of sovereign equality among nations, as recognized and required by the United Nations Charter. Domination based on race is no longer tolerated by the civilized world, and the remaining in- stances of racism are rightly regarded as symptoms of mental depravity. The feeling of cultural superiority asso- ciated with Europe has been overtaken by a renaissance of the ancient cultures of Asia and Mrica, which have penetrated Western thought and values as well. The ruthless exploitation of the natural resources ofcolonial Territories by a handful of technologically developed countries has been replaced by a stUlggle on the part. of developing countries for a new and just economic order which would give economic substance to their political independence. Finally, the acute military imbalance, which facilitated the systematic violation of the sovereignty of peoples and countries in the past, has been countered by the growing nationalism and patriotic zeal of the former colonial Territories. 7. Normally, in this new and more enlightened age, the persistence of colonialism and racism in certain parts of the world should be regarded as an anachronistic aberration which needs to be corrected by the international com- munity in the most expeditious manner. The principles guiding th~ process of decolonization of the remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories are contaund:h Chapter XI of the United Nations Charter and in General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1541 (XV). The Security Cour 8. There are still over 30 countries and Territories under colonial rule. The situation prevailing in each one of them, the attitudes of the respective administering Powers, the aspirations of the peoples concerned and the prospects for an early achievement of independence are most varied and need to be considered separately. 9. We have, for instance, a comparatively new phenome- non in Southern Rhodesia, where a group of armed men, bent upon maintaining their life-styles of privilege based on their domination of the African majority, usurped power from the colonial authorities and made off, as it were, with a colony of over 200,000 square kilometres and a popu- lation of over 6 million. Then we have the case of Namibia, which is an international Territory, illegally occupied by South Africa in blatant defiance of world opinion. We have a new deviation in decolonization in the form of spurious independent States, satellites of colonial Powers, such as the Tran:-kei. We also have the example of South Africa itself, \vh;~:-e the system of apartheid represents a hideous form of internal colonialism imposed by an ethnic minority over a large majority. 10. In at: these cases-Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa-the aspirations of the majority are being cruelly denied, and the liberation movements have therefore had to resort to armed struggle in the absence of peaceful avenues of change. The United Nations has been a sympathetic supporter of the suffering people ofsouthern Africa. But in some areas the racial bigots are still pursuing their uncom- promising course. Failure to defeat them would be a failure of the international community. 11• My ~elegation has already had occasion to reiterate Inclia's position, both in plenary meetings and in the Fourth Committee, regarding the intolerable situations prevailing in Zimbabwe, Namibia 2nd South Mrica. We feel that in order to regain credibility and to help in alleviating the sufferings of the struggling peoples of those countries, the United Nations should impose effective and strict san;tions not only against the illegal regime of Southern Rhodesia, but also agaiIlst South Africa itself, which sustains that regime, illegally occupies Namibia and practises apartheid at home. ill .his context, my delegation has been ~llcouraged by the recent mandatory arms embargo resultmg from Security Council resolution 418 (1977), adopted on 4 November this year. We feel, however, that sanctions should be extended to the economic and diplomatic fields as well, if they are to produce the desired results. 12. In relative contrast, we have the cases of island communities, for some of which total independence might entail a precarious future because of their size, geographical ~ocation and lack of resources. We also have the case of some Non-Salf-Governing Territories where the people have manifested their desire, either by means of electl~ns, referendums or evidence placed before visiting missions of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independenc!;, to Colonial Countries and Peoples, to retain varied forms ofconstitutional links with their administering 13. My delegation would like to reiterate its appreciation for the co-operation extended to the Special Committee by the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand with regard to the Non-Self-Governing Territories under their administration. We have also detected some positive signs of a change in the attitude of the United States of America in this regard during the course of this year. The other administering Power~ France, has also extended its co-op- eration to the Committee, for the first time, on the question of the New Hebrides. We express the hope that this positive development in the attitudes of the United States of America and France will become a permanent feature in the United Nations. 14. My delegation is convinced that the problems of many of the small Territories which, for reasons of size, geo- graphical pusHion and limited resources, have not yet attained full independence and are unlikely to do so in the near future, could be resolved by closer and more institu- tionalized co-operation between the United Nations and the administering Powers concerned. The concept of regional ec.onomic co-operation needs to be promoted within the broader context of international responsibility for the economic viability of those island Territories. Similar!y, the United Nations has'the responsibility of ensuring that the activities of foreign· private interests do not deprive tta~ people of the colonial Territories of their legitimate proprietary rights to their {,~tural resources. 15. My delegation looks forward to the day when this item will no longer be on the agenda of the General Assembly as a result of tLe complete decolonization of all the remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories. Only then will it be possible to say that the age of enlightenment affirming the equality and brotherhood of man has truly begun.

As it does each year when the report of the Special Committee is before it, the General Assembly is considering the question of the implementation of the Declaratiol1 on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The objective of our discussior. is to analyse the events that took place this past year and evaluate the progress made towards the realization of one of the fundamental objectives of this Organization, namely, the elimination of colonialism and the achievement of respect for the right of peoples to self-determination. It seems appropriate for us to recall here that this debate is most timely because it deals with a question that persists and is extremely important. Of course the anti-colonial surge throughout the world has brought with itmany substantial victories, and colonial empires which seemed indestructible have fallen. 17. Each year in various parts of the world we see that a great number of peoples and nations have won freedom and 19. The southern part of the continent of Africa is going through a catastrophic situation that has already lasted for too long. In Rhodesia and Namibia, the African peoples continue to be exposed to intolerable suffering as a result of the oppressive policy of illegal colonial and minority regimes. 20. The response of the Ian Smith regime to the prospect of a peaceful solution of the Rhodesian conflict held out in the Anglo-American plan has been delaying tactics and repeated acts of aggression against its neighbours, which threaten to involve the whole region in a military escala- tion. 21. In Namibia, the Pretoria regime has created endless obstacles to the settlement of the conflict by negotiation, and after many vicissitudes we still cannot see the light at the end of the tunnel. 22. Because of the persistence of this situation, which inspires anything but optimism, we must realize that there will be very grave consequences unless urgent and energetic action is undertaken.' The United Natio~s and all States Members of this Organization must face up realistically to their responsibilities in this regard. Obviously, intentions and verbal commitments alone are not enough. This is no longer the time for procrastination or half-measures. Events are so interrelated in southern Africa that a global strategy, to be followed by all the concrete measures necessary to implement it, must be conceived and adopted by the organs of the United Nations, and in particular by the Security Council, which has a very special responsibility in this matter and the necessary means provided under the Charter to free that region and its people from further useless suffering. 23. The Maputo International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, the text of whose Declaration and Plan of Action1 is to be adopted today by the General Assembly, considered the situation in southern Africa and established a framework within which United Nations action should take place. We want to reaffirm today our concurrence in the conclusions and recommen- dations contained in the Conference's report. We consider that the United Nations must have a very clear vision ofits objectives and be sure that it has the necessary means before engaging its prestige in or sanctioning any particular form of action in southern Africa. 24. It is no secret to anyone that innumerable proposals are being put forward at various levels in an attempt to 1 Official Recdrds of the Security Council, Thirty-second Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1977, document S/12344/Rev.l, annex V. 25. The United Nations can play an effective role only if each Member State undertakes to respect its decisions and to implement the recommendations adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council. It 1s en'ough for only one group of countries, for strategic, economic or other reasons, to drag their feet for the decisions adopted here to become inoperable. That applies even more when such countries constitute an important element of the inter- national community. 26. We feel that it is the duty of all countries which have not yet done so to take all the measures advocated by the General Assembly to help the peoples still under colonial domination to realize their aspirations. It is regrettable that several States Members of our Organization continue to enable their nationals and corporations to engage in economic and other activities in the colonial Territories to the detriment of the freedom and the interests of their inhabitants. 27. We want to appeal again urgently to those Govern- ments to pledge that no economic, financial or military assistance will be ever granted to the minority regimes in southern Africa. We are convinced that only by such sanctions will it be possible to bring about a change of heart in the regimes of Salisbury and. Pretoria. But in the meantime there is no choice for the populations under domination but lawful recourse to armed resistance. 28. The situation which obtains in certain colonial Terri- tories in the Facific and the Caribbean deserves, in our view, more systematic attention from this Assembly. The size of those Territories or their geographical location in no way diminishes the right of their populations to self-determina- tion or independence if those populations so desire. For many years now the General Assembly has unambiguously affmned and reaffirmed this right. 29. The Assembly has also defined the principles and established the general framework within which the process of the decolonization of small Territories can take place. The various political or constitutional options wlli~h are open to them are valid so long as the principle of self-determination is scrupulously observed. In our opinion, there can be no question of a single general and abstract formula that will settle particular problems that in most cases are absolutely specific. This is why it is high time to devise a formula which would take account of those particular characteristics of each problem which could be overlooked by an outsider. The future of the small Territories and of their populations, their strategic situation and their resources may in the very near future arouse cupidity and thus give rise to many conflicts. We have already noted certain signs that herald such developments. 30. I do not want to conclude these general remarks without expressing our gratitude to the Government of Mozambique, whose hospitality and dedication to the cause of decolonization has made it possible to hold the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. 31. I want also to pay a special tribute to the Chairman of the Special Committee, the Permanent Representative of the United Republic of Tanzania, Mr. Salim Abmed Salim, whose personal dedication and effective leadership have enabled the Committee on decolonization to bring its efforts to a successful end.

The delegation of Chile attaches great importance to the debate on item 24, since we are cOJlv~nced that the problems of decolonization in the world are of the utmost significance. Chile took part in the adoption of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and, through its con- tinuous participation in the Special Committee on decoloni- zation., it has actively contributed to the work which the United Nations has done in this regard. 33. In few fields has the United Nations taken more relevant action than in that of decolonization. Since the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV), very significant advances have been made in this field, and many are the peoples and Territories which have attained independence and which appear today with just pride among the free nations of the world. Chile has welcomed with feelings of brotherhood and happiness the independence ofeach one of them. 34. At this time, however, we cannot merely recognize what has been attained so far. Much distance remains to be covered and many cases of colonialism have not yet been solved. 35. No doubt the most salient cases which focus world attention and which are a true challenge for the United Nations are the questions of Namibia and Rhodesia. 36. In Namibia, not only is there a colonial situation which has been inherited from the past, but that situation has become worse owing to the application in that Territory of the policy of apartheid, a policy which has been universally condemned. 37. My delegation spoke on the question of Namibia when ,we took part in the debate on item 91 [38th meeting/. However, we wish to repeat that the policy of Chile concerning Namibia continues to be the same: we strongly condemn the illegal presence of the Republic of South Africa in the Territory of Namibia; we condemn the attempts to apply the policy of bantustanization to Namibia; and we are against that policy in itself, since it is one of the many manifestations ofapartheid. 39. In like manner, we wish to say before this Assembly that Chile will not recognize the sham independence of the Bophuthatswana bantustan, which has been announced in the press in recent days, nor will we recognize any other. 40. We repeat our hope that the unofficial steps taken by some Western Powers members of the Security Council will be crowned with success and that Namibia will thus in a short period of time become a free and sovereign nation and join this world Organization. We also repeat that the United Nations bears a responsibility with regard to Namibia and, consequently, can in no way be excluded from participation in any arrangements for attaining the independence of Namibia. 41. Concerning Rhodesia, my delegation wishes to state before this Assembly that the Government of Chile does not recognize the illegal regime of the white minority in Rhodesia and strictly applies the sanctions imposed by the Security Council against that regime. 42. Chile is a peaceful and a peace-loving country. Because of that, we are in favour of a peaceful settlement of the Rhodesian problem, according to the letter and the spirit of the United Nations Charter. Furthermore, this would prevent greater sufferings for the people of Zimbabwe, which has had to endure so much. We wish to make clear, however, that this peaceful settlement cannot entail a postponement of independence or of the creation of a majority government for the people of Zimbabwe. 43. As we have already stated, even if we recognize that Namibia and Zimbabwe are the two most important questions and the questions requiring solutions most urgently, we cannot overlook the fact that there are many other Non-Self-Governing Territories that have not yet exerCised their inalienable right to self-determination and independence, in conformity with resolution 1514 (XV). In the last quarter of the twentieth century there are still peoples in various parts of the world that are subject to the rule of colonial Powers; but there are also peoples that, in this twentieth century, have been subjugated and deprived of their independence. 44. The delegation of Chile wishes to repeat that the process of decolonization should not be delayed to serve the economic, fmancial or strategic interests of the colonial Powers administering the Territories. On the contrary, the colonial Power must comply strictly with" United Nations resolutions which have determined that the enjoyment of a country's natural resources is an inalienable right of the people of the Non-Self-Governing Territory. On the other hand, the administering Power is in duty bound to take all 45. The delegation of Chile believes that the Special Committee on decolonization established by the United Nations has fulfilled completely and with dedication the task entrusted to it by the Organization. This year my delegation has noted that the co-operation ofsome adminis- tering Powers in the work of the Committee has increased and that in some cases that co-operation has been reflected in the sending of United Nations visiting missions to some Non-Self-Governing Territories. Similarly, we note with satisfaction that the process of the decolonization of Djibouti was completed in conformity with agreements of the special Committee and the general postulates of the United Nations. Today the State of Djibouti occupies the place among us that it so well deserves. We express the hope that the decolonization of the Solomon Islands and Tuvalu will be completed in the coming year, in accordance with the programme that has been prepared by the local governments. 46. The task of decolonization might be regarded as nearing an end. Many peoples have attained independence. Those that are still not independent are inexorably moving towards it. This is therefore the time for new States and the third-world countries-and we are no longer such a new State, since we have been independent for a century and a half-to view with attention and concern certain phenom- ena that are obvious symptoms of policit..s that contradict the letter and the spirit of the Charter and affect the sovereignty, independence and integrity of the developing nations. 47. The widening of the existing gap between the wealthy and the poor nations, and between the overindustrialized countries and the under-developed or developing countries, is a present·day phenomenon which points to a growing economic dependence and a lack of sincere international solidarity. 48. Interference in the internal affairs of other States by Powers and super·Powers is another alarming symptom of the breach ofbasic principles of the Charter. 49. Political warfare, ideological confrontation, the struggle to acquire positions of strength or spheres of influence encompass covert-when not unmasked-forms of encouragement of internal subversion in a State or of the commission of aggression. 50. A distinguished Head of State of an African nation, the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, s~ated to this Assembly October last that he rejected the forms that action by the great Powers was taking in that continent. He said: "... the great Powers often play a destructive game. Some of them treat our continent as a reservoir of raw materials, while others see in it a field for manoeuvre for the sake ofsubversion". [34th meeting, para. 99.} 52. Neither the task of decolonization carried out by the United Nations nor the struggle for the national indepen- dence ofso many peoples can be frustrated by policies such as those I have mentioned. 53. Third-world States must take note of the existing facts, and this must lead us to an awareness of the dangers involved in those facts. We must fi.rmly demand respect for the basic principles of international order, principles which will ensure peace, independence, freedom, sovereignty, security and integrity for every nation.

Item 24 of the General Assembly's agenda is of interest to my delegation for more than one reason-for, to my delegation, the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is an essential principle designed to accelerate the process of decolonization. 55. The granting of independence to the countries and peoples still under colonial domination cannot admit of any exceptions. It must be noted that all the young States in this Assembly today were the beneficiaries of a process set in motion by resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 ·December 1960. That process should be irreversible, and yet for 17 years the problem of colonialism has been appearing on the agenda of each session of the General Assembly. In fact, the decoloni- zation machine that had been set in motion has now slowed down, on the one hand, because of·the reluctance shown by some and, on the other, because in our times colonialism has taken on a variety of forms. Confronted by this many-sided colonialism, the international community must make additional efforts to induce the Powers that still administer Territories, or maintain their presence in those Territories in violation of the relevant resolutions, to give up for ever the positions they occupy in those Territories. 56. The continued presence of these Powers in Territories far away from their soil, still less the illegal occupation of a Territory, can no longer be justified today. The time is long past when colonization was regarded as a sacred civilizing mission. Can the presence of a Power on a colonial Territory be justified by strategic reasons? The threat of a possible nuclear war does not hang over these Territories, which aspire only to freedom, to justice and to peace. 57. Other Powers maintain their presence in colonial Territories for economic reasons. That is what they say. But the question my delegation would ask is this; who essentially benefits from such a presence? In my delega- tion's view there is no doubt at all that the presence of Powers in Territories still under their domination can only do a disservice to the interests of those Powers. Other Powers, prompted by the desire for expansion, have illegally occupied and then annexed certain Territories in whole or in part. 59. The continuance of colonialism and the oppression, aggression and subjugation of a people cannot be con- sidered a factor for peace. It would certainly be wrong to believe that the situation can long be perpetuated. We must take into account the will of the populations concerned, which aim to obtain their freedom, because this is what is really involved. Nothing can shake the will of a people that seeks to recover its rights, despite whatever cost in loss of life. All means, whether armed struggle or political struggle, are justified if the aim is independence. 60. The colonial Territories and peoples are to be found mainly in southern Africa, in Namibia and Southern Rhodesia; there are also some small dependent Territories. 61. The situation in southern Africa is particularly alarm- ing. Apartheid, which has been tolerated fJr so long and which became a system of Government, will certainly not bring peace to that part of Africa. The odious repression organized by the disgraceful Vorster regime is a serious matter of concern to my delegation because, with the blessing of some Powers, the practice of apartheid con- tinues to hold up despite all the measures that have been taken by our Organization against it. The delegation of Chad hopes that, given the new measures just taken by the Security Council on this matter, we have finally reached a phase in which apartheid can be made to beat a retreat. For this to happen, however, the States principally concerned must respect the letter and the spirit of those measures. But unfortunately the measures being taken against Vorster come very late in the day, because apartheid has already taken so many victims in southern Africa. The list of the crimes and victims ofapartheid is too long to read out here. 62. My Government, through our Minister for Foreign Affairs in the general debate in the Assembly [25th meeting}, has condemned the practice of apartheid and its consequences. My delegation reaffirms its support for the people of Azania, which has been struggling to recover its rights. 63. The delegation of my country cannot tolerate a situation in which South Africa is deliberately extending its apartheid policy to Namibia and even amputating a part of that Territory. The bantustanization in South Africa cannot be extended to Namibia, which must accede to indepen- dence as speedily as possible. The creation of fictitious States in South Africa is inadmissible in the view of my delegation. The international community must react vigor- ously to this series ofprovocations, which are incompatible lfIith the responsibility once entrusted to South Africa. Once again my delegation reaffirms its support for the liberation movements in Namibia, and we hope they will be able to achieve the objectives proclaimed in the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. 64. What is happening in southern Africa causes my delegation much concern. For 13 years lan Smith has 65. Even though it is very fragile, the Anglo-American plan has some merits, although it may not represent the defmitive solution of the Rhodesian problem. My delega- tion feels that the black majority must come to power. The objective of lan Smith and his acolytes is to bury the problem in fictitious considerations. The most eloquent example of this is the notion of "one man, one vote". All these manoeuvres are of course but attempts to evade the problem and to gain time. lan Smith will remain in power and will, under the tutelage ofVorster, apply the policy the latter dictates. 66. The time for mere verbal condemnations of that regime has passed. Concrete measures must be taken to destroy the lan Smith regime. If he did not receive the support that.has been so well described by a petitioner at a hearing before the Fourth Committee, lan Smith would have been swept away long since. My delegation reaffirms its support for the liberation movements struggling to achieve the independence ofZimbabwe. 67. The granting of independence to the peoples of southern Africa can be achieved only with the effective support of the international community. It was thus that resolution 31/145 'Of 17 December 1976 enabled the United Nations, in co-operation with the Organization of African Unity, to hold the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe. 68. It was also with that same objective that the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos in August under the auspices of the United Nations, took place and severely condemned the apartheid regime in southern Africa. 69. The desire to perpetuate the apartheid regime and to support the lan Smith regime in Rhodesia is in conflict with the very times through which we are living. That is why my delegation feels it is in the true interests of certain States to take into account the great principles of freedom, justice and 'peace which have been defended, in other circum- stances at different times, by those same States at the cost of considerable sacrifice, so that the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe can exercise the right to self-determination and independence. 70. Faced with daily provocations and acts of aggression, our OrganiL:ation must react firmly. 71. My delegation is· convinced that, if all States scrupu- lously respected the measures that have been adopted, there would certainly be no need for our Assembly to have on its agenda this distressing item, which is the source ofso much concern to us. 72. The problem of the small Territories is also a matter of concern for my delegation. It is a fact that the small 73. My delegation supports those peoples engaged in political struggles to attain independence. 74. I would not wish to end this statement without expressing my delegation's sincere congratulations to the Special Committee, which, under the enlightened chair- manship of Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, Ambassarlor of the United Republic of Tanzania, has given us the excellent report that is now before us [A/32/23/Rev.l].

Ever since the revolutionary triumph of 1959 Cuba has lent its most determined co-operation to international efforts to eliminate colonialism in all its forms and manifestations everywhere in the world. In 1960 my delegation fully endorsed resolution 1514 (XV) on the granting of inde- pendence to colonial countries and peoples, and ever since the inception of the Special Committee it has encouraged that Committee to fulfil its mandate with regard to all peoples still under foreign subjugation. 76. In those days, it fell to our then Permanent Repre- sentative to the United Nations, Comrade Mario Garcia IncMustegui, to defend the internationalist principles of the Cuban Revolution with the dignity, devotion and competence that always characterized his brilliant diplo- matic career. That career came to a tragic end a few days ago when Comrade Garcia Inchciustegui and his wife, together with all the other passengers and the crew, were killed in the unfortunate disaster that befell an aircraft of Malaysian Airlines. An exemplary revolutionary diplomat, the spirit of Garcia Inchaustegui will live on in those who, like him, perform their duties with the passionate and unswerving dedication of the true fighter. 77. Ever since the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV), the movement for the liberation of colonial countries and peoples has been gathering momentum. It has scored numerous victories and has brought nearer the time of the fmal collapse of colonialism throughout the world. 78. In these circumstances, international reactionary forces, led by United States imperialism, are trying to group together and to halt the liberating process that is unfolding in colonial Territories. They are endeavouring to divide the anti-imperialist front and to break its international soli- darity with the national liberation movements. Day after. day, we note how the imperialists are trying to arrest the inevitable process of decolonization. We see this in the continual Western actions on behalf of South Africa in the Security Council. We see it in the successive Western manoeuvres aimed at frustrating the true, complete and immediate liberation of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. We see it in the pressures that the United States Government is bringing to bear on the international community in order to prevent the adoption of effective measures to end its colonial domination in Puerto Rico, Guam and other Pacific Territories. We see it in the constant propaganda in the media in the service of 80. Using all the means of hypocrisy and demagoguery! their spokesmen do not blush as they dare to present themselves as the advocates of imaginary peacefl!l solutions to the problems of the southem tip of Atnca. They. wrongly believe that through vl~rbal acrobatics they can hoodwink those who have known the long, onerous and shameful burden of the colonial experience. By Sunday- school pronouncements, pharasaical behaviour or sermons, they think that they can make us forget that it was they, the North American imperialists and their allies, who equipped Portuguese fascism and supported it politically, militarily and financially during the entire period of the colonial war, until the very last minute. Nor can anyone be ignorant of the fact that their monopolies were and are the fust to benefit from the racist exploitation of the workers in South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia. 81. The fact is that none of them would have been concerned over the question of Namibia or of Zimbabwe while Angola and Mozamjlique were controlled by the Portuguese colonialists. If now they turn their attention to southern Africll it is not in order to speed up its complete liberation but to try to save the racists and colonialists-and not because they are interested in peace but rather because they are concerned about their investments. They do not seek to advance the cause of freedom but rather to perpetuate slavery, poverty and exploitation. 82. While the imperialists juggle their so-called negotiation formulas and try to gain time for their racist partners, the regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury are intensifying their repression against the African majority and persisting in an aggressive and provocative policy against the neighbouring States which is a constant threat to international peace and security. 83. In recent days, Rhodesian troops have launched extremely serious attacks against the territory of Mozam- bique and have murdered hundreds of refugees and civilians and brought about the destruction of much Mozambican property. Cuba believes that the international community cannot remain indifferent to the atrocious crimes that the Smith clique commits daily against the young State of Mozambique. All States and progressive forces must act with urgency and offer Mozambique the necessary assist- ance to put an end to the acts of aggression committed against it. 84. In the struggle against colonialism, the Special Com- mittee has a relevant role which it must play consistently. In order that it may play this role, we must face up to the pressures and manoeuvres of imperialism and of those who attempt to destroy the character of the Committee as an instrument in the service of the subjected peoples. 86. We are convinced that in both cases the colonialists will fail in their plans to prevent international action based on consistent solidarity. The peoples of Puerto Rico and Guam, as well as all other peoples subjected to colonial oppression, have an inalienable right to independence and freedom and deserve the broadest and firmest solidarity of the international community until such time as they attain that right. 87. Cuba will continue in the future, as it has done in the past, to exert its best efforts in the Special Committee to see to it that that body assumes its full responsibility concerning the peoples of those two Territories. Our attitude concerning decolonization will continue to be governed by the internationalist principles of our Revolu- tion and by our deep conviction that the struggle against colonialism is one and indivisible, that it demands the united action of all anti-imperialist forces and the pooling of all efforts to bring about the complete elimination of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations wherever it may exist.

It is now 17 years since the General Assembly took the historic and enlightened step of proclaiming the Declaration on the Granting of Indepen- dence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Those 17 years have been marked by extensive progress; every year new nations attain their independence and join us here as full Members of this noble international Organization. The walls of these chambers are literally having to be pushed out to accommodate the now almost universal membership of the United Nations. 89. We cannot help but take a certain amount of pride in these great achievements of the United Nations, as the fundamental principles of these achievements were set out in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Who could have foreseen 17 years ago that the good intentions and great efforts that went into that Declaration would be crowned with suc- cess? One cannot help but keep in mind that many of the States which are now Members of the United Nations and of various other international and regional bodies and . which are the leaders and creative prime movers in some of the most vital and pressing causes and developments of this age were still struggling 17 years ago against colonial oppression. One cannot help but express gratitude to and commend all those States, persons and organizations that made this possible, including the President's own country, Yugoslavia, which not only played a significant role in the 91. In this regard my delegation must once again express its agreement with Mr. Salim when he said that at this stage we must pursue our efforts in all United Nations and other forums, and made special reference to the Security Council. My delegation has long held that vested commercial and even strategic interests cannot be held to be adequate justification for obstructing United Nations efforts in the cause of peace, justice and freedom, racial equality and self-determination in southern Africa or elsewhere. 92. This year another meeting was convened to pursue the efforts of the international community in the cause of Zimbabwe and Namibia. This was the historic Maputo Conference. My delegation salutes that Conference and wishes to express its satisfaction and compliance with the historic Declaration and Programme ofAction that resulted from the Conference. 93. Before concluding this statement I should like to address on behalf of my delegation a special word of gratitude and commendation to our Secretary·General for the devoted efforts that he has directed to these causes. We know that he will continue those efforts and we wish him all possible success. 94: Mr. KANE (Mauritania) (interpre:ation from French): This year, as in every previous year since 1960, the General Assembly, in considering the agenda item now under discussion, wished to show that the problems of decoloni- zation have been and remain among its immediate concerns. Consideration of the item throughout these years, while it enables our Assembly to strike a balance between the efforts deployed and the progress achieved in the field of decolonization since 1960, also leads the community of nations represented by our Organization to seek the most appropriate means of completing the task of advancing the peoples which it has already undertaken. 95. There is no doubt that immense and valuable progress has been made since 14 December 1960 in certain parts of Asia, Africa and Latin America, where peoples formerly under foreign domination have recovered their indepen- 96. In proclaiming, at the 947th plenary meeting of the General Assembly on 14 December 1960, its faith in basic human rights and in the dignity of the human person, and in authorizing in eloquent terms the struggle of the peoples for their freedom, the United Nations undoubtedly opened a new era in international relations. 97. That act of faith by our Organization, which was reflected in resolution 1514 (XV)-rightly called by some the "charter of freedom"-delimited the area of application of the {irinciples of the Charter, which were directed primarily to making the idea of the equality of all nations and all peoples living on our planet into a reality. 98. Thus, since 14 December 1960, that memorable date in the annals of our Organization, there has been increased awareness on the international scene of the relations among nations and of the destiny of peoples, and its decisive and salutary impact has shattered the centuries-old psycho- logical barriers between colonizers and colonized and established new, fruitful and objective relations based on equality and mutual respect. 99. For the developing countries newly independent at that time, and for the countries still under domination, the unequivocal stand taken by the United Nations on 14- December 1960 signifed, and still signifies, that the unjust system to which the majority of the peoples had been subjected and which some still try to perpetuate today, is outworn and condemned to disappear. 100. For the colonizing countries which supported this United Nations Declaration the new and courageous posi- tion they adopted meant that they had decided, without any reservations, to turn one of the most difficult but also most instructive pages in the history of international relations. 101. Thus 17 years have elapsed since the United Nations took that historic decision, and profound qualitative changes have since occurred in the world. Through armed struggle or through agreements between the colonial and colonized countries hundreds of millions of human beings have achieved dignity and freedom In Asia, in Africa, in Latin America and elsewhere in the world nations have emerged and hl;lve created States which today enjoy full sovereignty. Such an important change would have been very hard, perhaps impossible, to achieve in such a short time if the determination of the oppressed peoples had not been reinforced by active support in all fields by some of the countries that love peace and justice and by the international community as a whole. But even though this gigantic and generally beneficial work has been accom- plished, the mission entrusted to this Organization has not been completely fulfilled. Today men still continue to struggle and to die in the name of their legitimate right to freedom; peoples reject arbitrary rule, subjugation and the completely unjust situation in which they are kept; they continue to make enormous sacrifices and endure cruel suffering. Colonial wars of unprecedented ferocity continue 103. In Rhodesia-to begin with that Territory-a para- doxical political situation, skilfully maintained, still af- fronts the world conscience. A handful of white racists, armed and supported by certain Members of this Organi- zation, have for nearly 12 years hnposed &cruel oppression on millions of black people. Ever since the Rhodesian question first came before this Assembly, my delegation has repeatedly expressed its views and clarified its position concerning the future of that Territory. But it is relevant, in the light of recent developments in that part of Africa, for my delegation to make the following statement. 104. We have already had occasion to say, but believe today more than ever, that victory for the people of Zimbabwe lies in the unity of all its -sons. We therefore welcomed the creation of the Patriotic Front, which was one of the most important moves in organizing the resistance against the oppression of the Rhodesian colo- nialists. This unity of thought and of action has irritated Ian Smith, who sees his authority diminishing every day and the area of territory he controls shrinking. It is the setbacks in all spheres suffered by the Rhodesian whites that prompts them to attempt to sow division among the patriots of Zimbabwe and to undertake puniti~.re action against Mozambique and against the neighbouring coun- tries. The last incursion of the Rhodesian rebels into Mozambique caused, according to information in the world press, more than 1,200 deaths'to be added to the tragic list of the many killed by Ian Smith and his Rhodesian acolytes. But despite these actions contrary to law and morality, resulting from the growing isolation of the rebel Salisbury regime, the victory of the Zimbabwe people is assured because, like others we have seen elsewhere in the world, it is part of an irreversible historical process. 105. In Namibia the political situation has not changed for more than a quarter of a century. In this international Territory-as in Zimbabwe, whose situation I have akeady described-the similarity of oppressive measures is very evident because the same philosophy underlies the policy of the illegal Smith regime and the racist administration of Pretoria. In Namibia, as in Zimbabwe, in addition to torture, arbitrary arrests and daily sentences without trial and without appeal, it is the aim of the two racist regimes to divide the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and thus to perpetuate domination by the whites and the exploitation of the black population, the logical result of any foreign domination. 106. The situation in Zimbabwe is mainly due to a rebellion which, in the fmal analysis, has been tolerated for obvious reasons, but the occupation of Namibia is in fact a rebellion by the South African regime against the United Nations, which had temporarily en- 107. Too many things have been said and reiterated for over 25 years. South Africa has been repeatedly condemned by the General Assembly and by other international institutions, but it still occupies Namibia and a reign of terror still prevails there. 108. The General Assembly has on several occasions invited the Security Council to take measures in accordance with the Charter, but the Council maint~.ins an attitude that could only be regarded as one of complicity. We declare today without reservation that Security Council vetoes will not save South Africa from catastrophe. The many chances offered by the Security Council to South Africa should have brought the Vorster administration to understand that the time has now come to make amends. I would recall the last meeting of the Security Council on southern Africa, at which an important step was taken by the adoption of resolution 418 (1977) imposing an embargo on the supply of arms to South Africa. Even though this IS a limited measure, the fact that such a sanction was accepted by the whole of the membership of the Security Council indicates that there is already some irritation among those countries which have traditionally supported South Africa. Such an attitude on the part of the Council should have given the Pretoria administration food for thought, but unfortunately the latest elections held in South Africa and the hardening of the policies of Vorster after those elections show once again that the United Nations can now only envisage the full application of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. So long as the United Nations will merely voice ineffectual condemnations, it will not be in a position to prevent the situation in South Africa from degenerating into a conflict that could have serious consequences for international peace and security. 109. After having spoken on these two questions, which of course constitute immediate threats to Africa and to the international community, I should now like to say a few words about another question, also within the competence of this Organization, and which is also a threat to international equilibrium. 110. The question of Palestine-for bris is the question-is a cause of concern to this Organization and has been so for a whole generation. In that part of the world a whole people was evicted from its homeland, dispossessed, and left prey to hunger, disease and poverty. It is beyond reason ·why our Organization took upon itself the responsibility for such an act, delivering Arab Palestine to the occupation of foreign settlers.. Here, as in Namibia, we are confronted with a colonial situation going hand in hand with an expansionism which is a real insult to law and morality. In Palestine and in Namibia two regimes that are still Members of this Organization are engaging in practices that in every Ill. These aspirations were, and still are, the return of the Palestinian people to its usurped homeland, and the recognition of that people's right to Arab Palestine. In recognizing the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, our Organization took a very imPortant step towards the restoration ofjustice and legality in Palestine. 112. I should have liked to extend my statement to cover other questions which are part of our present discussions and which rightly preoccupy the United Nations and the international community. I have confined myself to ad- dressing only some of the problems now before us, not because my delegation has less interest in the others, but simply because our Organization, for more than a quarter of a century now, has been dealing with two of the questions of whichJhave spoken. 113. Moreover, the report submitted by the Chairman of the Special Committee, our brother Mr. SaIim Ahmed SaIim with his well-known eloquence and level-headedness, deals with all aspects of the issues before us. My delegation, in congratulating the members of the Committee on decolo- nization and its Chairman, justly feels that the proposals in that report have several positive aspects which deserve the unanimous support ofthis Assembly. 114. Our Assembly, by resolutely committing itself in recent years to the struggle against colonialism and domi- nation, wanted to show the world that it was high time to call an irrevocable halt to all forms of foreign domination. The Maputo and Lagos Conferences, and the dynamic initiatives of the Secretary-General to unjam the Middle East situation, are irrefutable proof of this Organization's determination. 115. Come what may, the process that has already begun in all fields by the liberation movements to ensure the freedom of their countries and peoples is now irreversible. In southern Africa, as in the Middle East and in other parts of the world, there is the same determination, the same struggle and the same surge of solidarity and generosity from a world which more and more craves justice, peace and freedom. 116. Despite the attempts of those who want to divide Africa, the Arab world, Latin America and Asia, the trend towards unity will remain irreversible; unity and solidarity will one day triumph. Everywhere, we see the same struggle

At the outset, I should like to pay a tribute to the valuable efforts of the Special Committee on the Situation regarding the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for its valuable report in documents {A/32/23/Rev.l], regarding the events in those countries which continue to suffer under the yoke of colonialism and foreign domination. 119. My country attaches prime and direct importance to colonization-related issues, not only out of solidarity with the oppressed peoples but also because of our commitment to the cause of peace and justice in the world. The elimination of colonialism in all its forms is a paramount task of the United Nations, because the continuation and perpetuation of colonialism constitutes an obstacle to the restoration of peace and security in the world, as well as a denial of the right of peoples to realize their legitimate aspirations to self-determination and independence. There are still a number of peoples in territories in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Middle East that are struggling to attain their freedom and liberation from the yoke of colonialism and to achieve independence, as well as sovereignty over their resources. Those peoples place their hopes in the United Nations, and this Organization must not shirk its responsibility towards those Territories; indeed, it must secure the implementation of the provisions of Article 73 (If the Charter, which sets forth the commitments of administering Powers, especially with regard to the political aspect of the decolonization process. 120. General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) constitutes the basis, as well as a sound avenue, for realizing indepen- dence and the elimination of foreign and colonialist domination, and for fostering a propitious atmosphere for co-operation among peoples. That histOlic resolution was, in fact, the juridical instrument which enshrined the basic principles guaranteeing the right of peoples to self-deter- mination and to sovereignty over their natural resources and the preservation of basic human rights. 121. The practice of the policy of apartheid and the imposition of all forms of racial discrimination continue in bastions that have not yet been destroyed in South Africa and Rhodesia, because colonialism, injustice and foreign domination still obstruct the implementation of the legiti- mate rights, self-determination and national sovereignty of those peoples, which endure daily all forms of torture and subjugation. 122. Among the areas occupying the close attention of the General Assembly are those of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe, where millions of human beings are daily exposed to repression, torture and the policy of racial discrimination. Indeed, this abhorrent policy has already been denounced by the international community at large as 123. The two racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia continue to defy world public opinion and blatantly to scorn all resolutions adopted by our international Organi- zation. They pursue their inhuman designs aimed at dominating the peoples of the area through terrorism, genocide and the imposition of the policy of bantustani- zation, the latest manifestation of which was the establish- ment of the Bophuthatswana bantustan. .The New York Times commented yesterday that that bantustan would be no more fortunate than its predecessor, the Transkei, and that it would not obtain any more recognition than the Transkei. In this connexion, we would urge all countries to refrain from recognizing that fraudulent independence in any manner and to withhold all co-operation with any authority that may be set up on the basis of the racist regime and policy already condemned by the United Nations, or based on efforts to repress the original inhabitants. In view of their intransigence in defying the international will, we call for further practical and effective measures, especially on the part of Western countries, to exert pressure and tighten the noose around those two racist regimes, and to force them to recognize the right of the peoples suffering under their oppression to self-deter- mination on their own land. Restrictions must also be placed on the countries which extend to those two regimes any form -of support, including economic and military assistance, through the sale of lethal weapons and military equipment, which make financial investments that allow the exploitation of the natural resources of their countries or which supply nuclear teChnology and equipment. That constitutes a serious menace to the peoples of southern Africa and the United· Nations and a threat to world peace and security. Increasing assistance, both material and moral, must therefore be given to the liberation movements in Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania so as to help them in confronting that abhorrent racist challenge. 124. With regard to the Territory of Namibia, we believe it is incumbent that the United Nations assume its entire responsibility to support the people of Namibia so that they may exercise their inalienable right to self-determi- nation and independence. Although, since 1966, the inter- national community has called, and still calls, for South Africa's withdrawal from Namibia and continues to denounce its continued unlawful occupation of the area-an occupation that constitutes a threat to peace and security in the African continent, the racist regime in South Africa continues to occupy that Territory by force, practises a policy of racial discrimination, detains the inhabitants of the region, throws them into dark dungeons and subjects them to torture and murder for their resistance to South Africa's occupation, of Namibia. 125. The military mobilization undertaken by South Africa in Namibia, as well as its incre3sing recourse to force so as to maintain its illegal domination over the region, and its rejection of and refusal to comply with General Assembly resolutions concerning the colony-the last of which were resolutions 31/143 and 31/145-and Security 126. With regard to the war being waged by the Pretoria Government in the region and the Salisbury Government against neighbouring countries, that constitutes a menace to peace and security in the world. 127. The Maputo Declaration and the Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid2 have called the attention of the international community to the danger that is jeopar- dizing international peace in South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe, and constitutes a violation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and is a direct flouting of human rights. We must not therefore restrict ourselves to mere condemnations and denunciations of racial djscrimination; rather, we should combine our efforts and take specific measures to eliminate the two illegal regimes and the policy ofracial discrimination practised by Rhodesia and South Africa that has victimized the peoples of the region. 128. The peoples which continue to suffer under the colonial yoke-especially in South Africa, Rhodesia and Namibia-are fighting to reafrIrm their identity, an identity that they have been able to maintain throughout history. It is the legitimate right of those people,S to struggle under the leadership of national liberation movements to attain their independence and organize their life according to their traditions and their own understanding of their interests. Those people will continue to fight for so long as that remains necessary, because they have, thanks to their sacrifices and courage, established the legitimacy of their cause and have forced the recognition of their rights. They must be granted the necessary support and assistance by the international community to enhance their struggle, for the time is long past when the colonial Powers can continue to stifle the voices oftheir victims. 129. My delegation would like to avail itself of this opportunity to express its profound appreciation of the tireless efforts exerted by the United Nations to mobilize world public opinion with regard to the Organization's role in the task of the elimination of colonialism and the creation of a world where freedom, equality and justice will prevail. My country would also like to reafrrrm its full and IIrm support of the peoples suffering under the yoke of colonialism and foreign domination and to reject all forms of tutelage over those peoples. It is now high time for the peoples of the world to rid themselves of such domination by all possible methods advocated by the United Nations to attain the right to self-determination, freedom and indepen- dence.

Seventeen years have elapsed since the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and 2 See Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2), chap. X. 132. During this year a number of small Territories have been able to exercise their right to self-determination; some of them have reached complete internal self-government and have therefore come to the threshold of independence. Djibouti became an independent State and joined the membership of this world body. That is, in fact, another achievement of this Organization in the field of decoloni- zation since we last considered this item. During the year 1977 important events took place and decisions were taken aimed at further paving the way for the speedy implemen- tation of the Declaration, especially in the cases of Zimbabwe anq Namibia. 133. The adoption by the Security Council of resolution 409 (1977) of 27 May by which the Council, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter, decided that all States Members and non-members of the Organization should prohibit the use or transfer of any funds in their territories by the illegal regime of Southern Rhodesia is a decision in the right direction. Further, the Security Council, noting the military build-up in South. Africa and the persistent acts of aggression by that country against the neighbOUring African States, again acted under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter and adopted resolution 418 (1977) of 4 November 1977, imposing a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. Those decisions are, in our view, a major and effective contribution to the endeavours of this Organi- zation for the full implementation of the Declaration. 134. The International Conference in Support of the Peoples ofZimbabwe and Namibia, held at Maputo, and the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held this year in Lagos, the decisions of which will have a tre- mendous impact on the action ofGovernments, were major positive events during the year designed to facilitate the implementation ofthe Declaration. 135. However, it is with dismay we state that, despite those positive developments, the situation in southern Africa does not represent a positive change. 136. In South Africa the racist regime of Pretoria con- tinues to deny the undeniable rights of millions ofAfricans and to exert all possible pressure upon the black national- ists with the aim of further exploiting the human and natural resources of the country in favour of the white minority. Despite the fact that the principle of racial non-discrimination has been formally endorsed by the United Nations, and through it by the world society, while at the same time practical measures have been taken to reduce and eliminate discrimination, in one corner of the African continent this promising trend is still being reversed 138. The Afghan Government wishes to express, once again, its deep concern with regard to the situation resulting from the delay in the implementation of the Declaration in the cases of Namibia and Zimbabwe, which has produced an explosive situation in southern Africa in general and in Zimbabwe and Namibia in particular. This state of affairs, especially the militarization of the Territories and their use as a base for armed attacks upon the African front-line States, in our view, constitutes a serious threat to interna- tional peace and security. 139. The Afghan Government considers the further con- tinuance of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations in southern Africa and other Territories still under colonial rule to be a crime which constitutes a violation of the Charter of the United Nations, the Declaration and the principles of international law. In the light of these considerations, we believe that Member Statc~ should, under the Charter of the United Nations, do their utmost to preserve international peace and security, to ensure funda- mental human rights, and to promote social progress and a bett~r standard of living in larger freedom through the implementation ofthe Declaration. 140. We are convinced that, in the achievement of these noble objectives, the following steps will constitute impor- tant factors. 141. Sanctions against the illegal regime ofSalisbury must be expanded and extended to South Africa, thereby closing all the existing loop-holes through which the sanctions continue to be violated. 142. Effective measures must be taken for the interna- tional supervision of the already imposed arms embargo against South.Africa. 143. The activities and practices of foreign economic, financial and other interests operating in colonial Terri- 144. The efforts of the international community --:'lust be intensified to oppose the collaboration between the Salis- bury and Pretoria regimes. These two racist regimes must be completely isolated. 145. Appropriate and effective measures must be taken to bring about the release of political prisoners and, until they are released, to ensure the treatment of all freedom fighters under detention in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Geneva Conventions of 1949. 146. The widest possible publicity must be given by the mass media to the objectives and achievements of the United Nations in the field of decolonization, especially those of the Maputo and Lagos Conferences, and their decisions aimed at creating public awareness of the situa- tion in southern Africa, and especially of the need for active support to the liberation movements. 147. The heroic struggles of the nationallibera.tion move- ments must be supported and assisted. Equally important, support must be given to the Governments of the front-line African States resisting aggression by the colonialist and racist regimes. 148. The administering Powers are obliged, under Article 73 e of the Charter, to co-operate with the United Nations in transmitting information concerning the situation in the Territories under their administration and in ensuring access for United Nations visiting missions to those Territories in order to secure first-hand information and to ascertain the wishes and aspirations of the people. We attach great importance to the dispatch of visiting missions to the colonial Territories and express the hope that access for United Nations missions to those Territories which it has not so far been possible to visit will be ensured in the coming year. We also attach importance to co-operation with t..he Special Committee by the administering Powers concerned. 149. In this connexion, we take note of the co-operative attitude shown to the Special Committee by the French Government in the consideration of the situation in the Territory of the New Hebrides. 150. The people and the Government of the Republic of Afghanistan have alway~ supported the legitimate struggle of the peoples under colonial and alien domination. We will continue to support \~lis struggle until all the remnants of colonialism, racism, apartheid and racial discrimination are liquidated. This position, which is one of the corner-stones of my Government's foreign policy, is based on our genuine faith in and. loyalty to the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nation~.

May I at the outset highly commend the Chairman of the Special Committee, Mr. Sali~ A. Salim of the United Republic ofTanzania, for 152. We have studied very carefully the statements made by tite Chairman of the Special Committee and its Rapporteur and we wish to offer some comments on the work of the Committee. 153. One could not fail to credit the Special Committee for being instrumental in the convening of the Internatjonal Conference in Support of the People~ of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held at Maputo this year. A major achievement of that Conference was the un~:lirnous adoption of the political DeClaration and Programme of Action for the Liberation of Zirn~abweand Namibia. 154. I need not elaborate on the significance of that Declaration, which signalled the intensification of the international action in support of the struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. Cyprus, having partici- pated in the Maputo Conference, stands firmly for the implementation of that iI!':.portant Declaration. 155. The recent adoption of special measures under Chapter VII of the Charter against Soutil Africa is a welcome first cause for optimism. 156. It is our hope that the present sanctions agai~st Rhodesia will be expanded in order to include all enforce- ment measures provided for in Articie 41 of the Charter. 157. We frrrnly believe that as a matter of principle such measures as are warranted by the situation should also be readily applied in analogous cases of aggression and of a recalcitrant refusal by oppressive regimes to comply with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council-especially if they happen to have been adopted unanimously, as in the case of Cyprus. A whole series of Security Council and General Asseml'ly resolutions on Cyprus remain totally unhnplemented; yet the Security Council has so far continued to be inactive, failing to take the long-overdue implementation action against the guilty party. 158. My delegation find~ itself in full agreement with the suggestion of the Chairman of the Special Committee that the balance remaining from the voluntary contributions made by Member States to cover the expenses of the Maputo Conference should be utilized partly to help the oppressed peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, through appropriate United Nations channels, and partiy to pub- licize the deliberations of the Maputo Conference. 159. Relying on the active solidarity and support of the international community in order successfully to pursue our struggle to free ourselves from the oppressive presence of the occupation forces, we wish to add a word of emphasis regarding the need to strengthen the international community's bonds of solidarity with and support for the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, until their long struggle 160. Faithful to its commitment to support the struggles against colonialism and oppression, the Cyprus delegation has become a sponsor of draft resolutions A/32/L.35 and Add.l, A/32/L.36 and Add.l and A/32/L.37 and Add. I. It is our hope that these draft resolutions will command the widest possible support of this Assembly. 161. My delegation has a~ready had occasion to welcome the presence among us of the delegation of the State of Djibouti, which has finally achieved its independence, after a rather protracted process of decolonization. 162. Regarding the sman colonial Territories, my dele- gation wishes to reiterate its position of principle that there can be no acceptable compromising of the inalienable right of the peoples of those Territories to self-determination and independence, in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, as contained in the landmark General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). 163. We are happy to ncte in this respect, from Ambas- sador Salim's statement, that co••• the Special Committee, in its consideration and examination of the conditions in those small Territories, has now received the co-operation of all the administering Powers concerned. This co-opera- tion has been very important in enabling the Committee to discharge properly the responsibilities entrusted to it by the General Assembly." [92nd meeting, para. 37.J In this respect, we look forward to ·the exercise of the right of self-determination by the peoples of the Solomon Islands, the Gilbert Islands, Tuvalu and New Hebrides. 164. We endorse the view that the dispatch of fact-finding missions to such Territories, or other Territories under foreign occupation, constitutes "... an essential and indispensable means for the United Nations to secure adequate and first-hand information regarding ... conditions in those Territories ...n. [Ibid., para. 44.J We therefore welcome the fact that the Special Committee was able to dispatch, with the co-operation of the adminis- tering Powers concerned, two visiting missions to colonial Territories during the past year. 165.. In conclusion, I wish to express on behalf of my delegation the earnest hope that genuine decolonization, through the application of the relevant provisions of the Charter and General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), will at last be achieved, thus removing a stigma that has afflicted mankind and an obstacle that has hindered international co-operation and understanding on the basis of sovereign equality.

My delegation is participating in this debate on agenda item 24 for two reasons: first, to highlight the values of freedom, independence and justice for an men everywhere; and secondly, to underline our 167. My delegation is highly appreciative of the efforts of the members of the Special Committee, under the very able leadership of our friend and brother Ambassador Salim of Tanzania, for the,T helpful and comprehensive report in document A/32/23jRev.1. We should like to place on record our profound admiration of the Committee's un- swerving devotion and dedication to the pursuit of the goal of self-determination by all peoples of the world. The task of the Committee over the years has not been easy. While some administering Powers have drastically overhauled their policies and brought them closer to the requirements of the provisions of Article 73 of the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly, others have been decidedly negative-as in the case of the racist regime in South Africa, which not only has refused to terminate its illegal strartglehold over Namibia following the revocation of its Mandate over that Territory, but, in addition, has intensified its policies of brutal repression and racism. 168. South Africa, we would recall, was a founding Member of the United Nations, but today South Africa is considered unfit to take its place among us. That is the true test of how much progress we .have made and should continue to make in the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 169. The past year has not been without some success, of which our Organization can justly be proud. In this connexion, my delegation seizes this opportunity once again to salute the Republic of Djibouti, which has this year been able to take its deserved place in the community of nations. We warmly welcome the new State in our midst and look forward to fruitful co-operation with it in the uncompleted task of bringing others still under colonial bondage to freedom and independence. 170. Furthermore, there was the epoch-making Interna- tional Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia in Maputo last May, which adopted a programme of action which constitutes a giant step in the international drive further to isolate the racist settler minority regimes in Salisbury and Pretoria. The Maputo Declaration, which was endorsed by all 96 participating member States, stipulated the development of armed struggle, the isolation of the minority regime and interna- tional support f.:>r the national liberation movements as potent factors which could create conditions for majority rule and genuine independence for Zimbabwe and Namibia. 171. Then followed the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, which was held in my own country, at institutioIl3lized slavery or, at best, a form of colonialism. 172. During the debate on the policies of apartheid in South Africa at the current session of the General Assembly [item 27J, my delegation made it clear that the mandatory economic sanctions imposed on Rhodesia will never suc- ceed until they have been extended to include South Africa as well. Largely through shameless manoeuvres and thanks to the craze for profits of the major oil companies and the active collaboration of the South African Government, oil continues to flow freely into Rhodesia. Until all the permanent members of the Security Council confront the fact that the oil leaks in the sanctions measures must be plugged and that South Africa's biuff must be called by extending sanctions to it, those mandatory sanctions, in force from 1966 up to now, will be futile and ineffective. 173. Oil is absolutely vital to the economic and military survival of the Smith regime. The same South African oil supplies have consistently been utilized to power the mechanized military columns and vehicles of the notorious Smith army, which over the years has crossed the borders of the neighbouring States of Mozambique, Botswana and Zambia in fulfIlment of the rebel leader's criminal aggres- sive designs ·on those Territories, leaving behind them, on withdrawal, large areas of human desolation. In their criminal incursions they have invariably picked women and children, particularly in refugee camps, as their targets, in order to intimidate the freedom-fighters and to compromise the support of the front-line States for the liberation movements. 174. Some Western countries involved in the current negotiations to resolve the continuing crisis in Namibia and Zimbabwe have argued that the racist Government in Pretoria should not be pushed too hard by the imposition of more effective sanctions, such as an Jil embargo, in order not to upset what they have termed the delicate negotia- tions going on in Namibia and Zimbabwe. But what have we got in return? In the immediate aftermath of the cold-blooded murJer of Steven Biko and other patriots by the South African police, the racist leader last month called a snap election on the basis of a restricted white franchise primarily to trumpet his defiance to the world. Since that sham election, the racist leader seems to have made good his promise to impose harsher and more repressive measures on the defenceless majority African population of that country. 175. Nor is the picture in Zimbabwe any different. Barely 24 hours afterward~ Smith ordered his troops into Mozam- bique, where they murdered some 1,200 defenceless women and children in cold blood. The rebel leader offered to explore the possibility of a so-called internal solution on the basis of "one man, one vote". The truth, of course, is that Smith has no intention of relinquishing power, unless he is compelled to do so by forces beyond his control. By 176. That is why my delegation has consistently proposed that the mandatory sanctions of the Security Council should also be extended to cover South Africa as well, since that is the only way they can be made effective and thus mercifully bring to a halt the unending sequence of human suffering and hardship in that unhappy country. 177. All countries, particularly the Western countries, - must take appropriate steps to invoke legislation in their respective countries which would make their own oil companies operating in South Africa liable for the con- tinued violation by their subsidiary companies of the mandatory sanctions on the issue of oil supplies to Rhodesia. Ifsanctions against Rhodesia are ever to have any effect, the South African loop-hole through which their full impact has been neutralized in the past will have to be sealed by the Security Council. My delegation therefore hopes that the Western members of the Security Council will take up the challenge posed by South Africa's defiance and satisfy the yearnings of millions suffering in that unhappy region by taking appropriate actions. The West must realize, in the words of Mr. Rivers, the British economist, who addressed the Fourth Committee on the mechanics of oil inflow into Rhodesia, that: "At stake was not only the question of whether the minority white regime was to be forced to give up its illegal political and military power; at stake also was the whole future credibility of firm non-military action by the Security Council acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter."3 178. The Nigerian Government, [ryr its part, is undertaking a serious study of this matter with a view to identifying those companies that are operating a lucrative business in Nigeria, while at the same time serving as instruments of oppression and exploitation in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. Thus their activity will increasingly be taken into account by the Nigerian Government in the formu- lation of its attitude towards them. We gave a warning that those companies must desist from operating in South Africa and we repeat that warning In any case, time seems to be running out for them, as they may have to choose very soon between their economic interests in Africa and those in southern Africa. 179. If the main thrust of my statement has been centred on the situation in southern Africa, this should not in any way be construed as reflecting an insensitivity to the 180. Finally, I should like to place on record my delegation's profound appreciation of the contribution of some Member States-particularly the east European and Nordic countries-for their continued material and humani- tarian support for the victims of colonial oppression all over the world, particularly those in southern Africa. We believe that such modest efforts have gone a long way towards alleviating the sufferings of the victims of oppression, as well as easing the inexorable march of the freedom-lovers in those Territories towards full nationhood. We reserve similar encomiums for all non-governmental organizations, churches, V'arious anti-apartheid movements, international organizations, the specialized agencies of the United Nations and individuals which, by their activities either as individuals or as groups, have helped to accelerate the pace towards self-determination and full sovereignty in those Territories. I am confident that the torch of freedom that was lit several decades ago with the advent of several countries, particularly in Africa, to full sovereign status will be kept alive by all lovers of freedom all over the world who cherish the innate qualities of individual liberty and human dignity. In the spirit of the Maputo and Lagos Declarations, I also hope that the States Members of this noble Organization will pool their resources ~ one supreme effort to eliminate the remaining vestiges of colonialism, oppression, exploitation and apartheid from the entire surface of this planet.

Once again, the General Assembly of the United Nations is called upon to examine the weighty records of decoloni- zation. This is, however, a question that has been under extensive and detailed investigation for many years. This is a task which the United Nations undertook early on and which, while distinguished over these past 10 years by unquestionable successes, is now being held up by the resolve of the conservative forces to contain any movement leading towards the liberation of peoples and the realization of their legitimate aspirations to freedom and indepen- dence. This is why the obstacles that stand in the way of the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples must today more than ever be carefully analysed, assessed and questioned. We must ask ourselves with whom and for whom the last representatives of colonialism in Africa and in other parts of the world are working to stifle the inalienable rights of the colonial peoples to independence. 182. Those who still believe that the rising up of the masses in their just anger directed against colonialist oppression is only a mo\~ment of the so-called "primitive" forces-that is, like the confusion of a herd of sheep stirred up by skilful agitators-are greatly mistaken, and we cannot but be amazed at the tolerance, the prudishness and, I would even go so far as to say, the complicity of some Powers which, by their silence, their words or their actions, encourage the criminal acts of the Rhodesian and South African colonialists in Zimbabwe and Namibia. But-and I say this unequivocally-ail those colonial regimes are irreparably doomed; the hour is near when they will explode irretrievably into bits and pieces. 183. At the time that this important debate is taking place on the subject of decolonization, the peoples that are still labOUring under the colonialist yoke are waging a merciless fight against their oppressors, because, faced with the criminal blindness of the colonialists, the national liberation struggle is, and contipues to be, the foremost means of advancing towards the liberation of peoples. This fact is very encouraging indeed. The armed liberation struggle is the only valid response to the colonialist challenge. The greater the challenge, the greater the stimulus day after day. The peoples engaged in the struggle against colonialism and its guardian angel-I refer to imperialism-know that with- out a directing organization the energy of the popular masses would dissipate as uncontained steam disappears. By their determined struggle the national liberation movements are year after year cutting off decaying parts of the crum~1ing structure of colonialism. 184. We must, however, stress that, to defend the colo- nialist and racist mythology of our times, there are only some nostalgic witnesses of an obsolete glory, specimens of a species now, fortunately, on the way to oblivion. In fact, this enterprise has become a morally shameful exercise in pclitical gymnastics. In our view, colonialism appears as the c.oncentrated expression of an intrinsic gangsterism, which goes hand in hand with a certain number of things that are hypocritically described as "Christian civilization", the "free world". The fact that the "free world", the herald of colonialism and imperialism, is practically a title of nobility is a paradox that never ceases to amaze us. How can we admit that some States can guarantee their existence only if they dominate and exploit other peoples, cynically taking away their freedom which, nevertheless, the colonialist States demand for themselves? 185. Africa, which is at the heart of the stonn and which wages a just battle against the last bastions of colonialism, knows that it can count on the United Nations as an important centre of support for the efforts which all the African peoples exert each day to clear our continent of the blemishes of colonialism and racism. Engaged in three cruel conflicts, three lands dear to the hearts of all Africans are still subjected to the full rigour of colon~allaw. 186. Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa are at a decisive turning-point in their history, a history written in 187. The massacre of civilians carried out in recent days by Ian Smith in the independent State of Mozambique has been reported in the mass media in the West as a banal occurrence. Imagine for one moment that such acts, which bear the mark of the consistent savagery of the Salisbury regime, had been committed In a se-called "civilized" country of the world. Would there not have been the noisy outcry in the press and public opinion, whose credulity is constantly being put to the test? The West has preferred to ignore this monstrous crime once again. committed by Ian Smith which paralyses all effective action against that illegal regime by inhibiting the action of our Organization. Nevertheless, tragic events of that nature and the cowardly acts of aggression committ(~d by adventurers outlawed by the international community against States Members of the United Nations should at least suffice to set in motion finn action within the framework of our Organization aimed at safeguarding its own ideals. It is this apathy on the part of some Powers that is a source of comfort to the criminals, Vorstei and Ian Smith, in their mad enterprise, a.l1d convinces us that those accomplice Powers are effectively die main sources of support and stimulus for those two regimes. The problem of decoloniza- tion is frequently approached from different angles. In the view of the Congolese delegation, this problem increasingly appears to be linked to the problem of the security of States which make a specific contribution to the struggle of the peoples under the leadership of the national liberation movements. Instead of being praised for their loyalty to the principles of the United Nations, the colmtries which have chosen to give effective assistance to other peoples strug- gling for freedom seem to have become the target of the hostility of the imperialist Powers, which attempt to exploit them by all possible means, economic, military and political, even including the physical elimination of leaders who refuse to be enslaved. It is no less scandalous to note that no security mechanis..111. has been devised by the international community to discourage such acts of aggres- sion. 188. Our impatience, the impatience of peoples who have emerged from an interminable colonial night, is under- standable. If we frequently strongly criticize the principal economic and military partners of the South African and Rhodesian regimes, and urge and invite them to work with the other Member States for the effective implementation of the sanctions imposed by the Security Council, and in particular the decisive sanction of an embargo on oil products, it is because we have proof and unimpeachable evidence of the bond which has been forg~d between those Powers and the shameful regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury. We must say that those struggles from another age are vain and doomed to be less and less effective. 189. On a purely formal level, we should note that in our view the Maputo Conference seemed to be a decisive 190. The internal prospects in South Africa hardly give rise to optimism. The racist Power is ready to organize a travesty of a plebiscite in order to ensure the permanency of its regime. That manoeuvre in itself should bring home once and for all to any who still hesitate the true natur~ of the Pretoria regime. There is no sign on the horizon of encouraging changes. No one will know the executioners who assassinated Steven Biko and so many other anony- mous patriots. 191. Comrade Joachim Yhombi Opango, the President of the People's Republic of the Congo, stated on 16 June 1977 during an interview given to the West German press agency, Deutsche Press Agentur: "Africa today needs to free itself completely from colonialism, neo-colonialism, and all forms of exploita- tion. Following the overwhelming victories we have had in Angola with the MPLA,4 in Mozambique with FREiJMO,5 in Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde with PAIGC,6 etc., . " everything leads us to believe that the last outposts of Fascist and colonialist resistance in southern Africa will be conquered; the political system in South Africa represents a challenge to the whole of Africa, not only to the authentic sons of Africa, but to mankind as a whole. Therefore the European countries should more than ever join their efforts to those of the independent countries of Africa so that together they may destroy that system which is akin to Hitlerian fascism." 192. The United Nations is at a cross-roads. Should we continue to hide the spectacle of these barbaric manoeuvres behind unreal structures which ill-conceal the unrest in international relations and lend a deaf ear to the cries of distress which come out of the South African hell? On the contrary, after this interminable hibernation, should not all Member States fmally come to a realization of the bare facts of our times and pool their efforts to the fmal point 4 Movimento Popular de Liberta~aode Angola. 5 Frente de Ilberta~ao de Mo~bique. 6 Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde. 194. Djibouti's recent accession to independence, the relaunching of combat by nationalist movements, the constant and increased support of the international com- munity for the cause of national liberation attest to the unavoidable final victory over the absurd colonial system. 195. It is therefore with well justified pride that my delegation extends its brotherly congratulations to the delegation of Djibouti. We are convinced that that dele· gation will contribute in the same patient and pleasant manner that the people of that country were able to regain their independence with both fervour and unity. 196. The United Nations Charter was intended to maxi- mize and support the struggle against oppression. It was generous in its objectives and therefore it had obviously to include clear and mandatory provisions regarding the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination and independence. 197. The sacred mission of leading non-self-governing populations to a free choice of their political future was not granted to the colonial Powers alone. It was granted to all of us. We explicitly assumed that duty when we entered the Organization as Members. 198. If we had to wait for the fifteenth anniversary of the signing of the Charter to adopt the well-known resolution 1514 (XV), it is no less sad to note that countries which bore the burden of the bloody struggle against nazism are still called upon to sacrifice the very flower of their youth to achieve their own liberation. 199. The right of peoples to national sovereignty is inalienable and we shall never cease to affirm this. The battle joined against the many forms of colonial domi- nation derives from the very provisions of the Charter, and we would be betraying the Charter were we not to help these victories to become certain, or were we to allow them to be incomplete. 200. More than 30 Territories stilI appear on the list of countries! to which the Declaration in resolution 1514 (XV) undoubtedly applies, since it deals with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and some of them are very often called the small Territories. But this semantic convention can in no way impair their sovereign right to national existence because it is up to them, and to them alone, to decide upon the type ofadministration or government that best fulfils their national values. Their geographic configu- ration, the present level of their economic and social 201. It is now up to the international Organization to help them to ensure that their national rights will prevail, since they believe that the mission of the United Nations is to secure freedom for all. Therefore the General Assembly must renew its support for those Territories and, as the outcome of this debate, adopt measures that will allow them to continue their political, economic and social development. To that end, the United Nations must stress the need to send visiting missions to those countries, because the reports from those missions will be indispen- sable in clarifying the situation in territories where prob- lems, however complex, can be solved if we have enough imagination and decisiveness. 202. All the delegations which have taken part in the general debate of the present session of the General Assembly have greeted the birth of a new international order based upon the aims and principles of the Charter. The period of grave tension which characterized relations among States at the end of the Second World War seems to be giving way to an era of understanding and co-operation. The threat or the use of force in international relations does not solve international disputes. On the contrary, it exacerbates them. 203. Contempt for human dignity, racism and its different manifestations are therefore· constant threats to interna- tional peace and security. It was this that the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Mali, Colonel Charles Samba Cissokho, pointed out when he told the Assembly on 13 October: "The southern part of Africa constitutes one of the most virulent hotbeds of tension in the world because of the colonialists and white racists who have usurped power there. War is already raging there and insecurity is rife. That racial confrontation is liable to set fire to the whole region." [33rd meeting, para. 99.J Unfortunately, that prediction to a large extent has come true, as seen in the mass invasion of Mozambique by the Rhodesian military. In fact, the savage attacks on the region of Tembwe and the town of Chimoio in Mozambique by the combined Southern Rhodesian forces have given a new dimension to the madness of Ian Smith in trying to keep Zimbabwe in slavery. 204. The repeated and decisive victories of the nationalists fighting in that Territory against the illegal regime of Ian Smith, the support of the international community for those freedom fighters, the precarious economic situation of the British colony, the refusal of part of the white population of the country to associate itself with the course chosen by Ian Smith, have already forced the latter last year to knock at the gates of the Geneva Conference in search of a peaceful settlement to the Rhodesian question. 206. After rejecting the Anglo-American proposals for a settlement of the Rhodesian crisis, Ian Smit;l, a past master at the art of political play-acting, has recently implied that he had been converted to the principle of democratic elections. But we know full well that he trudged off to Geneva on the orders of his masters in Pretoria in return for their military and fmancial support. 207. Until we find out the new motives that led the leader of the white rebels in Southern Rhodesia to adopt his recent political position, my delegation, for its part, considers it as nothing more or less than an additional tactic to gain time and to diversify and increase the repressive measures against the black majority in Zimbabwe. Indeed, there can be no other explanation for keeping that dispossessed majority out of power, that is the reason for the reinforcement of the repressive, discriminatory meas- ures against it. 208. In order to attain the goal they set for themselves, which is nothing less than the establishment of a racist regime in Southern Rhodesia, the Salisbury regime have now solicited the assistance of international mercenaries. Among this band of armed murderers who have sold their souls for a few pieces of silver, the Selous Scouts are apparently the deadly her.oes. These men are recruited from among Stat.es Members of our Organization, which, as the Special Committee in its report has pointed out, have adopted legislative measures prohibiting their nationals from serving in foreign armed forces [see A/32/23/Rev.l, chap. f: annex I, paras. 8-12J. 209. The internation.al Organization once again faces another paradoxical situation of which, unfortunately, the black populations of southern Africa suffer the con- sequences. 210. The Ian Smith regIme has left the people of Zimbabwe no alternative in order to regain its freedom b: armed struggle, under the inspiration and leadership of the Patriotic Front. Ian Smith has left the international community no alternative but to support that freedom struggle by adopting concrete measures commensurate with the challenge launched by Salisbury. If the Zimbabwe people does not regain its national rights, there will be thousands of Chimoios and Tembwes in Africa, to the great danger of international peace and security. However, manoeuvres aimed at stealing independence from the Zimbabwean people will fail, because a great people will neither bow nor perish. 211. As in Southern Rhodesia, the situation in Namibia is another grave and direct threat to international peace and security, for Pretoria and Salisbury draw grim satisfaction from their ignominious contempt for our Organization. 212. This situation is sufficiently wen known for my delegation not to need to dwell on it. We did have occasion to refer to it in our statement in the General Assembly on 21 October during the discussion of agenda item 91 entitled 213. The travesties of constitutional referendums organ- ized in that country by Pretoria, the dispatch of a so-called Administrator-General who is nothing but the executor of its base political designs, and Vorster's conduct of the talks he held with certain Security Council members on the political future of Namibia actually show the desire of the loathsome apartheid regime to gain time in order, with the support of its friends, to perpetuate its domination over the Territory. 214. But the trail to the true decolonization of Namibia has already been blazed. There must necessarily be prior recognition of the right of the Namibian people to self-determination and independence, respect for its terri- torial integrity, the liberation of all political prisoners, the withdrawal of the South African administration and racist troops, the recognition of the South West Africa People's Organization as the legitimate representative of its people and the holding of free elections under international control. The Namibian people, true to their history, have not taken any other road, as demonstrated by the fact that they have taken up arms against the invader and exposed the absurdity of the so-called Turnhalle Constitutional Conference. 215. In order totally to free Zimbabwe and Namibia from ~he grip of regimes that have adopted force as the sole means of solving international disputes, the United Nations is in duty bound to reply with determination by main- taining the economic and military sanctions it has adopted against them and by strengthening those sanctions further on the basis of the relevant provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. 216. The General Assembly has a series of proposals before it designed to assist the Assembly in the noble mission entrusted to it, namely to enable all peoples to exercise free choice regarding their political future. Those proposals are complementary, whether they come from the Special Committee on decolonization, from the Declaration and Programmes of Action adopted by the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo, from the Lagos World Conference for Action Against Apartheid, or nom various trade-union seminars. They all attest to the active solidarity of those we represent with all W;10, as a result of the vicissitudes of history, are still deprived of the opportunity fully to assert their national values. These proposals all offer a clear choice of methods to be used so that all peoples of the world, at peace with themselves and one another, can at last, without discrimination of any sort, rejoice at the advent of universal peace.

As stated in document A!32!353, which is before this Assembly, Norway is 218. Although Norway is leaving the Committee, this does not mean in any way that we shall not also pay the closest attention to matters of decolonization in the time to come. 219. As the Special ConurJttee enters its sixteenth year of work next year, we see that much has been achieved, but some crucial and highly pressing matters of decolonization still exist. We believe that the coming year will be especially important with regard to decolonization in southern Africa. The continued oppression of the majority of peoples of both Zimbabwe and Namibia is bec.oming increasingly intolerable. The various bodies of our Organization, includ- ing the Security Council, must therefore intensify their efforts with a view to putting an end to those forms of illegal rule in southern Africa. Peace and independence in that part of the world will not materialize unless an internationally acceptable solution is found. 220. While the record of the United Nations is outstanding in terms of concrete achievements in the field of decolo- nization, the very purpose of the United Nations Charter tells us that it remains the duty of our world Organization to continue its systematic and thorough work so that all peoples one day shall enjoy the inalienable right of self-determination We are pleased to note that the admin- istering Powers are co-operating with the United Nations in that regard in accordance with their obligations under the relevant provisions of th.e Charter and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. . 221. The support for the principle of self-determination by all Members of the United Nations is unqualified and unquestioned. Through our participation in the Special Committee we have found broad agreement on the need to take into account the size, geographic:l1 location, popu- lation and relevant resources in the various Territories when making our recommendations. I believe we will have to look increasingly for solutions that must be specifically suited to the needs of each individual Territory. It is, therefore, imperative that our support for the principle of self-determination does not preclude any of the options available. 222. Before closing I wish to express the deepest gratitude of my Government and my delegation to Mr. Salim, the Chairman of the Special Committee, for his dynamic leadership of that Committee and his talented efforts and total devotion to the objectives of the United Nations in the field of decolonization. I would also like to thank Mr. Salim for the very generous and kind words he expressed with regard to Norway in his eloquent review of the recent principal developments in the field of decolo- nization on 5 December before this Assembly. Mr. SaIim's untiring efforts as the Chairman and the foremost repre- sentative of the Special Committee command the respect not only of the members of that particular Committee; his outstanding qualities have also greatly enhanced respect for and an understanding of the United Nations involvemeI't in decolonization matters generally.

We have heard the last speaker in the debate on agenda item 24. I shall now call on those representatives who wish to explain their vote before the vote on draft resolutions A/32/L.35 and Add.1, A/32/L.36 and Add.l and A/32/L.37 and Add.I. As I announced at the previous meeting, draft resolution A/32/L.41 will not be put to the vote. 226. Mr. McCARTHY (United Kingdom): My Govern- ment has made its policies on the question of decoloni- zation very clear. We have been applying these policies for 30 years. We are committed to the principle of self- determination in accordance with the wishes of the peoples in the Territories under my Government's administration. We have given every encouragement and support to those Territories seeking independence. Our record in bringing colonial Territories to independence speaks for itself. On the other hand, we do not force independence on those who do not seek it, and we do not intend to do so in the future. 227. In its statement in the debate on small territories in the Fourth Committee,9 my delegation said that my Government intended to conclude our residual colonial responsibilities in the Pacific area by or during 1980. To that I should add the commitment of my Government, as repeated by Mr. Richard in the Fourth Committee on 30 November,lo to a peaceful settlement leading to inde- pendence on the basis of majority rule for Zimbabwe in 1978. 228. My Government attended the International Con- ferences at Maputo and Lagos this year and joined the rest of the world community in condemning the South African Government's policies of apartheid and the occupation of Namibia by South Africa. However, my Government made certain reservations at both Maputo and Lagos because of our commitment to peaceful solutions to the problems of southern Rhodesia and Namibia. In voting for draft resolution A/32!L.35, my Government therefore has to recall that its support of the Declarations of Maputo and Lagos was not unconditional. 229. For reasons which have frequently been explained, my Government will not be able to support draft resolution A/32/L.36, although it contains much with which we agree.

In view of the highly critical situation in southern Africa, the Netherlands :::.rt~t the M.puto Conference the represent.tive of the United Kingdom, who spoke on behalf of the members of the European Community taking part in the Conference, made certain reservations with regard to the Declaration. adopted at Maputo. In the view of the Netherlands Government those reservations are still valid. 233. My delegation realizes that the exercise of the right to self-determination has in most cases led to the inde- pendence of colonial territories. Independence is, however, not the only possible outcome of the exercise of the right to self-determination. If a territory in a truly free and democratic decision chooses to exercise its right to self- determination by opting for a sOlution other than inde- pendence, that decision should be respected. 234. Although the Netherlands Government rejects the inhuman and immoral policy of apartheid, it does not regard the situation in South Africa as a colonial one. We do not believe that a solution to the problem of apartheid should be approached within the framework of resolution 1514 (XV). 235. With regard to the condemnation expressed in draft resolution A/32/L.36 of co-operation with South Africa in the field of nuclear technology, the Netherlands Govern- ment understands this condemnation to refer to co-opera- tion in the development of military nuclear technology and co-operation in such other nuclear technology as is not fully safeguarded against diversion for non-peaceful uses. 236. The Netherlands Government can endorse the re- quest made by this draft resolution to all States-directly and through their action in the specialized agencies-to withhold assistance of any kind from the Government of South Africa, in so far as the South African Government, in applying for assistance from specialized agencies, does so on behalfofNamibia, which it cannot legally represent.

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the delegations of Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and Finland. 238. The Nordic Governments have consistently and actively supported the process of decolonization. They have contributed to the efforts of the United Nations to eradicate colonialism and help colonial peoples under colonial oppression to achieve their inalienable right to self-determination. They have given and they will continue to give moral and material support to the authentic 239. The Nordic countries have J however, reservations concerning some of the paragraphs contained in that draft resolution. We want to point out that operative paragraph 4 contains elements which are contrary to the principles upheld by the Nordic countries and contrary to the responsibility of the United Nations to seek peaceful solutions. With regard to the seventh preatllbular paragraph and operative paragraphs 9 and 10, it is our understanding that these paragraphs do not constitute a deviation from the principle of universality, which our countries continue to uphold. We also have reservations concerning certain other paragraphs, but these reservations are well known and have been put on record in the Assembly on earlier occasions. I shall therefore not go into them in detail now.

We regret the inclusion in several paragraphs of draft resolution A/32/L.36 of language which is inappropriate and in no way helpful to the solution of the problems which the draft resolution addresses. We have in the past voted against similar draft resolutions and would do so today were it not for the importance which the United States attaches to its policy of assisting in the development of internationally acceptable solutions for the problems of southern Africa. For this reason, we shall abstain. 241. The record of the United States on decolonization and self-determination is clear. We have long worked to secure for all peoples the free exercise of the right to self-determination without outSide interference. We intend to continue these active efforts in co-operation with the interested parties. 242. I wish to recall for the record that we consider the right to self-determination to be exactly what the words imply-the right of a people to determine for themselves what status they should have. We have no preconceived notion as to what status a given Non-Self-Governing Territory should achieve, except that such status should correspond to the freely expressed wishes of the local people. 243. Operative paragraph 4 does not adequately convey my Government's view that self-determination should be sought through peaceful means wherever possible. 244. The report of the Special Committee on the imple- mentation of resolution 1514 (XV), which is approved by operative paragraph 5, contains references to the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands and Puerto Rico. It is the view of the United States that these references are inappropriate, as neither the Trust Territory nor Puerto Rico falls within the jurisdiction of the General Assembly or the Special Committee. 245, It is the view of the United States that the description of colonialism, its forms and manifestations, 246. Various operative paragraphs, including operative paragraphs 7, 10 and 12, urge the politicization of the specialized agencies within the United Nations system. The United States has long believed that this would be unwise and it favours the limitation of the activities of the specialized agencies to the technical areas under their respective jurisdictions. 247. With regard to operative paragraph 8, the United States shares the view that those foreign economic activities which impede the free exercise of the right to self-determi- nation should be condemned. We do not believe that all non-indigenous economic activity in Non-Self-Governing Territories can be characterized in this manner. 248. We object also to operative paragraph 9, which could be interpreted as condemning all contacts, including even diplomatic relations, with the Government of South Africa. The United States is on record in opposition to military co-operation with the Government of South Africa. We supported Security Council resolution 418 (1977) imposing a mandatory arms embargo, and we have adhered strictly to the voluntary arms embargo since its introduction in 1963. However, we cannot support the language of this paragraph calling for an end to peaceful, safeguarded nuclear co- operation with South Africa. The United States wishes to promote prompt South African adherence to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the accept- ance of international safeguards for all its nuclear facilities. A decision to cut off all.nuclear co-operation would mean abandoning this policy. 249. Our views regarding operative paragraph 11 are also well knowIl- We believe that the actual circumstances ofthe individual cases should be examined and that it is not possible to generalize without regard to specific situations. The United States is opposed to the presence of military bases in Non-Self-Governing Territories if such bases in fact interfere with the free exercise of the right to self- determination. 250. I wish also to express my delegation's reservations regarding operative paragraph 6 of draft resolution A/32! L.36 and of operative paragraph 2 of draft resolution A!32!L.35. While the United States supports the over-all aim of the Maputo Conference and the thrust of draft resolution A!32!L.35, it expressed reservations at Maputo on certain aspects of the Declaration and the Programme of Action. Those reservations still stand.

Italy will vote in favour of the three draft resolutions which are before the Assembly. We wish, in doing so, to confirm and further emphasize our long-stanaing support for the decolonization process set in motion by the historic resolution.l514 (XV), in the adoption of which Italy is proud to have partici- pated. We wish also to reiterate in this way our opposition to the obstacles and resistance that impede the self-deter- mination of colonial peoples, and our appreciation for the work of the Special Committee. 253. Having said that, I should however like to touch upon some points concerning which the Italian delegation feels compelled to reserve its position in respect of draft resolution A/32/L.36. 254. Our fIrst reservation, reflecting a traditional position consistently taken by my Government over the years, relates to the paragraphs that can be interpreted as support for the use of force, in particular operative paragraph 4. Some speakers in this debate have felt it necessary to remind us that most countries were born through armed struggle. We are certainly aware that a battlefield was, unfortunately, the cradle of many nations-Italy among them. It is not our intent~on to deny our own history or the common heritage of most of the States represented here. But, in our opinion, the point shQuld be made that violence is indeed a last resort; it should be considered only after all other ways have ultImately failed. And this Organization was created precisely to seek and promote peaceful means for the solution of crises and, thereby, to achieve world- wide political, social and economic progress. Hence we feel that at the present stage of development of international relations the United Nations itselfshould in no way endorse the use ofviolence. 255. Despite all difficulties and despite the continued existence of adverse forces that might give rise to compre- hensible impatience and even pessimism, we are convinced that self-determination and independence for all peoples still can and should be pursued through negotiations and co-operation and with recourse to international pressure whenever necessary. We have a good example of this in the negotiating efforts currently taking place for the settlement of the questions of Southern Rhodesia and Namihia. 256. My country welcomes and supports the initiative of the five Western members of the Security Council con- cerning Namibia and the Anglo-American proposals for Southern Rhodesia. We hope that the opportunity so created will be seized by all parties concerned and that the greatest possible number of Member States will take a positive and constructive attitude towards itc...if further suffering and bloodshed are to be avoided. 257. In that spirit, my delegation interprets the reference contained in operative paragraph 4 to mean by all "peace- ful" means-which accords with the spirit and wording of the Charter. 259. My delegation has already had the opportunity to. clarify its position with regard to foreign economic interests in Non-Self-Governing Territories in the Fourth Com- mittee,11 hence I do not find it necessary to deal at length with that problem here. I should merely like to put on record our reservations on the paragraphs suggesting that all foreign economic interests are necessarily detrimental to the well-being of the populations of Non-Self-Governing Territories and to their progress towards independence. 260. With reference to operative paragraph 10, our reser- vations derive from our strict adherence to the principle of the universality of this -Organization and its specialized agencies. 261. As regards operative paragraph 11, we do not agree with the assumption therein implied that the presence of military bases and installations in Non-Self-Governing Terri- tories necessarily conflicts with tlie exercise of the right to self-determination. That is.certainly not the case in Belize, to name but one example; nor is it the case in Guam, where the presence of an American military base has in no way hampered the free expression of the overwhelming majority of the population, which has voted in a referendum to retain its association with the administering Power. 262. Those reservations have led the Italian delegation to abstain in the vote on a similar draft resolution in the past. Our positive vote today therefore acquires for us a very special meaning. Let me briefly comment on that point. 263. The process of decolonization is entering the cul- minating phase; the greater part of the world has already attained freedom and independence; vestiges of colonialism remain in several small Territories, and in Zimbabwe and Namibia, where they have taken the form of anachronistic and brutal oppression that my Government has strongly condemned and has never ceased fighting, while assisting, in various forms, the national movements in those regions. Nevertheless it is clear in our minds that the decolonization process, viewed in retrospect and compared to the growth and emancipation of nations in the past, has evolved most rapidly and with great impetus, and has reshaped in just a few years the entire face of the globe. That is a victory for lllbid., Fourth Committee, 9th meeting, paras. 17-22, and ibid., Fourth Committee, Sessional Fascicle, corrigendum. 264. We would certainly have preferred the sponsors of the draft resolution to discuss in greater depth with other delegations the wording of such an important document. We hope they will see fit to do so in the future so as to bring the text more closely into line with the reality of present-day relations and to ensure thereby -a broader and more effective support from Member States,

The United Nations and, in particular, its Special , Committee on- decolonization, has given important impetus to the progress of colonial countries and peoples towards the exercise of their right to self-determination and, ifthey so choose, to independence. The success of its efforts is demonstrated by the rapidly increasing membership of the United Nations. Apart from the distressing problems of Southern Rhodesia and Namibia, there remain only smaller Territories which for one reason or another-often their modest size, small population or geographic~l isolation- have not yet exercised their right to self-determination, We note, however, from the report of the Special Committee that within a relatively short period of time, most of these smaller Territories will have done so. 266. Before commenting on the draft resolutions before us, we wish to note in particular our appreciation of the excellence of the leadership which Mr. Salim A. Salim has provided in the work of the United Nations in this important field. Under his able guidance, the Special Committee has found itself able increasingly to elicit the co-operation of administering Powers and to find broadly acceptable solutions to some of the thorniest problems which remain before us. 267. Canada considered the Maputo International Con- ference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia an extremely important event in the United Nations activities in support of decolonization. For the first time, on two issues of great sensitivity, international opinion was mobilized behind a consensus approach which could not help but make an important impact upon the repressive regimes in southern Africa, which continue to deny to the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe the legitimate exercise of self-determination. The consensus reconciled different approaches and my own delegation expressed reservations on certain aspects of it. We none the less considered these reservations minor in relation to our support for the over-all objectives and the great majority of the provisions of the final Declaration. My delegation has, as a result, joined as a sponsor of draft resolution A/32/L.35 and Add.l concerning the Maputo Conference. 268. The Canadian delegation will again this year support the omnibus draft resolution on decolonization as con- tained in document A/32/L.36. In doing so, however, we 269. Our approval of the report of the Special Committee entails the approval of the great majority of its recommen- dations but not each and every one. We consider that each foreign investment in Non-Self-Governing Territories must be judged on its merits in each case and that it can be desirable and beneficial. We fully endorse Security Council r~solution 418 (1977), which institutes a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa and which requires that States refrain from any co-operation with South Africa with regard to the manufacture or development of nuclear weapons; however, we do not consider that normal political and economic relations with South Africa constitute collaboration. 270. Lastly, we believe that international organizations must operate within their specified mandate. 271. As for operative paragraph 11, we consider that its wording is outdated and not in conformity with the deliberations of the Special Committee. We fully support, however, the approach to this item embodied in the consensus adopted at this session on the question of Guam, namely, that the mainte.nance of military bases in any Non-Self-Governing Territory should not inhibit the right of the people of that Territory to self-determination [see resolution 32/28/.

The delegation of Ireland vot~d in favour of the historic General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) back in 1960 to reaffirm the view of its Government and people that the subjugation of populations to alien domination and exploitation against their wishes constitutes a flagrant denial of basic human rights and of the principles of the Charter. Our support for the three draft resolutions before us today, A/32/L.35, A/32/L.36 and A/32/L.37, is evidence of our unwavering support for the principles of resolution 1514 (XV) and for United Nations work in the field of decolonization. We shall vote for these three draft resolutions this evening. 273. I should, however, like to clarify our position on some of the points contained in draft resolution A/32/L.36. 274. First, with regard to the determination in operative paragraph 2 of that draft resolution, that "the continuation of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations ... poses a serious threat to international peace and security", my Government not only has problems with its over- generalized nature and doubts about its accuracy in some of the smaller colonial situations, but also feels that such definitions of threats to international peace and security properly lie within the competence of the Security Council. 275. Secondly, in the case of operative paragraph 4, in which the Assembly would reaffirm "its recognition of the 277. Fourthly, with regard to operative paragraph 11, my Government wishes to express the view that the presence of military bases in colonial Territories need not in all cases be incompatible with the wishes of the people in the process of decolonization-as evidenced, for instance, by the case of Guam, where the overwhelming majority of the inhabitants last year voted to retain their association with their administering Power-the United States-and with its mili- tary base. 278. Before concluding, I should like to say a particular word of well-deserved appreciation for the work of the Special Committee, under the chairmanship of Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, and for the valuable documentation it has placed before this Assembly in its report.

There are no more speakers who wish to explain their vote before the vote. 280. The Assembly will now take decisions on draft resolutions A/32/L.35, A/32/L.36 and A/32/L.37 and their respective addenda. The report of the Fifth Committee on the administrative and financial implications of those draft resolutions is contained in document A/32i413. 281. We turn first to draft resolution A/32/L.35 and Add.1, entitled "International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia". I have been informed that it is the wish of the General Assembly to adopt this draft resolution without a vote. May I therefore take it that the General Assembly adopts draft resolution A/32/L.35 and Add.1?

The Assembly will now vote on draft resolution A/32/L.36 and Add.l, entitled "Imple- mentation of the Declaration on the Granting of Inde- pendence to Colonial Countries and Peoples". A recorded vote has been requested.

We come now to draft resolution A/32/L.37 and Add.l, entitled "Dissemination of infor- mation on decolonization". I have been informed that it is the wish of the General Assembly to adopt this draft resolution without a vote. May I therefore take it that the General Assembly adopts draft resolution A/32/L.37 and Add. I?

I shall now call on those represen- tatives who have asked to be allowed to explain their vote after the voting.

Belgium voted in favour of draft resolution A/32/L.37 and also draft resolution A/32/L.35, by which the General Assembly endorses the conclusions of the Maputo International Conference in Support ofthe Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. 286. While reiterating its firm support for the objectives of the ·documents adopted at the Maputo Conference-a Conference which will remain a milestone in the history of the struggle of the international community for decoloni- zation-Belgium must remind the Assembly of the reser- vations it made, at the appropriate time, together with its partners, on certain passages of the Maputo Declaration. 287. On the other hand, Belgium had to abstain in the vote on draft resolution A/32/L36, although it suppo~s the aims of that draft resolution and a number of its 288. I would recall that Belgium, like others, does not regard the situation in South Africa as a typical colonial situation. It does not believe that it is in accordance with the Charter to recommend that "the end justifies the means". In our view, an over-all and summary condem- nation of foreign investments is not in the interests of the developing countries. We have already explained that it is our opinion that it is in the interest of all the inhabitants of South Africa not to be cut off from all contacts with th~ outside world. 289. Finally, certain passages of the operative part of this draft rC:;01ution do not take sufficiently into account the views expressed by some of tl-e peoples concerned in the Territories where the~e are defence installations. 290. Belgium must note with regret that these matters are not always dealt with in a way that is likeiy to lead to a consensus.

Austria's position on the question~ of decolonizaticn is well known, as it has been underlined on numerous occasions in the past. We continue to attach the greatest importance to the full implemen- tation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, as one of the funda- mental documents of the United Nations. 292. My delegation therefore wholeheartedly agrees with the general thrust of the three draft resolutions just adopted and thus we supported them. 293. In particular, we regard the International Conference in Support of the People ofZimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo in May this year, as a milestone in the difficult struggle for the long-oVErdue completion of the decolo- nization process in southern Africa. Furthermore, publicity as an instrument for furthering the aims and purposes of the Declaration plays an important role. 294. Austria also supported draft resolution A/32/L.36, which focuses on the issues of decolonization in general, with special emphasis on the critical situation in southern Africa. We did so b spite of certain reservations we have with respect to some of its provisions. Particularly so far as operative paragraph 4 is concerned, I would say that we interpret this paragraph to imply {he use of all peaceful means in confvrmity with the Charter of the United Nations. 295. In con\,lusion, the Austrian delegation would like to express its appreciation for the work performed by the Special Committee this year, under the wise chairmanship of Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Twnzania.

My delegation voted in favour of draft resolution A!32/L.36, which has just been adopted, because of our firm support for the basic objective set forth in it: a reafflfmati~n of the inalienable right of the peoples of Non-Self-Governing Territories to self-determination and independence.

I should like briefly to explain the vote of the delegation of Iran on draft resolution A/32/L.36, which has just been adopted. 299. Iran has always strongly adhered to the principles of self-determination and independence enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. This is evidenced by the fact that my Government has always been and continues to be among the fervent supporters of the decolonization process throughout the world. In pursuance of this objective we therefore voted in favour of the resolution on the imple- mentation OL ~he Declaration' on the Granting of Inde- pendence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, However, my delegation wishes to place on record that it has some reservations on certain paragraphs of this resolution.

Portugal will- ingly voted in favour of draft resolution A/32/L.36 on the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. I should, however, like to register a reservation concerning operative paragraph 11 of that draft, relating to military bases and installations maintai~d by :ldministering Powers in Non- Self-Governing Territories, We think that neither the Charter nor tlte Declaration prohibits the establishment of military installations in any colonial Territory_ We believe that what is at stake in the particular case of decolonization is the existence of a real political will on the part of the administering Power to ensure the free exercise of the right to self-determination by the people concerned. Therefore, the simple existence of such a military installation cannot automatically be considered as inhibiting the exercise of that right. What really matters in this connexion, in the opinion of my delegation, is that military installations must not be used in effect as a pretext to deny the abovemen- tioned right or to affect its genuine exercise. Thus the elimination of bases or military installations existing in colonial Territori~s is not necessarily a pre-condition for the attainment of self-determination ry their peoples. We think it is up to the latter to decide whether the bases should be maintained or not.

On several occasions, both in the Special Committee and at this session of the Assembly, we have stated the Australian Governrr~ent's position on the legitimacy of armed struggle in the achievement of liberation from the racist and colonial regimes that persist in Rhodesia and Namibia. 302. As the Universctl Declaration of Human Rights recognizes, there may be recourse to rebellion against tyranny and oppression as the last resort in situations where human rights are persistently denied. But we believe that the international community must continue fully to explore the opportunities that in our ','iew still exist for a peaceful solution in Namibia and Zimbabwe. 304. Draft resolution A/32/L.36, which we have just adopted, which Australia supported, refers in its operative paragraph 11 to the presence of military bases and installations in colonial Territories, As we have stated before, the United Nations Charter recognizes the inherent right of individual or collective self:'defence. It remains our firm view that the existence of instalhtions of an adminis- tering Power in its dependent Territories may well be justified by obligations relating to the maintenance of international peace and security and the obligation to defend a dependent Territory. 305. Operative paragraph 9 of draft resolution A/32/L.36 refers also to nuclear and military collaboration with South Africa. We would have preferred the resolution to focus specifically on assistance in the development of a nuclear- weapons capability by South Africa rather than to con- demn all collaboration in the nuclear field with that country. There is, in our view, no basis for condemning transactions for peaceful purposes under full international safeguards or the development of a safeguarded peaceful nuclear industry. 306. Australia, of course, believes strongly that South Africa should become a party to the nuclear non-prolifera- tion Treaty, and we are equally concerned to ensure that it does not develop a nuclear-weapons capability.

Draft resolution' A/32/L.36, which our Assembly has just adopted, is fundamentally in keeping with the aspirations of the overwhelming majority of the interna- tional community because it condemns the persistence of colonialism in all its forms and recognizes the legitimacy of the struggle for liberation being waged by the colonial peoples by all means available to them. It also calls upon the colonial Powers immediately and unconditionally to withdraw their military bases from the colonial Territories. 308. For those reasons my delegation was happy to vote in favour of the draft. 309. Nevertheless, while we pay a well-deserved tribute to the Special Committee for the work it has done and for the 310. The presence of American military bases in Guam was a rich experience for my people. Nevertheless, before this Assembly, which is devoted to peace and international security, independence and the freedom of the peoples, we should like to make it clear that in denouncing and condemning the policy of maintaining military bases in Guam and in other scrcalled Non-Self-Governing Territories we are far from thinking of anything relating to bilateral relations between Viet Nam and the United States of America. We have always been inspired by a sacred desire· that our experience of patriotic struggle against aggressive imperialism-when we shed blood and tears despite t~l':. support of all of progressive mankind-should be put to use in the struggle still being waged by peoples for their independence, freedom and dignity. 311. We believe that in so doing we can to some extent save our brothers in combat some small part of the suffering and bloodshed.

There remains a matter con- cerning ~genda item 24 which I should like to bring to the attention of the Assembly. Document A/32/353 contains a letter addressed to the President of the General Assembly regarding the decision of the Government of Norway to withdraw from membership in the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the. Implementation of the Declaration on the' Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples as of 31 December 1977. I should like to nominate Sweden as a member of the Special Committee with effect from 1 January 1978 to fill the vacancy caused by the withdrawal of Norway. May I take it that the General Assembly confirms that nomination? The meetingrose at 7.10 p.m.