A/33/PV.84 General Assembly

— Session 33, Meeting 84 — New York — UN Document ↗

THIRTY-THIRD SESSION
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In the absence of the President, Mr. de Piniis (Spain),

127.  Review and co-ordination of human rights programmes of organizations in the United Nations system and eo- operation with other international programmes in the field of human rights REPORT OF THE"THIRD COMMITTEE(A/33/476)

The President [Spanish] #2797
The report on item 86 has not yet been distributed in the Spanish version; nor are the relevant reports ~der item 89 2. Miss RICHTER (Argentina), Rapporteur of the Third Committee (interpretation from Spanish): I wish to thank those delegations which, in the brief time since the distribution of the reports of the Third Committee this morning and this afternoon, assisted me in the task of revising them, thus enabling me to correct orally the errors appearing in some versions. 3. I would recall that the Third Committee decided to be flexible in its consideration of more or less interrelated items. By virtue of that decision, the items relating to racism and self-determination were taken up together. Similarly, some delegations dealt with items 78, 80 and 87 as one group, and to items 89, 90 and 12 as another, and with items 86 and 127 together. 4. Document A/33/469 contains the Committee's report on items 78 and 80. In connexion with paragraphs 13, 15 and 17 of that report, the interested delegations requested that the word "withdrew" be changed to "did not insist on voting on". In my view, this comment applies to all reports with reference to which delegations used that phraseology in withdrawing their draft resolutions-for example, in document A/33/475, which I shall be presenting later. The Third Committee adopted two draft resolutions on items 78 and 80. They appear in paragraph 20 of the report. Draft resolution I, entitled "National experience in pro- moting the co-operative movement", was adopted without a vote. 5. Document A/33/470 contains the report on item 79. In this connexion the Third Committee is recommending the two draft resolutions to be found in paragraph 11 of the report. 6. The Third Committee's report on agenda item 84 is contained in document A/33/472, and the draft resolution it is recommending to the General Assembly for adoption may be found in paragraph 9 of that report. 7. The report in document A/33/382, on agenda item 87, was adopted by the Committee without a vote. The text of the draft resolution contained in paragraph 9 of the report and entitled "World Assembly on the Elderly" was so worded as to recall earlier General Assembly resolutions on the subject. 8. Document ·A/33/475 contains the report on item 90 and the draft resolution entitled "Human Rights and Scientific and Technological Developments", which the Committee is recommending to the Assembly for adoption, may be found in paragraph 1O. 9. Document A/33/476 contains the report on item 127. The draft resolution contained in paragraph 11 wasadopted by the Committee without a vote. Pursuant to rule 66 of the rules of procedure, it mlS decided not to discuss the reports ofthe Third Committee. 11. The Third Committee adopted draft resolution I en- titled "National experience in promoting the co-operative movement" without a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly wishesto do the same?
Draftresolution I wasadopted(resolution 33/47).

113.  Financing ofthe United Nations peace-keeping forces in the Middle East (coneluded):* (a) United Nations Emergency F-orceand United Nations Diseagage~nt Observer Force: report of the Sec:re- tary-GeneraJ REPORT OF THE FIFTH COMMITTEE (pART IV) (A/33/346/ADD.3) 28. Mr. HAMZAH (Syrian Arab Republic), Rapporteur of the Fifth Committee (interpretation from Arabic): I have the honour of presenting to the General Assembly for its consideration the following reports of the Fifth Committee. 29. First, part I of the report of the Fifth Committee on its work on agenda item lOO is contained in document A/33/445. This report contains in paragraph 42 two draft resolutions. Draft resolution I is entitled "Questions relat- ing to the programme budget for the biennium 1978.1979" and consis~s of six sections, all of which were adopted by the Comnuttee by consensus, with the exception of section 30. Secondly, concerning item 101, the report of the Fifth Committee is contained in document A/33/482. In' para- graph 21 of the report the Fifth Committee recommendsto the GeneralAssembly for adoption a draft resolution which it adopted as a result of a vote. 31. Thirdly, the report on agenda item 103 isto be found in document A/33/491. Paragraph 9 contains the recom- mendation of the Fifth Committee, which it adopted by consensus. 32. Fourthly, the report of the Fifth Committee on agenda item 104 is contained in document A/33/492. The decision of the Fifth Committee is contained in paragraph4 of the report; it was adopted without objection. 33. Fifthly, the report of the Fifth Committee on agenda item 107 is contained in document A/33/414. The Fifth Committee is recommending in paragraph 21 of the report two draft resolutions to the Assembly for adoption. Draft resolution I, entitled "Pattern of conferences", wasadopted by consensus after minor amendments. Draft resolution 11, "entitled "Control and limitation of documentation", was also adopted by consensus. The Fifth COIIlIPJttee also adopted two draft LeclSions on this item. They are to be found in' paragraph 22 of the report. Draft decision I, submitted by the Soviet Union, is entitled "Managementof conference resources", and draft decision 11, submitted by the United States, is entitled "Organization of work of United Nations bodies". After both decisions were amended, they were adopted by consensus. 34. Sixthly, concerning agenda item 113 (a), the Fifth Committee is recommending to the Assemblyfor adoption two draft resolutions grouped under the title "Financing of the United Nations Emergency Force and of the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force". These draft res- olutions are to be found in paragraph 13 of part N of the Committee's report.s 35. I hope that the reports ofthe Fifth Committee willbe supported and approved by the Assembly. Pursuant to rule 66 of the rules of procedure, it mlS decided not to discuss the reports of the Fifth Committee.

Vote: 31/37 Consensus
The President [Spanish] #2798
We shall now take a decision on draft resolution 11 entitled "World social development". A recorded vote has been requested. In favour: Afghanistan, Algeria, Angola, Argentina, Aus- tralia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Benin, Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, ByeJorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Canada, Cape Verde, Central African Empire, Chad,. Chile, China, Colombia, Congo, Costa Rica, Cuba, Cyprus, Czecho- slovakia, Democratic Yemen, Djibouti, Dominican Re- public, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equatorial GUinea, Ethiopia, Fiji, Finland, Gabon, German Democratic Re- public, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, India. Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Lesotho, Liberia, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Madagascar, Malaysia,' Maldives, Mali, Malta, Mauritania, Mexico, Mongolia, M~ro~o, Mozambique, Nepal, New Zemand, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Panama) Papua New Guinea, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Romania, Rwanda, Samoa, Sao Tome and Princlpe, Saudi Ar.abia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore. Somalia, Spain, So Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Syrian Arab Republic, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Uganda, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Re- public, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Emirates, United Republic of Cameroon,United Republic of Tanzania, Upper Volta, Uruguay, Venezuela, Viet Nam, . Yemen, Yugoslavia,Zaire, Zambia Against: None Abstaining: Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Federal Republic of, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembomg, Malawi, Netherlands, United Kingdom ofGreat Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America
A recorded votewas taken.
Vote: 33/49 Consensus
Draft resolution 11 was adopted by 125 votes to none, with 12abstentions (resolution 33/48).1
The President #2799
I can on the representative of the Federal Republic of Ut:many fOI an explanation ofvote after the vote. 1 The delegations of Barbados, Lebanon and Mauritius sub- sequently infonned the Secretariat that they wished to have their votes recorded as havingbeen in favour ofthe draft reSolution.
The President [Spanish] #2800
We shall now turn to the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 79 [A/33/470/. First we shall take decisions' on the two draft resolutions recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 11 of that report. 16. Draft resolution I is entitled "Preservation and fw:ther development of cultural values". In the Third Conumttee this draft resolution was adopted without a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do the same? Draft resolution I wasadopted (resolution 33/49).
The President [Spanish] #2801
Draft resolution 11 is entitled "Protection, restitution and return of cultural and artistic property as part of the preservation and further development of cultural -alues". In the Third Committee draft resolution 11 wasadopted by 116 votes to none, with 14 abstentions. A recorded vote has been requested.
Vote: A/33/470/ Consensus
A recordedvote was taken.
The President [Spanish] #2802
The General Assembly will now take up the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 84 [A/33/472/. We shall now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Inter- national Covenants on Human Rights", which has been recommended in paragraph 9 of that report. The draft resolution was adopted without a vote in the Third Committee. May I take it that the General Assemblywishes to do the same? The draft resolution ",us adopted (resolution 33/51).
The President [Spanish] #2803
The next report of the Third Committee is on agenda item 86 [A/33/473/. But as this report is not yet availablein all the languages, we shall come back to it once we have concluded consideration of the other items. 20. The Assemblywilltherefore now go on to agendaitem 87 [A/33/382/. We shall take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "World Assembly on the Elderly", which has been recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 9 of the report. The report of the Fifth Com- mittee on the administrative and fmancial implications of the draft resolution is to be found in document A/33/454. The Third Committee approved this draft resolution with- out a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly also wishesto adopt it?
The draft resolution wasadopted (resolution 33/52).
The President [Spanish] #2804
We shall now turn to the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 90, entitled "Human rights and scientific and technoisgical progress". The report is to be found in document A/33/475. 22. I call on the representative of the United Kingdom, who wishesto explain his vote before the vote. 23. Lord BOSTON (United Kingdom): My Government places particular importance on making progressin the area of human rights dealt with in the draft resolution before us, which involves the rights of some of the most unfortunate of human beings, that is, those suffering from mental ill health. We are confident that many other Governments share this concern. 24. The present draft resolution is of course procedural and refers to a resolution which the Commissionon Human Rights adopted by consensus. In our view, it would be fitting for the General Assembly to do the same.Ifthere is a vote, we shallvote emphatically in favour.
The President [Spanish] #2805
We shall now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Human rights and scientific and technological develop- ments" which has been recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 10 of its report [A/33/475/. A recorded vote has b.en requested. Against: None Abstaining: Afghanistan, Algeria, Angola, Bangladesh, Barbados, Benin, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cape Verde, Central African Empire, Congo, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Democratic Yemen, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, German Democratic Republic, Guinea-Bissau, Hungary, Indonesia, Iraq, Malaysia, Mal- dives, Mali, Mauritania, Mongolia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Oman, Pakistan, Philippines, Poland, Qatar, Romania, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Thailand, Uganda, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Yugoslavia
The draft resolution was adopted by 83 votes to none, with 48 abstentions (resolution J3/53).4
The President [Spanish] #2806
The General Assembly will take up next the report of the Third Committee on agenda item 127 [A/33/476J. We shall now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Review and co-ordination of human rights programmes of organizations in the United Nations system and co-operation with other international programmes in the field of human rights" which has been recommended by the Third Committee in paragraph 11 of its report. The Third Committee approved this draft resolution without a vote. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do likewise?
The draft resolution wasadopted (resolution 33/54).
The President [Spanish] #2807
I should like to inform the representatives that the considera- tion of agenda items 86 and 89 will have to be delayed since we do not have available the relevant reports, in some cases because we do not have them in all languages, and in others because their consideration in committee has not been concluded. Therefore, in view of this circumstance, I . 3 The delegation of Tunisia subsequently informed the Secretariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as an abstention. 4 The delegations of Comoros, Lebanon and Mauritius subse- quently informed the Secretariat that they wished to have their votes recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution.
The President [Spanish] #2808
I wish to infonn representatives that the reports relating to agenda items 100, 101 and 103 are not yet available in all languages. We shall therefore begin with item 104, for which the report is available. The report of the Fifth Committee on that item appears in document A/33/492 and the decision of the Fifth Committee appears in paragraph4 of its report. May I take it that the Assembly adopts that decision? 5 For part I of the report of the Fifth Committee on agendaitem 113, see the 23rd meeting, paras. 1-29; for part 11, the 47th meeting, paras. 1-22; for part Ill, the 47th meeting, paras. 23 and 24, the 48th meeting,paras. 18-39; and the 49th meeting, paras. 5-19. 38. Draft resolution I is entitled "Pattern of conferences". The F;fi11 Committee adopted draft resolution I by con- sensus. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to adopt this draft resolution? Draft resolution I wasadopted (resolution 33/55).
The President [Spanish] #2809
The Fifth Committee adopted draft resolution 11, entitled ''Control and limitation of documentation", by consensus. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to adopt this draft resolution?
Draft resolutionIIwas adopted (resolution 33/56).
The President [Spanish] #2810
We shall now proceed to the two draft decisionsrecommended by the Fifth Committee in paragraph 22 of its report [A/33/414/. 41. Draft decision I is entitled "Management of con- ference resources". The Fifth Committee adopted this draft decision by consensus. May I take it that the General Assemblywishes to adopt the draft decision?
Draft decision I was adopted (decision 33/416).
The President [Spanish] #2811
Draft decision 11 is entitled "Organization of work of United Nations bodies". The Fifth Committee adopted this draft decision too by consensus. May I take it that the General Assemblywishesto adopt the draft decision?
Draft decision IIwas adopted Idecision 33/417t
The President [Spanish] #2812
We come now to agendaitem 113 (a), concerning the fmancing of UNEF and UNDOF. Part IV of the report of the Fifth Committee is contained in document Ai3:"/346/Add.3. The Assembly will now take a decision on the draft resolution recommended by the Fifth Committee in paragraph 13 of its report. 44. I call on the representative of the USSR, who wishes to explain his vote before the voting.
Mr. Fokin Union of Soviet Socialist Republics [Russian] #2813
The delegation of the USSR considers it its duty to express its strong disagreementwith the decision of the Fifth Committee in operative para- graph 2 of draft resolution B in paragraph 13 of part IV of the report [A/33/346/Add.3/ concerning the application of article 4 of the FinancialRegulations of the United Nations to United Nations armed forces. 47. In accordance with the United Nations Financial Regulations, established by the General Assembly, these residual funds must be returned' to States Members 12 months after the conclusion of the financial year during wl ich they accrue. However, the Secretariat of the United Nations has so far not only not returned those funds but is trying now by means of subterfuge and other contrivances to fmd some sort of legal basis for its unlawful actions. 48. The delegation of the USSR considers that such actions on the part of the United Nations Secretariat are not lawful. The Secretariat should not follow in the wake of those who do not comply with the Financial Regula- tions. Instead of revising those Financial Regulations, the Secretariat must comply strictly with the rules and regula- tions established by the General Assembly. This means it is necessary to cancel the fmancial obligations of the United Nations with regard to States which have not presented in due time claims for compensation in . onnexion with expenses borne by them, and the funds remaining in the accounts of UNEF should be returned to Member States. 49. The delegation of the USSR can only regret that in this respect the Fifth Committee has followed the lead of the Secretariat. It may not be amiss in this connexion to point out that the United Nations was put in a difficult position to a large extent as a result of the weak fmancial discipline exercised by the Secretariat. 50. The delegation of the USSR is convinced that the proposed violation of the Financial Regulations of the United Nations can only contribute to a further weakening of the financial discipline of the Secretariat and thus exacerbate the fmancial difficulties of the Organization. It will therefore vote against both draft resolutions in the report ofthe Fifth Committee.
The President [Spanish] #2814
The Assembly will first take a decision on the first of the two draft resolutions grouped under the heading "Financing of the United Nations Emergency Force and of the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force" in paragraph 13 of part IV of the Fifth Committee's report [A/33/ 346/Add.3/, draft resolution A. A recorded vote has been requested. In favour: Algeria, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belgium, Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Burma, Burundi, Canada, Central African Empire, Chad, Chile, Colombia, Comoros, Costa Rica, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, Ethiopia, Fiji, Finland, Gabon, Gambia, Germany, Federal Republic of, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Guinea, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, KUWait, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Luxembourg, Malaysia, Mal- Against: Bulgaria, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, German Democratic Republic, Hun- gary, Mongolia, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Abstaining: Afghanistan, Angola, Democratic Yemen, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, France, Guinea-Bissau, Iraq, Madagascar, Malawi, Poland, Romania, Sao Tome and Principe, Yugoslavia
A recordedvote wastaken.
Draft resolution A was adopted by 105 votes to 9, with 14 abstentions (resolution 33/13 E). 6
The President [Spanish] #2815
The Assembly will now vote on draft resolution B. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.

128.  Conclusion of an international convention on the strength- ening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States REPORTOF THE FIRST COMMITTEE (A/33/462) AGENDA ITEM50 Implementation of the Declaration on the Strengtheningof Intemational Secmity: reports of the Seeretary-General REPORTOF THE FIRST COMMITTEE (A/33/486) 54. Mr. Mlf!AJLOVIC (yugoslavia), Rapporteur of the First Committee: I have the honour to present to the General Assembly the reports of the First Committee on its work relating to agenda items 35 to 50, 125 and 128.The First Committee considered these 18 items during the period from 16 October to 8 December 1978. As a result of its deliberations, the Committee adopted 45 draft resolu- tions and one recommendation, which are contained in the following reports, 55. The report on item 35 is in document A/33/423, and the relevant recommendation of the First Committee is to be found in paragraph 6. 56. The report on item 36 is in document A/33/424, and the relevant recommendation is in paragraph 7. 57. The report on item 37 is in document A/33/425. Two draft resolutions are recommended in paragraph9. 58. The report on item 38 is in document A/33/426, and the relevant recommendation is in paragraph 8. 59. The report on item 39 is in document A/33/427. The relevant recommendation is to be found in paragraph 7. 60. Document A/33/428 contains the report 00 agenda item 40. The relevant recommendation is in paragraph8. 61. The report on item 41 appears in document A/33/429. Paragraph7 of the report contains the relevant recom- mendation of the Committee. 62. Document A/33/430 contains the report on item 42. The relevant recommendation is in paragraph 7. 65. The report on item 45 is in document A/33/433, paragraph 7 of which contains the recommendation of the Committee. 66. The report on item 46 is to be found in document A/33/434. The relevant recommendation is in paragraph8. 67. The report on item 47 is contained in document A/33/435. Under this item the First Committee adopted 9 draft resolutions, which are to be found in paragraph 24 and 1 recommendation, which is to be found in para- graph 25. 68. Item 48 is the subject of the report contained in document A/33/436. The relevant recommendation is in paragraph 8. 69. Document A/33/437 contains the report on item 49. The recommendation of the First Committee is in para- graph 8. 70. Document A/33/461 contains the report of the First Committee on item 125. Under that item, the Committee adopted 14 draft resolutions which are to be found in paragraph 33. 71. Document A/33/462 contains the report on item 128. Under this item the First Committee adopted two draft resolutions which appear in paragraph 10. 72. Finally, I have the honour to introduce the report of the Committee on item 50, contairied in document A/33/ 486. Under that item the Committee adopted four draft resolutions, which are contained in paragraph 13. 73. This year-as a result of the decision of the tenth special session, devoted to disarmament-the First Com- mittee dealt exclusively with the problem of disarmament and related international security questions. The un- precedented number of proposals adopted by the Com- mittee-41 draft resolutions concerning disarmament and four concerning international security, and one recom- mendation on disarmament-and the record number of statements made during the general debate and in the course of consideration of the aforementioned agenda items, are, in my opinion. an expression of the increased interest, particularly .of small countries, in the solving of questions of disarmament and international security within the framework of the United Nations and in the strength- ening of the role of the world Organization in this field. 74. On behalf of the First Committee it is my pleasureto commend to the General Assembly for its adoption the draft resolutions and the decision to which I have just referred.

The President [Spanish] #2816
The representative of Algeria wishes to make a statement, and I now call on him. 77. At the beginning of the current sessionof the General Assembly, the membership of the Committee on Disarma- .ment was announced officially, In conformity with the list published in document A/S-I0/24, the responsibility for convening the Committee on Disarmament falls to my country. Accordingly, I have had informal consultations concerning the date which would be most suitable for the first meeting of the Committee, and general agreement has been reached that the Committee should meet on 24 January 1979. 78. I have requested the Secretary-General to issueinstruc- tions to the Secretariat so that it may provide the necessary assistance in the administrative preparation for the holding of the next session of the Committee on Disarmament. Among the administrative provisions which are to be adopted, there is the list of speakers. I have also requested the Secretary-General to entrust to the Secretariat the task of drawingup such a list. 79. As the provisions of paragraph 120 of the Final Document were adopted by consensus, I asked for permis- sion to speak in order to inform Member States of the measuresadopted for the application of those provisions.
The President [Spanish] #2817
Due note has been taken of the statement of the representative of Algeria, which will be reflected in the record of this meeting. Pursuant to role 66 of the roles of procedure, it lmS decided not to discuss the reports of the First Committee.
The President [Spanish] #2818
As representatives are aware, the recommendations and deci- sions of the First Committee were adopted after a seriesof long and arduous consultations and negotiations among the entire membership of the United Nations. Representatives have had an opportunity to explain their positions or reservations in the First Committee. May I therefore appeal to those who have put their names on the list of speakers to be kind enough to be as brief as possible in view of the limited time availableto us. 82. The Assembly will flrst consider the report ofthe First Committee on agenda item 35 [A/33/423/. We shall now vote on the draft resolution entitled "Implementatiea of the conclusions of the flrst Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weaponsand establishment of a preparatory committee for the second Conference" which has been recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 6 -of its report. A recorded vote has been requested. Against: Albania Abstaining: Algeria, Angola, Argentina, Bhutan, Brazil, Burma, Equatorial Guinea, France, India, Israel, Mo- zambique, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Spain, United Republic ofTanzania, Zambia
The draft resolution was adopted by 122 votes to 1, with 16 abstentions (resolution 33/57).8
The President [Spanish] #2819
I shall now call on the representative ofChina,who wishesto explain his vote.
Mr. HSU Yi-min CHN China #2820
The position of principle ofthe ChineseGovernment on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of NuclearWeapons is well known to everyone. The Chinese delegation did not participate in the vote on the draft resolution just adopted. 85. At the same time, we wish to state here once again that the explanatory statements made and reservations entered by the Chinese delegation when the various draft resolutions were adopted in the First Committee, either by vote or by consensus, are still applicable to the cor- responding draft resolutions to be adopted by the General Assembly. In order to save time, we will not repeat them here.
The President [Spanish] #2821
.We shall now turn to agenda item 36 [A/33/424/. The First Committee adopted by consensus the draft resolution entitled "Implementation of General Assembly resolution 32/76 concerning the signature and ratification of Addi- tional Protocol I of the Treaty for the Prohibition of 88. In the First Committee draft resolution A wasadopted by consensus. May I take it that the General Assembly adopts draft resolution A? Draft resolution A wasadopted (resolution 33/59A).
The President #2822
We shall now tum to draft resolution U, which the First Committee also adopted by consensus. May I take it that the General Assemblyadopts draft resolution B? Draft resolution B wasadopted (resolution 33/59 B).
The President [Spanish] #2823
We shall now take up the report of the First ComInittee on agenda item 38 [A/33/426J. The General Assembly will now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Implementation of General Assembly resolution 32/78" which has been recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 8 of its report. The report of the Fifth Com- mittee on the administrative and fmancial implications of that draft resolution is contained in document A/33/497. I now put the draft resolution to the vote. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
The draft resolution wasadopted by 134 votes to I,with 5 abstentions (resolution 33/60}.9
Mr. Lievano (Colombia) took the Chair.
The President [Spanish] #2824
The General Assembly will now consider the report ofthe First Committee on agenda item 39 [A/33/427J. We shall now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Imple- mentation of General Assembly resolution 32/79 concern- ing the signature and ratification of Additional Protocol 11 of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco)", which has been recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 ofits report. The First Committee adopted that draft resolution by consensus. May I consider that the General Assembly wishesto adopt the draft resolution? The draft resolution wa~ adopted (resolution 33/61).
The President [Spanish] #2825
The General Assembly will now consider the report ofthe First Committee on agenda item 40 [A/33/428J. We shall now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Effective measures to implement the purposes and objectives of the Disarmament Decade" which has been recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 8 of its report. The First Committee adopted the draft resolution by consensus.May I consider that the General Assembly adopts the draft resolution?
The draft resolution wasadopted (resolution 33/62)
The President [Spanish] #2826
We tum now to the report of the First Committee O!l agenda item 41 [A/33/429J. We shall now vote on the draft resolution entitled ''Implementation of the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa" which has been recom- mended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. A recorded vote has been requested. In favour: Afghanistan, Algeria, Angola, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belgium, Benin, Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Canada, Cape Verde, Central African Empire, ChadsChile, China, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Costa Rica, Cuba, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Democratic Yemen, Denmark, Djihouti, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equa-
A recorded vote wastaken.
The draft resolution was adopted by 138 votes to none, with 1 abstention (resolution 33/64).11
The President #2827
I call on the representative of Israel who wishes to explain his vote.
Mr. Eilan ISR Israel #2828
My delegation has studied with great interest the draft resolution on the "Establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East",contained in the report of the First Committee. Against: None 97. The Government of Israel wishes to reiterate its support in principle for the establishment of such a zone in our region. However, as we already noted last year, the comprehensive study of the question of nuclear-weapon- free zones in all its aspects issued as a special report ofthe Conference of the Committee on Disarmament,12 which remains a most authoritative and comprehensive study on the subject, has demonstrated the considerable disagree- ment that still exists concerning the practical meaning and implications of the concept of a nuclear-weapon-free zone. It conflrmed that what might have appeared at first sight to be a clearly defined concept in fact contains several controversial elements. Yet, with all these divergencies, that report indicates clearly that such zones should be estab- lishedthrough negotiations among the States concerned. Abstaining: France, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America
The draft resolution was adopted by 136 votes to none, with 3 abstentions (resolution 33/63).10
The President [Spanish] #2829
The General Assembly will now consider the report of the First Committee on agenda item 42 [A/33/430J. We shall now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Establish- ment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East" which has been recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recordedvote was taken.
The President [Spanish] #2830
The General Assembly will now consider the report of the First Committee on agenda item 43, entitled "Establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia". The report is contained in document A/33/431. 103. I shall now call on those representatives who wish to explain their votes before the vote.
Mr. Fernando LKA Sri Lanka #2831
As it did in the First Committee, the Sri Lanka delegation will once again vote in favour of the draft resolution now contained in paragraph 7 of document A/33/431 on the establishment of a nuclear- weapon-free zone in South Asia. This vote reflects Sri Lanka's continuing support of the concept of establishing nuclear-weapon-free zones in various parts of the world. We believe that effective nuclear-weapon-free zones in various regions of the world not only would contribute to the objectives of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons but would also create conditions that would strengthen peace and security in those regions. 105. While supporting the draft resolution, Sri Lanka believes. that consultations must be held by the States of the South Asian zone so as to ensure unanimous support for and approval of the establishment of such a zone, 106. We also believe that the limits of the zone should be adequately defmed. The Sri Lanka delegation does not regard this draft resolution as being directed agaipst any State in the region. My Government appreciates and accepts the solemn pledge given by the Prime Minister of India before the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament reaffirming India's position not to manu- facture or to acquire nuclear weapons.! 5 Sri Lanka fully believes that this has been the consistent policy of the Government of India, and that it will always remain so. I wish also categorically to state that Sri Lanka has the highest regard for India, which is our closest neighbour.
Mr. Jaipal IND India #2832
I wish to explain the reasons why my delegation will vote against the draft resolution recommended by the First Committee on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia. 108. The position of the General Assembly has always been that proposals for the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones in appropriate regions of the world should be initiated by the States of the regions concerned, taking into account their special features and geographical extent. The participation by the States ofthe regions in such zones isto be voluntary and on the basis of arrangements freely arrived at by them. 109. So far as South Asia is concerned, in 1974 the General Assembly for the first time endorsed in principle the concept of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in that region, and invited the States concerned to enter into consultations about establishing such a zone [resolution 3265 (XXIXjJ. Since 1974 the General Assembly has annually repeated its endorsement in principle of the concept of a nuclear- weapon-free zone in South Asia. 110. India from the very beginning" expressed its opposi- tion to this limited concept, because India does not consider the South Asian region either appropriate or adequate for this purpose. India's opposition is without prejudice to India's decision not to develop nuclear weapons, a decision which was reaffirmed solemnly by the Prime Minster of India at the special session on disarms- ment. 111. Today once again, and for the fifth time, the General Assembly proposes to reaffirm its endorsement in principle of the concept of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia, against the declared and consistent opposition of India. We fail to understand why the General Assembly persists in this form of action which is clearly contrary to the principle of free consent that should underlie the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones. 112. The fact that India, or any other country for that matter, has decided not to develop nuclear weapons does not mean that they should join nuclear-weapon-free zones, or convert their unilateral decisions into binding multi- lateral commitments, or accept full-scope safeguards and 113. South Asia is not the only region that is free of nuclear weapons. The Nordic region, the Balkans, most of the Mediterranean, South-East Asia and Japan, and the South Pacific are also regions that are free of nuclear weapons. It does not follow that, because a particular region is free of nuclear weapons, it should be converted into a nuclear-weapon-free zone. Different countries have different perceptions of how their national and security interests are best served, a-nd it is improper for the General Assembly to impose its views on them in this manner. 114. My delegation expresses its sincere appreciation to those countries that will not vote for the draft resolution, because by taking that position they show greater under- standing of the principle of free consent. However, those who repeatedly vote for this draft resolution cannot but be regarded as tending to tell us what is good for us, and that is not a very nice or friendly thing to do. . 115. My delegation requests that a recorded vote be taken.
The President [Spanish] #2833
We shall now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia", which has been recommended by the First Com- mittee in paragraph 7 ofits report [A/33/431/. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken
The President [Spanish] #2834
I now call on those representatives who wish to explain their vote after the vote. 118. Mr. Reaz RAHMAN (Bangladesh): Bangladesh voted in favour of the draft resolution on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia. Our positive vote is in keeping with the position of principle we have repeatedly stated ill the meetings of the General Assembly in support of all measures directed towards the protection of non-nuclear countries and serving their interests, includ- ing measures for the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones and zones of peace, freedom and neutrality in South and South-East Asia, the Indian Ocean and other regions of the world. 119.\ While reaffirming our consistent stand, Bangladesh has always recognized the constraints governing the realiza- tion of these objectives, including the need to iron out difficulties with regard to concepts and geographical de- limitations and the paramount necessity for co-operation and mutual consultation freely entered into by the States of the region concerned. In this context we supported the draft resolution just adopted by the Assembly.
Mr. Ibrahim ETH Ethiopia #2835
As a State party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Ethiopia has consistently supported the establishment of nucIear-weapon-free zones in all regions and we take particular satisfaction at the increasing recognition given to this principle as an effective measure towards nuclear disarmament. 121. Consequently, my delegation voted in favour of the resolution on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia last year [resolution 32/83/, despite the abstention on that draft resolution by an important State of the region. At that time, as in previous years, we felt there were sufficient grounds to believe that an agreement or understanding among the States concerned would eventually emerge. Regrettably, however, we have noted that this year. India cast a negative vote on the draft resolution contained in the Committee's report. 122. Since we do not wish to contribute in any way towards the hardening of differences which, we believe, can be resolved through appropriate consultations among the States concerned, my delegation this year decided not tr participate in the vote on the draft resolution on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in South Asia. We sincerely hope that it will be possible for an concerned to resolve the outstanding differences and enable the General Assembly to adopt a similar resolution in the future by consensus. Furthermore, my delegation would like to stress that it is encouraged in taking this decision by India's solemn declaration not to manufacture or acquire nuclear weapons. 124. I shallfirst put to the vote draft resolution A.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution A was adopted by 117 votes to none, with 24 abstentions (resolution 33/66A).
The President [Spanish] #2836
I now put to the vote draft resolution B.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution B was adopted by 118 votes to none, with 24 abstentions (resolution 33/66B).
The President [Spanish] #2837
The General Assembly will now consider the report ofthe First Committee on agenda item 45 [A/33/433J. The report of the Fifth Committee on the administrative and financial implications of that draft resolution is contained in document A/33/506. We shall now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Reduction of military budgets" which has been recommended by the First Committee in paragraph7 of its report. A recorded vote has beea requested. In favour: Algeria, Angola, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados,Belgium,Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Burma, Burundi, Canada, Ccr~ Verde, Central African Empire, Chad, Chile, Colombia, Comoros, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Democratic Yemen, Den- mark, Djibouti, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Gambia, Gennany, Federal Re- public of, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea- Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lebanon, Lesothc, Liberia,Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nic- aragua, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Papu... New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Portugal, Qatar, Romania, Rwanda, Samoa, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Somalia, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdomof Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Cameroon, United Republic of Tanzania, United States of Abstaining: Afghanistan, Bulgaria, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Congo, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, German Oemocratic Republic, Hungary, Iraq, Mongolia, Mozambique, Poland, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Zambia The draft resolution ~s adopted by 121 votes to none, with 18 abstentions (resolution 33/67).
The President [Spanish] #2838
The next report of the First Committee is on agenda item 46 [A/33/434/. We shall now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace" which has been recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 8 of its report. The report of the Fifth Committee on the adminis- trative and fmancial implications of that draft resolution is contained in document A!33!50S. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recordedvote was taken.
The President [Sp] #2839
Since the General Assembly does not have the necessary documents before it, we shall consider item 47 at a later stage. 130. We turn now to the report of the First Committee on agenda item 48 [A/33/436/. We shall now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled ''World Disarmament Conference" which has been recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 8 of its report. The report of the Fifth Committee on the administrative and fmancialimpli- cations of the draft resolution is in document A!33!502. The First Committee adopted that draft resolution by consensus. May I take it that the General Assembly also wishesto adopt the draft resolution? The draft resolution wasadopted (resolution 33/69).
The President [Spanish] #2840
The General Assembly will now consider the report of the First Committee on agenda item 49 [A/33/437/. The General Assembly will now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "United Nations Conference on Prohibitions or Restrictions of UseofCertain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects" which has been recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 8 of its report. The report of the Fifth Committee on the administrative and fmancial implications of the draft resolution is in document A/33! 503. The First Committee adopted that draft resolution by consensus. May I take it that the General Assemblywishes to adopt that draft resolution?
The draft resolution wasadopted (resolution 33/70).
The President [Spanish] #2841
I shall now call on the representative ofAlbania, who wishes to explain his delegation's position after the adoption of the decisions,
Mr. Baleta ALB Albania [French] #2842
In explaining in a singleintervention our votes on the draft resolutions that have been adopted under items 35 to 49 of the agenda, the Albanian delegation wishesto state briefly the following. 134. The delegation of Albania considers that, if weapons have increased beyond any limit and if the arms race is continuing at a dizzying pace, it is not because the resolutions adopted have been inadequate in number or because mankind has not succeeded in understanding the danger of armaments. The real cause of a phenomenon as disturbing as the arms race is quite different and is not at all 136. For the reasons which I have just explained, the Albanian delegation wishes to state that it dissociates itself from the consensus by which a certain number of the resolutions were adopted, both in the First Committee and in this Assembly.
The President [Spanish] #2843
The General Assembly will now take up the report of the First Committee on agenda item 125 concerning the review of the implementation of the recommendations and decisions adopted by the General Assembly at its tenth special session.The report appears in document A/33/461. 138. I shall now call on those representatives who wish to explain their votes on any or all ofthe 14 draft resolutions recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 33 of its report.
Mr. Blum ISR Israel #2844
The Iraqi-inspired draft resolu- tion A before us would havethe General Assembly "gravely concerned" over Israel's military build-up. In this, the sponsors of this draft resolution wish the General Assembly to become a party to an outrageous political hoax. 140. Gone are the days when the details of a country's armament and over-all military strength could be kept secret. The reports of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute and the International Institute for Strategic Studies for this year are unequivocal as regards the Middle East. On the one hand, Arab countries have contracted to acquire SUS 35 billion worth of arms in the next 14 months. On the other hand, Israel has reduced its military budget by 23 per cent and is the only country in the world to have done so. In addition, Arab military superiority over Israel in terms.of manpower and arms can be summed up as follows: armed forces, 6 to 1; combat aircraft, 3.8 to 1; tanks, 3-.6 to 1; artillery, 10 to 1; surface-to-airmissilebatteries 20 to 1_ 141. If the United Nations had been the organization its founders had hoped for, there would indeed have been a case for a General Assembly resolution expressing its . concern over the world's most gigantic acquisition of arms on t~.L~ part of Arab States, for, quite apart from the Israel-Arab dispute, so much fife-power so closeto so much oil is cause for world concern. 142. There exist today three major military alliances in the world: among the States members ofthe North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO}. among the Warsaw Pact States, and among the Arab States. In terms of certain 143. Who fu this massive arsenal directed against? It is hardly against NATO or against theWarsaw Pact countres, There can surely be no shadow of a doubt that some Arab States are investing their excessive oil profits to acquire such an overwhelming superiority of arms against Israel as to be able to overrun it without undue risk. 144. As Iraq is the prime mover of draft resolutionA before us, I invite the General Assembly to take a close: look at Iraq's own military build-up. In the period between 1973 and 1978 Iraq doubled its army divisions. Its armoured units have been reinforced by 1,000 advanced tanks, T-62 and T-72. Similarly, more than 1,000 armoured personnel-carriers have been introduced into its .mfantry units. The strength of Iraq's artillery has been doubled. The number of ground-to-air missile batteries jumped-from 3 in 1973 to 50 in 1977, while 9 ground-to-ground Scud launchers have been added to Iraq's missile power. The number of helicopter and missile boats has been tripled. This frantic drive in the acquisition of novel means of destruction has made Iraq today the most heavily armed Power in the region. 145. Yet, Iraq wishes to see Israel disarmed, preferably totally disarmed, for reasons that its leaders have pro- claimed repeatedly and very clearly for the last three decades. Unlike Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria, Iraq has never concluded an armistice agreement with Israel and has regarded itself as being in a state of war with. Israel ever since 1948. 146. In June 1977 the Iraqi President Ahmad Hassn al-Bakr asserted, and I quote the statement as reported by Radio Baghdadon 16 June 1977: "Efforts of the forces of peace, progressand revolution in the world must be consolidated... to support the liquidation of the racist Zionist entity so as to build a democratic society." 147. Iraq has rejected an United. Nations efforts fora peaceful settlement of the Israel-Arab dispute, in<tuding Security Council resolution 242 (1967). 148. On 22 October 1973, when the Security CouneR called for a cease-fife in the Yom KippurWar, the Baghdad Government announced, and I quote from The New York Times of 28 November 1973: "Iraq does not consider itselfa party to any resolution, procedure or measure in armistice or cease-fue agree- ments or negotiations or peace with Israel, now orin the near future." 149. More recently, the Iraqi Ambassador inDelhi had the following to say ata press conference, as reported by the Middle East News Agency on 24 October 1978, and I quote: "Iraq does not accept the existence of aZioniU state in Palestine ••• the only solutionis war." 158. I should like to refer to the __ontent of the second preambular paragraph of draft resolution A. The Govern- ment of Israel has stated on severaloccasions that it would not be the first to introduce nuclear weapons into the Middle East. That is a formal Government position. It is an undertaking of which due note has been taken in respon- sible quarters the world over. 151. Here we have Iraq, the author and sponsor of this draft resolution, openly and unashamedly committed to the destruction of Israel. Iraq and a number of States equally inspired by this lofty and noble end have discovered, much to their chagrin, that their intended target is determined to resist their criminal design. Feigning outrage, they engage the world Organization, the Charter of which imposes on its Members the duty to refrain from the threat or use of force against another State and commits the Organization to promoting the maintenance of international peace and security. Shamelessly,they request that the world Organiza- tion recommend the disarming of a State with which they are in a state of war, so as to facilitate the implementation of their illegaland openly avowed goal-the llquidation of a State Member of the United Nations. 152. When the Jewish people, after many centuries, re-established the State ofIsrael in the land of Israel in 1948 we vowed we would end the state of defencelessness that had been the fundamental cause of the tragedy of my people, and that assaults on Jewish livesand Jewish digni~y could no longer be made with impunity. None the less, supported by all those who have consistently fomented trouble in the Middle East and are now opposed to the peace-making process there, Iraq and its allies would like to reduce the Jewish people again to that state of defenceless- ness. Let the word therefore go forth loud and clear from this place: "The days of Jewish defencelessness are over for ever, and the State of Israel will resist every assault on its existence and its integrity." 153. In an obvious ploy to attract African support for draft resolution A, Iraq has falsely accused Israel of collaboration with South Africa in the nuclear field. Given the arithmetical majority at the disposal of Arab States, the presence of an empty accusation against Israel in a resolution ofthe General Assembly-
The President [Spanish] #2845
I call on the representative of Iraq on a point of order.
Mr. Al-Atiyyah IRQ Iraq #2846
The speaker who just preceded me asked to speak in explanation of his vote before the vote. However, for the last seven or eight minutes we have listened to him embarking on a slanderous attack on my country, Iraq. Iraq is not the point under discussion. What is under discussion is draft resolution A adopted by the First Committee. If he is not going to limit himselfto the subject under discussion, I beg you, Sir, and I beg the Assembly as a whole, to put a limit to that. 156. The PRESIDENT [interpretation from Spanish): The representative of Israel will now continue his statement. 159. Foreign Minister Mo~'" Dayan, addressing the thirty-second session of the General Assembly, had the following to say about a nuclear-free-zone in the Middle East: "Israel firmly believes that such negotiations should lead to the conclusion of a formal, contractual, multi- lateral convention between all the States of the region, on the lines of such notable precedents as the establish- ment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Latin America and the proposals for similar agreements in the areas of south Asia and the south Pacific. Unfortunately, the Arab States have totally rejected this call by Israel which, after all, is in the interests of all the people of the Middle East. On this occasion, I repeat our proposal,"! 7 160. On the general issues of disarmament, my Foreign Minister told the current session of the General Assembly: "Israel is prepared to play its part in the reduction of the arms race and it remains ready to enter into agreements on arms limitation with all States in the Middle East. There is no doubt, however, that the appropriate way to bring about an arms reduction in the Middle East is through peace treaties which would include limitations on armaments within their framework." {26th meeting, para. 74./ 161. Israel's contribution to the reduction of regional tensions and to providing a proper setting for disarmament in the Middle East has been threefold. First on the unilateral level, Israel has considerably reduced its military budget. Israel invites Iraq, the prime mover of this draft resolution, and all other Arab States to follow suit and similarly cut thek budget by over 20 per cent. Secondly, on the bilateral level, the Camp David agreements,18 as well as negotiations at present being conducted, are intended to open the way to peace for the entire Middle East. Thirdly, on the multilateral level, Israel has come out with a certain proposal concerning the creation of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the .Middle East. To our regret, that proposal has been rejected out of hand by Arab Governments. Israel is 162. Draft resolution A before us was submitted with the express purpose of harming the process of peace..Instead of. establishing a multilateral framework for peace, as the:· , Camp David agreements did, Iraq by its own admission seeks to establish a narrow framework for war, and the draft before us isa part {If it. 163. If there is any genuineness in Iraq's posturing, as expressed in the second preambular paragraph of draft resolution A, why is It that Iraq and the other Arab sponsors of the draft resolution do not respond favourably to the offer made by the Foreign Minister of Jc::rael at the last General Assembly and negotiate with Israel and other countries of the region a Middle East "Tlatelolco" on the lines of the Treaty the countries of Latin America have so wisely concluded? 164. In the course of this sessionof the General Assembly, in the period oftime that has elapsed between the adoption ofthis draft resolution-
The President [Spanish] #2847
I call on the representative of Jordan on a point of order.
Mr. Gammoh JOR Jordan [Arabic] #2848
It is the right of my delegation and of any other Member of this world Assembly to raisea point of order at any time it deems appropriate and I think that that point wastotally disregarded by the President. 167. We agreed in the First Committee at the beginning of our discussion of this topic, as well as of other topics, not to reopen discussion on the substance of the subjects discussed, and we also agreed that statements in plenary meetings should be limited to explanations of votes. The representative of Israel has reopened the discussion of a subject which was discussed in full in the First Committee. The statement of the Israeli delegation, therefore, is not in exercise of its right to explain its vote. The Israeli representative is exploiting the patience and wisdom of this Assembly. I ask the President to request him to respect the rules of procedure. Sixty-eight countries voted in favour of this draft resolution, and it is therefore the property ofall those countries, not of Iraq alone.
The President [Spanish] #2849
I call on the representative of Israel to continue his explana- tion of vote.
Mr. Blum ISR Israel #2850
In the course of this session of the General Assembly, in the period of time that has elapsed between the adoption of draft resolution A by the First Committee on 27 November and its submission to the plenary meeting today, certain Arab States have demon- strated their real views about peace in the Middle East. They haw done so on three occasions and their voting record on vital disarmament issues speaks for itself. The Jordanian representative saw to it that the draft resolution on confidence-building measures.was greatly weakened as regards the Middle East.. Even though the draft was adopted unopposed in Committee, there were sixabstentions-all of 176. Before I go any further, Mr. Prestdent.I do not want to be misunderstood. Earlier in the meeting I tried to speak from the floor to uphold the right of Iraq-and not j~t because it is an Arab State-and also of Jordan to raile points of order. You were a little late in recognizing their points of order, so I had to do something that might better .~ ~ ~ ... . 170. I am aware that most representatives in this hall tacitly agree with what has just been said. The Iraqi draft resolution is not only a.highly controversial one but also a highly unpopular one. The procedural vote that took place in the First Committee on the matter before us several weeks ago clearly demonstrated that fact. If voting on draft resolutions in the United N..-tions were secret, the Iraqi draft would indeed have few supporters. I call upon Member States to address themselves to the real meaningof draft resolution A before us within the context of present developments in the Middle East. I call on them to reject this act of warmongering calculated to undermine the peace-makingprocess, and to vote instead for peace. 171. The PRESIDENT [tnterpretationfrom S[Xlnish): The General Assembly will now take decisions on the 14 draft resolutions recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 33 of its report [A/33/461J. 172. We shall take a decision first on draft resolution A. Before we proceed to vote on it the General Assembly must take a decision on whether the adoption of draft resolu- tion A requires a two-thirds majority of the Members present and voting. I have reached this conclusion in the light of the provisions of Article 18 of the Charter and of rules 83 and 85 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly and in view of the fact that a number of delegations have presented to me in private diametrically opposed arguments which indicate the controversial nature and uncertainty of the point. 173. I therefore propose to put this question to the vote so that the Assembly may take a decision on the question. I shall put the vote in the following way: delegations which consider that the adoption by the Assembly of draft resolution A requires a. two-thirds majority will vote ill favour; delegations which consider that adoption by the Assembly of draft resolution A does not require a two- thirds majority will vote against. 174. I can on the representative of Saudi Arabia on a point of order.
Mr. Baroody SAU Saudi Arabia #2851
I had asked to be allowed to speak strictly with regard to the vote on draft resolution A just before you asked the Assembly to determine whether a two-thirds majority vote was required, 177. With regard now to my point of order on the question that you are submitting to the Assembly, namely, whether a decision on draft resolution A should require a two-thirds majority for adoption, I have the following to say. 178. Draft resolution A, which was earlier submitted at the tenth special session of the Assembly.t ? on disarma- ment, was referred to the General Assembly because it was considered that at the thirty-third session there would be ample time to debate and to vote on it. The words "General Assembly" here refer to the thirty-third session; it was not allocated to the General Committee because it is as if the General Committee of the thirty-third session had decided that there was no difference. A decision was taken at the tenth special session, but no committee was designated; the draft resolution was referred to the General Assembly in the sense that it was to be discussed during the thirty-third session. A committee could have been designated for its discussion. The mere fact that it was referred to the thirty-third session does not mean, in the narrow sense, that. draft resolution A is so important that the General As- sembly should vote on it by a two-thirds majority. The implication here is incorrect if I may say so with all due respect to anyone whose view may differ from mine. I am to some extent conversant with, but am still learning about, the rules of procedure, but this is the context in which the General Assembly at its tenth special session referred the matter to the Assembly at its thirty-third session, because, after all, everything has to come before the General Assembly. 179. Having said this, I do not think it to be in order to ask the General Assembly if it wishes to decide by a simple majority or by a two-thirds majority. I do not say that this would be out of order. We have decided many spurious out-of-order requests. I am divesting myself of any con- siderations. Incidentally, this is not an Iraqi draft resolution because there are many sponsors; it was dubbed "the Iraqi draft resolution" by our colleague from Israel, but when- ever there is more than one sponsor one country should not be singled out as being the author of a draft resolution, although it mayor may not be so. In other words, all the sponsors of the draft resolution are at one with the Iraqi delegation. Therefore, in stressing the Iraqi sponsorship, the Israeli representative took the opportunity, quite naturally, of-not to use harsh words-making propaganda before we voted. He said, "Look, Iraq did this and this; Iraq harbours ill feelings towards us; Iraq has designs on us." I do not blame him. This is a place where you argue your case and try to see how many friends you can gain at the last minute. If you cannot gain their positive vote, you can perhaps persuade them, aside from the lobbying, to abstain, to sell out. This is very important. This is not an Iraqi draft 180. With all due respect to those who want to interpret the rules of procedure otherwise, I repeat that I think they are mistaken. Furthermore, I want to say to everybody in this room, forget about the two points oforder. I happen to represent an Arab State, but I would defend in the same way the right ofthe representative of Israel, ifit was a valid point of order that he was raising. 181. Having said that, Mr. President, may I ask that you discuss the matter with the Under-Secretary-General sitting on your left, who knows the rules, before you put the question of a two-thirds majority or a simple majority to the vote. There is a legal point here really, much as I would like to spare the Legal Counsel. As I was coming in I said to him, "I sympathize with you; whenever there is a little confusion in a Committee they call you in. But this is such an important matter that it should not set a precedent. If Mr. Buffum is not too certain on this point, I will ask you for your opinion-regardless of the rules of procedure here, because in this context the General Assembly was men- tioned not because of the importance of this matter but because it was not ailocated to a Committee, something which would have been welcomed by everyone, including,l believe, the representative of Israel, since then he would have had ample time to put forward his point of view." As God is my witness, I said this objectively. I forgot I was an Arab. An Arab has no privileges but he, like others, can analyse things. Being an Arab does not mean being inferior to our friends from Britain, who consider themselves past masters-and rightly in some respects-or from the Soviet Union, or other big Powers. We are human beings on the same level. 182. I hope that you, Sir, after consultation, will take into consideration the points I have raised. I reserve the right to take up the matter again, calmly and objectively, I promise you, Sir, and far from emotionally because the subject happens to be a problem not only between Israel and some of the Arab States but also between Israel and the other States which are sponsors of the draft resolution.
Mr. Leonard USA United States of America #2852
The United States considers that the Charter of this Organiza- tion requires a two-thirds majority for the adoption of draft resolution A recommended by the First Committee in its report on the review of the implementation of the recommendations of the special session on disarmament . [A/33/461J. Article 18, paragraph 2, of the Charter specifies that any recommendation by the General As- sembly with respect to the maintenance of international peace and security must be decided by a two-thirds 184. Thus it is clear that draft resolution A constitutes a recommendation concerning international peace and secu- rity. The General Assembly is obliged to respect the requirement laid down in Article 18,paragraph 2, of the Charter that such a seriousand significantrecommendation requires a two-thirds majority. This Assembly cannot legally put this Charter requirement aside. The representa- tive of Iraq has emphasized that draft resolution A deals with an important question. On 23 October, in the First Committee, the Permanent Representative of Iraq, Mr. Al- Ali, said: "We have to make every country in the world aware of its responsibilities with regard to this very important question."2o 185. It cannot be argued that the General Assembly has the authority to decide to do away with the requirement for a two-thirds majority. It goes without saying, and I think no one in this room would contest it, that the General Assembly has no right to change fundamental provisions of the Charter. Draft resolution A does not-I repeat does not-present a question relating to the dis- cretionary authority which the GeneralAssembly possesses under Article 18, paragraph3-the authority to decide what additional questions shall be treated as requiring a two- thirds majority. On the contrary, it is a matter relating to paragraph2 of Article 18. As to such a question, the General Assembly cannot change the Charter and it cannot change the rules explicitly embodied in the Charter. 186. We hope and trust that the procedural vote on this question will confirm the continuing validity of Article 18, paragraph2, rather than, through a negative outcome, erasing it from the Charter of the United Nations.
Mr. Richard GBR United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland #2853
In the viewof the United Kingdom, there is no question but that draft resolution A, under Article 18, paragraph2, of the Charter, requiresa two-thirds majority. I listened with great care and attention, as I always do, to the representative of Saudi Arabia. I must say with great respect that I did not entirely understand his argument. When one looks at the Charter- not at the rules of procedure of the General Assembly but at the Charter-when one looks at the voting provisions of the Charter and when one reads Article 18, paragraph2, which begins with the words "Decisions of the General Assembly", can it be argued that the action we are being asked to take does not constitute a decisionof the General Assembly? If it is not a decision ofthe GeneralAssembly, then, with great respect, I have no idea what it is. It clearly is a decisionofthe Assembly and it isalso a question which 188. Furthermore, it is clear-quite clear, in our view- that, because the question falls within Article 18, para- graph 2, it isnot a matter which can be decided by a simple majority vote. 189. I should like representatives to look also at Article 18, paragraph 3. What does that refer to? It refers onlyto "Decisions on other questions" or additional questions. That must mean-it is the only conceivable explanation of the words-questions other than or additional to those already covered by Article 18, paragraph 2, of the Charter. 190. In my delegation's view, the only way in which this issue can be determined constitutionally and in accordance with the Charter-not with the rules of procedure of the General Assembly, but with the Charter of the United Nations itself-is by putting draft resolution A to the vote under Article 18, paragraph 2, of the Charter. Any other course would, in our view,be contrary to the Charter.
Mr. Baroody SAU Saudi Arabia #2854
If I did not have some experience in the United Nations pertaining, inter alia, to procedure, I would have perhaps given way to the representatives of the United States and the United Kingdom, thinking that they had more experience in these matters. I gainedmy experience here in the United Nations, I do not represent a big Power. I try to fmd things out for myself instead of going around lobbying for anything. If I wanted to lobby, I would be a very poor lobbyist. I mow that if I asked someone to vote with me he might later approach me on a question on which I did not agree with him and attempt to secure my vote. That is why I have never lobbied and I hope people willlearn a lessonand not lobby. But that is the way things are done, not only in the United Nations, but in all political organizations. I believe that the position of the United States Government was set on this point of a two-thirds majority before I spoke. Mr. Leonard had his remarks prepared in advance. It never occurred to me before I spoke whether the vote would require a two-thirdsmajority or a simple majority. 192. I should like to address my words now to Mr. Richard. Although Englishis not my native language, I learned it at a verytender ageand many people ten me that I am quite clear when I speak. I therefore do' not understand why Mr. Richard should be confused. He is using what I would call a very, very subtle English ploy. I know it, sinceI lived in his country for some 10 years. He is being polite but says, at the same time, "lam confused". 193. My good friend, the representative of the United States, had a statement prepared on the two-thirds major- ity. The United States has a great deal of clout and it has many clients. I wish we could have as many clients as the United States has, but we do not wield power. And the representative of the United Kingdom uses such subtle words-''I was confused" and "I did not understand it". I must mention these points, so that they will pay attention to what I am going to say now. I have to recapitulate, but not at length, because I believethat many Members are not confused but that many did not know that tnis question of voting would arise. 194. I would remind my good friends, the representatives of the United States and the United Kingdom, that I can cite-I wish I had the documents with me-many issues during the last 30 years related to questions which might fall under Article 18, paragraphs 1,2 and 3 of the Charter. I do not want to prove them wrong after the fact because as we say in Arabic, "What is the use of crying over the heads of the dead" and the point will have been decided one way or the other. But many problems threatening peace as much as, perhaps more than, the war in the Middle East were brought to the General Assembly and not directly to the Security Council. In certain cases, such as an embargo, a two-thirds majority would be needed. But the point here, for my good friends the representatives of the United States and the United Kingdom, is the following. It is the General Assembly, whether in committee or in the plenary meet- ings, that is dealing with this. I have always thought it wrong, and my Canadian friend, I think, made this point this year in the General Committee, but some representa- tives ask for items to be discussed in plenary meetings of the Assembly because they think it gives the matter importance. This big hall does not enhance their arguments. Their arguments should be based on what they think is true and presented simply for agreement or refutation. 195. I would like the representative of the United King- dom in particular to take note of this. I learned a lot from him even before he came to us because I asked myself, "How does he know so many things?" He is a parlia- mentarian. I said, "No wonder, he knows the tricks of the game". I learned many things from him. I do not pretend to teach him now, but I would humbly suggest to him that there has been many an item-forget the question of Palestine, the question of the Middle East-that dealt with a crisis more formidable than, or as formidable as, or as acute, if I may use that word, as this question. The introduction of this matter has been attributed only to Iraq on purpose, as if Iraq were the evil spirit behind it, though ,many non-Arab delegations sponsored the draft resolution. Here is the point, and I hope there will be no confusion: the resolutions of Committees have to come to the General Assembly. The Committees discuss matters with the full knowledge that in spite of the acuteness of the crisis, or the problem, or whether world peace is endangered, they, not the 15 members of the Security Council, will be pronounc- 196. Even the representative of the United Kingdom, who is a member of the Security Council, should know from the record as well as from the experience of the last four or five years that he has been participating in the work of the Security Council, that 95 per cent of the resolutions of the Security Council are not even followed through, either because of the veto or because there is a consensus that suits everybody; and nothing happens. 197. Are you going to deny the General Assembly the right to pronounce itself-never mind the result of the vote-on a draft resolution which is recommendatory and not mandatory? Are you going to say, "This is the prerogative of the Security Council. Later we could take the matter up in the General Assembly"? I think the result would be zero: no sanctions; nothing. Ask me, and from my humble experience that is what I would say. Why is it that the representative of the United Kingdom wants to deny the General Assembly its right? Is it for propaganda purposes? Is it to show he is marching like a stooge behind Israel? It is pathetic, honestly. 198. I will defend at any time any Jew who does not use religion as a motivation for political ends. And I will fight any Moslem or any Christian or any Bhuddist who wants to use religion in that way. That has been tried before and it has failed; but now there is a new Khazar experiment in our area, I say a Khazar experiment because our Jews never thought of such things. 199. Am I clear? Have I dispelled the confusion? 200. If anyone wants to argue the case further, I am prepared to do so and I shall do so, indeed, with all the objectivity and detachment that I am capable of, forgetting the specific subject matter. I repeat, the GeneralAssembly has no right to impose sanctions, but it can talk \ ~ sanctions and it can recommend sanctions and the other things mentioned in Article 18 of the Charter by a draft resolution that will be voted on. 201. If I have made my position clear to my good friends, especially from the United States and the United Kingdom, I shall be pleased. If not, I shall have to listen to what they say, or I shall ask the Legal Counsel to comment. I shall not embarrass him by asking him to rationalize the law on the side of one or the other party. I hope that is clearly understood by my good friends. I am at their disposal if they want to carry the matter further. 202. Finally, I submit that even ifthere were a more than two-thirds majority things would not be changed here, since all resolutions are recommendatory; but that does not prevent our making recommendations to other General Assembly sessions-or, in particular, if that is wanted, to the Security Council. I hope I have this time made my point clear.
Mr. Al-Atiyyah IRQ Iraq #2855
It was the understanding of my delegation and of the other sponsors of the draft "The Special Committee, recognizing that the role of the First Committee is essentially political, recommends that this Committee devote itself primarily to problems of peace, security and disarmament." However, the procedure that has been adopted by the General Assembly concerning all draft resolutions referred to it by the First Committee has been that the voting should be on the basis of a simple majority. 204. Furthermore, I should like to point out that at its thirty-second session the General Assembly adopted resolu- tion 32/105 F, relating to military and nuclear collabora- tion with South Africa. The elements of that resolution are similar to those in the present draft resolution concerning military and nuclear collaboration with Israel. Nevertheless, the voting took place on the basis of a simple majority at the thirty-second session. 205. However, we are faced today with a situation in which a number of delegations are requesting a change in the procedure that has been consistently adopted by the General Assembly concerning First Committee draft resolu- tions and similar draft resolutions adopted by other organs. My delegation is convinced that recourse to such tactics is a disservice to this body and constitutes a precedent which would be detrimental to the United Nations. It is no surprise that those who advocate such manoeuvres are those who have consistently opposed and stood out against most of the resolutions adopted by the United Nations concern- ing the Middle East problem. 206. I should like to point out, however, that the draft resolution under consideration was actually adopted in the First Committee by more than a two-thirds majority. We have no doubt that it will achieve a similar success here. However, the question under debate now is a matter of principle: shall we allow a minority to dictate its terms to the majority by resorting to unknown tactics and ma- noeuvres that are definitely alien to the spirit of the United Nations and its Charter? 207. We know that the General Assembly is the master of its own rules, and if a delegation for one reason or another wants us to vote on a particular draft resolution on the basis of a two-thirds majority, it is free to request that. In that case, we would invoke rule 85 which you, Mr.Presi- dent, personally mentioned. Accordingly we will go along with the suggestion made by you.
Mr. Camps URY Uruguay [Spanish] #2856
Mr. President, concerning the statement you made with regard to the conduct ofthe work, I should like to givethe reasons for our vote. 210. That affirmation is reinforced by the fact that the fifth preambular paragraph of this part of the draft resolution refers precisely to what Article 18, paragraph 2, of the Charter and rule 8~ of the rules of procedure ofthe General Assembly laid down with regard to General Assembly decisions on important questions. I quote the paragraph of the preamble concerning this point: "Recognizing that the continued escalation of Israeli armament constitutes a threat to international peace and security . . ." 211. From the foregoing, the situation is quite clear. We are not speaking of the substance ofthe matter. It is merely a question of whether we are going to comply with the Charter or violate it once more. 212. Mr. EL-CHOUFI (Syrian Arab Republic){interpreta- tion from Arabic): I was surprised to hear the statement made by Mr. Leonard, the representative of the United States, who said that the taking of a decision on the question of preventing Israel from acquiring nuclear weap- onswithout a two-thirds majority might lead to under- mining the Uni.ed Nations Charter on the ground that the General Assembly does not have the right to alter the Charter and that this question is an important question which requires a two-thirds majority. In fact, respect for the procedures and for the Charter, in my view, should be comprehensive, in the sense that we should not respect the Charter in regard to one item and show disrespect in regard to another item which is very similar to the first, As has been mentioned by a number of. representatives who preceded me, all the work done by the First Committee and all the topics discussed before that Committee are matters related to international peace and security. Moreover, this evening we have adopted two resolutions in one of which-that relating to the establishment of a nuclear- weapon-free zone in the region ofthe Middle East-is stated that the General Assembly is convinced that the establish- ment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East would greatly enhance international peace and security in that area. However, nobody required a two-thirds majority when voting on that resolution which the Assembly just adopted. I am speaking of resolution 33/64. 213. There is another resolution related to the imple- mentation of the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa, which is contained in document A/33/429. That resolution was adopted as resolution 33/63. Paragraph 4 of that resolution states: Here again, as representatives may note, the reference is very clear, that is to say, there is a reference to the threat to international peace and security posed by the possibility of South Africa's acquiring nuclear weapons. 214. Without going into the substance of the draft resolution before this Assembly and in view of the way in which the Assembly and its Main Committees have con- ducted their voting during the thirty-third session, I think it is obvious that the difference between Israel and South Africa is non-existent. Therefore, those who are worrying about procedure and the Charter should have required a two-thirds majority vote on the resolution concerning the Declaration of Africa as a nuclear-weapon-free zone.
The President [Spanish] #2857
After having heard the various views of the representatives who have spoken, I find further valid reasons for reaf- firming my conclusion that the General Assembly must take a prior decision on whether draft resolution A requires for adoption a two-thirds majority of the members present and voting. A recorded vote will be taken.
A recorded vote was taken.
A recordedvote was taken.
Draft resolution A was adopted by 72 votes to 30, with 37abstentions (resolution 33/71 A).
The President #2858
I now call on the representative of Israel who wishes to explain his vote.
Mr. Blum ISR Israel #2859
The manner in which this resolution was just adopted by the General Assembly is yet another illustration of the way in which a mathematical majority of the General Assembly is mobilized in order to violate the Charter of the United Nations. Article 18, paragraph 2, ofthe Charter unequivocally states: "Decisions of the Genera! Assembly on important questions shall be made by a two-thirds majority of the members present and voting. These questions shall in- 220. There is no need for me to waste any words on the implications of this. Following directly from the language of the Charter it is clear that those who prompted that mathematical majority to vote as it did on the improperly put procedural question do not regard the decision of the General Assembly as an important one. We shall, therefore, follow them in that regard, and we are sure that the Security Council, if the matter ever comes before it as requested in the operative paragraphs,willlikewfse take due note of the viewof the GeneralAssemblythat this question is not an important one. This is one more illustration of the manner in which, at the time when all efforts are being made to overcome 30 yearsof bitter hostility in our region, the General Assembly isbeingbullied into adopting policies of confrontation and condemnation in lieu of policies of reconciliation and peace. We have duly taken note of the fact that, in doing this, the majority, with its eyes wide open, has belittled the significance of its action by determining that its decision is not important. We shall treat this resolution, accordingly, as an unimportant resolu- tion.
The President [Spanish] #2860
I now put to the vote draft resolution B. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution B was adopted by 103 votesto 18, with 18abstentions (resolution 33/71 B).22
The President [Spanish] #2861
I now put to the vote draft resolution C. A recordedvote has been requested. 224. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish}: We come now to draft resolution E. The First Committee adopted it by consensus. May I consider that the General Assemblyadopts draft resolution E?
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution H was adopted by 129 votes to none, with 13 abstentions (resolution 33/71 H).
The President [Spanish] #2862
We come now to draft resolution I. The First Committee adopted it by consensus. May I consider that the General Assembly wishesto adopt draft resolution I? Draft resolution E lWlS adopted {resolution 33/71 E).
The President [Spanish] #2863
We now turn to draft resolution F. The First Committee adopted it by consensus. May I consider that the General Assemblydecides to adopt draft resolution F?
The President [Spanish] #2864
I now put to the vote draft resolution J. A recorded vote has been requested. Draft resolution Fwasadopted (resolution 33/71 F). In favour: Algeria, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belgium, Benin, Bhutan, Bolivia,Botswana, Brazil, Burma, Burundi, Canada, Cape Verde, Central African Empire, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Denmark, Djibouti, Domini- can Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equato. Guinea, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Gambia, Germany, Federal Republic of, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Portugal, Qatar, Romania, Rwanda, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Somalia, Spain, Sri Lanka, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Syrian Arab Re- public, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Cameroon, United Republic of Tanzania, Upper Volta, Uruguay, Venezuela, Yemen, Yugoslavia. Zaire, Zambia 226. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish}: Next, we turn to draft resolution G. The First Committee adopted it by consensus. May I consider that the General Assemblywishesto adopt draft resolution G? Draft resoiutian G wasadopted (resolution 33/71 G).
The President [Spanish] #2865
I now put to.the vote draft resolution H. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution J was adopted by 121 votes to none, with 18 abstentions {resolution 33/71 J).
The President [Spanish] #2866
We now turn to draft resolution K. The First Committee 23 The delegation of the Netherlands subsequently informed the Secretariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as having been in favl.. .J~ of the draft resolution. Draft resolution I wasadopted (resolution 33/71 I).
A recorded vote was taken.
The President [Spanish] #2867
We now come to draft resolution M. The First Committee adopted it by consensus. May I conlZii' ..at the General Assembly wishes to adopt draft reso' M? Draftresolution M lWlS adopted(resolution 33/71 M).
The President [Spanish] #2868
Lastly, we come to draft resolution N. The First Commitee adopted it by consensus. May I consider that the General Assembly adopts draft resolution N? Draftresolution N lWlS adopted(resolution 33/71 N).
The President [Spanish] #2869
Next we shall consider the report of the First Committee on agenda item 128 {A/33/462j. In paragraph 10 of its report the First Committee is recommending to the Aaembly for adoption two draft resolutions under the heading "Conclusion of an international conventionon the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States". 235. I shall now call on those representatives who wishto explain their votes beforethe vote.
Mr. Sezaki JPN Japan #2870
My delegation will vote in favour of draft resolutionsAand Bin document )~t'n/462. I must emphasize, however, that weshalldo so with certain reservations. In our view, not only do the draft co'.w;>otions proposed by the Soviet Union and Pakistan on the non-use eX nuclear weapons against non-nuc1ear-weapon States fail to dispelserious doubts about verification and the effective- nea of such conventions but they risk destabllizing the international military balance in such a way that it might bring about results directly contrary to the goal of strengthening international peace and security. In the end, however, last week's efforts by the partiesconcernedin the First Committee resulted in amendments to the draft resolution in question the effect of which was to broaden the scope of the matter to be considered by the Committee on Disarmament. It is only because of those amendments that my delegation, which is deeply concerned about the strengthening of the security of the non-nuclear-weapon States, will vote in favourof both draft resolutions ~nd is now prepared to join in taking up this matter m the Conunitteeon Disarmament.
Mr. Madadha JOR Jordan #2871
In conformity with our position in the First Committee concerning draft reso- lutionA in document A/33/462 under agenda item 128, the deleption of Jordan requests a separate recorded vote
The President [Spanish] #2872
We shall now take a decision on draft resolutions A and B recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 10 of its report {A/33/462j. The ill'st vote will be on draft resolutionA. As requested by the representative of Jordan a separate vote will be taken on the third preambular paragraph of that draft resolution. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Mr. Cerga ALB Albania #2873
During the First Committee debate concerning agenda item 128 the delegation of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania expressed its view- point on the question of concluding an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States. In the Committee our delegation voted against draft resolution A/C.1/33/L.6/ Rev... and did not participate in the voting on draft resolution A/C.l/33/L.15/Rev.l. 243. In explaining our vote in the First Committee our delegation gave the reasons for its stand.? 6 Wedo not wish to go into detail again in order to explain our stand, but we deem it necessary to point out that the danger posed by the nuclear weapons which the imperialist super-Powers and imperialist Powers have, manufactured and continue to manufacture is neither diminished nor eliminated by conventions and juridical formulas, especially when these are proposed and drawn up by the imperialist super-Powers. Against: Albania, China Abstaining: France, Pakistan, Somalia, Turkey Draft resolution A, as a whole, wasadopted by 137 votes to 2, with 4 abstentions (resolution 33/72A).
The President [Spanish] #2874
The General Assembly will now vote on draft resolution B. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
The President [Spanish] #2875
I now call on the representative of Albania, who wishes to explain his vote. 244. The pro forma guarantees proposed by the impe- rialist super-Powers do not exclude the possibility of the use of nuclear weapons. The texts of both the draft convention and draft resolution A/C.l/33/L.6/Rev.l sub- mitted to the First Committee contain formulations aimed at legalizing the right of the super-Powers to maintain their arsenals of nuclear weapons and carry on the production and perfection of those weapons, and at legalizingtheir use whenever the nuclear Powers deem it fit. 245. Those are some of the reasons which caused the delegation of Albania to vote against draft resolution A contained iD the report submitted to the Gf reral Assembly by the First Committee. 25 The delegation of Ireland subsequently informe~ the Sec~ tariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as having been m favour of the draft resolution. 26 See Ofrtcial Records of the General Assembly, Thirty-third Session, First Committee. 27th meeting, pp. 11-17, and ibid., Fint Committee, Sessional F.scicle, corrlgendum, . .,or~ 247. I shall now call on those delegations wishing to explain their votes before the voting on the draft reso- lutions recommended by the First Committee.
Mr. Montiel Arguello NIC Nicaragua #2876
There were serious irregularities in the way in which draft resolution IV, on the situation in Nicaragua, adopted by the First Committee was dealt with. First of all, this draft resolution was taken up in the First Committee although it hrd already been decided that the First Committee would deal exclusively with the question of disarmament and other matters closely related to disarmament. There is nothing in the draft resolution which has the slightest reference to disarmament. Secondly, the debate and the voting took place on the same day in which copies of the revised draft were distributed. It is true that on the previous day copies of the draft resolution had been distributed, but that was the draft before revision, which introduced substantial changes. Thirdly, the draft reso- lution was introduced under item 50 of the agenda, which deals with the implementation of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security. The draft reso- lution is nothing more than flagrant intervention in the internal affairs of Nicaragua and there is nothing in it related to international security. 249. Reference is made in. the draft resolutio-i to a violation of the territory of Costa Rica by Nicaraguan military aircraft, but as a basis for submitting the draft resolution that is extremely weak and a patent exaggera- tion. 250. It is true that some months ago Nicaraguan aircraft crossed the frontier in hot pursuit of guerrillas from Costa Rica who had carried out raids into the territory of Nicaragua. Costa Rica used that incident, which caused it no damage in lives or property, to request intervention by the Organization of American States [OAS], which then convened a meeting of Foreign Ministers. The meeting investigated the matter and gaveits viewson it. 251. Then within the inter-American system Venezuela requested another meeting of the Foreign Ministers. My country supported that request and a meeting was con- vened, which is still under way. 252. I shall not try to establish the exact limits of the competence of our world Organization in respect of matters relating to regional affairs when there are regional agree- ments and regional bodies involved. I am sure that all Members of our Organization would agree, however, that when those regional bodies are taking active and effective measures to deal with a regional problem, our Organization should not place any obstacles in their way by adopting _ resolutions on the problem. 254. I would maintain, accordingly, that since the OAS is fully informed of the situation in Nicaragua and is taking active and effective measures, there should be no resolution on this matter here. 255. One of the measures taken by the OAS was the establishment of a friendly ad hoc Committee of Concilia- tory Efforts, composed of representatives of the Dominican Republic, the United States of America and Guatemala. That ":;ommittee has been quite successful in its activities and is now negotiating to ensure that the Nicaraguan people can take a decision on their future. 256. The Government of Nicaragua has already removed any restrictions there were on constitutional guarantees and has decreed total and unconditional amnesty for those responsible for political or any related crimes.Accordingly, Nicaraguan citizens are fully exercising their human rights, and there are no political detainees. This is something that cannot be said of all the countries sponsoring the draft resolution, and it is proof that the Government of Nicaragua wishes to achieve a lasting peace. 257. As I have spoken about the situation in Nicaragua, I should like to repeat what I have said on earlier occasions, which is that this situation is the result of terrorist attacks and action by subversive movements, helped by various f.:, ~ign countries, including some of the sponsors of this .' " resolution. 258. The purpose of those attacks and the action ofthose movements was to bring about the overthrow of the Government of my country, which has been given. a mandate as a result of F..ipJlar elections, in accordance with the democratic Constitution governing my country, 259. Those actions failed because they were rejected by the Nicaraguan people who love peace and order. There has been no repression of the civilian population, although. during the restoration of peace there was unfortunately loss of human life and material damage. However, that damage and loss of life has been greatly exaggerated in the First Committee debate. I should like to say that the responsi- bility for that loss of life and damage was not that of the Government of Nicaragua, which could not allow disorder to prevail, but rather that of those who initiated the 'Jlolence and the foreign countries which helped them. 260. The acts of terrorism and the activities of subversive movements in Nicaragua cat} in no way justify the statement that there is a danger to intemationalsecurity. Such activities occur not only iri Nicaragua but in many 261. As far as concerns the violation of human rights- which is something my country is accused of in this draft resolution-I would state emphatically that this is a totally false allegation and it was only reported in press dispatches that were intended to defame my country. The only action that was taken was to maintain order, and even the restriction on constitutional guarantees, which it was necessary to enact, has now been lifted. 1 262. During the debate, a report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights was mentioned to justify the allegation that human rights have been violated in my country. My country rejected that report, inter alia, because it had not had an adequate opportunity to defend itself. Moreover, the OAS has not taken a position on that report, and it would be rather illogicalfor our Organization to use it as a basis for its resolutions. 263. Moreover, I would just say that this draft resolution lacks balance because it only mentions the obligations of the Government of Nicaragua. It makes no reference to the obligations of foreign countries not to help those who are trying to disturb the peace in Nicaragua, nor to those countries which should refuse to allow their territory to be used for the preparation of raids against Nicaragua. Such actions are indeed international crimes, and it is those countries which are responsible for the situation in Nicara- gua. The draft resolution should rather have been directed against them. 264. In conclusion, I should like to say that the drar resolution before us creates an extremely dangerous prece- dent because of procedural irregularities in the handling of resolutions. However, even more serious than this, it would set a precedent for a violation of the principle of non-intervention and would also jeopardize the prestige and effectiveness ofthe regional organizations. 265. We cannot allow ourselves to be carried away by passingemotions and violate those basic principles. 266. I should like to repeat that the Government of Nicaragua is deeply concerned to achieve a stable peace and is doing all it can, with the co-operation of the friendly ad hoc Committee of ConciliatoryEfforts ofthe OAS. 267. It is true that in the preambular part of the draft resolution a passing reference is made to the efforts of that ad hoc Committee of the OAS, but that in no way changes the basic 'practi.al effect of the draft resolutlon. All the draft resolution does is to encourage the advocates of violence' and the enemies of peace, thus going against the paramount objective of our Organization. 269. For all these reasons, the delegation of Nicaragua will vote against the draft resolution, and we would call on all countries which truly desire a peaceful solution to the situation in Nicaragua not to lend their support to this draft.
Mr. Piza-Escalante CRI Costa Rica [Spanish] #2877
I certainly do not wish to try to reopen the debate of this question of Nicaragua. This is something which has been judged by all the peoples who respect the sovereignty of neighbouring countries, their territorial integrity and the dignity and worth of the human being, and freedom and justice. I just wanted to point to a few facts which I think should be made known to all Members of the United Nations, particularly to those who for any reason are unfamiliar with the changes that the peoples of the Latin American continent sometimes experience. 271. It is a matter of importance to my delegation to make these explanations before the vote is taken, although, for reasons of procedure, we have only a very short time to express our serious concern about a problem which has become one of exceptional gravity for the people and Government of Costa Rica and, as we have ssid, which has indeed seriously jeopardized peace and security throughout our region. 272. For a long time, long before our independence was achieved, for the people of Costa Rica peace represented not the state of quiet and dejection produced by the rule of force and the infringement of civil liberties, but the release of the forces of the mind that enable man to fulfil his .i3. Fro« ;.,l' very first days of our independence, at a time when Costa Rica was trying to perfect its democratic system, which had always been based on respect for fundamental freedoms and human dignity, our sympathy with the sufferings of other peoples led us to make our country an inviolate asylum for those who were persecuted politically whatever their allegiance or ideology and degree of their support in our country. 274. Since 1827, the year in which our Government first passed a decree allowing for political asylum-and indeed it was for a Nicaraguan-people have been coming to Costa Rica seeking peace of mind and security for their persons. They have hailed from all countries and have been of all political persuasions. They have ranged from humble men who, to lift their voices in protest against the abuses committed by their Governments, have suffered torture and imprisonment to glorious heroes of mankind like Jose Marti and the Maceo brothers. They included distinguished public figures, like R6mulo Betancourt, Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, Juan Bosch, Miguel A. Morales and the illustrious President CarIos Andres Perez of Venezuela. There have been many who have shared with us the gift of freedom and the 276. In the 1870s Costa Rica was faced with the alterna- tive of either surrendering a prominent political refugee, the former head of State of a Central American country, to whom neither our Government nor our people was sym- pathetic, or of having to go to war, for which we were not prepared because we are never prepared for war. Finally, our love of peace had to yield to the defence of the principles and dignity of the human person, and against our will and our possibilities and assuming risks, we took the hard road of war, which was declared against us in order to force us to give up the person in question. In the end, just as is happening now, our determination to protect human beings triumphed thanks to our moral steadfastness and the support which, again today, we are receiving promptly from other brotherly nations which also honour the supreme valuesofthe human spirit. 277. Forty-five years ago, when a foreign intervention, abhorred by all right-thinking free peoples, established in power in Nicaragua the founder of the Somoza dynasty, a political regime was set up in that country in which the daily fare was corruption, despotism, the infringement of civil liberties, and the prostitution of democratic principles, with all that that entails in the way of torture, assassination, insecurity, poverty and despair. As principles usually prevail over utilitarian calculations, especially when the principles have become the raison d'etre of a people such as mine, Costa Rica neither could nor would shirk its destiny as a country dedicated to human dignity. Thus it was that throughout this dark period in the life of the brother Nicaraguan people my country.threw its doors open wide to all those who were being persecuted by the implacable fury of a Government which employed to stifle the chorus of protest voiced by the great majority of its people methods which are a blot on the history ofhumanity and a perversion of American traditions. 278. Costa Rica has always recognized the right of political asylum and has welcomed on its soil more than 100,000 Nicaraguans throughout the duration of the Somoza dynasty and in this respect it is absolutely uncompromising. We believe that the right of asylum is not only an attribute of a State but also a subjective right of every human being, who may claim it from the Costa Rican Government itself, and Costa Rica will never accept any derogation from that right. 279. Let us call things by their right names. Right now the situation is such that only the Nicaraguan regime sticks up for the Nicaraguan regime. It has many covert or naive friends that offer it help by producing strained arguments out of their sleeves in a last-ditch effort to secure at the very least a few abstentions or what is called "non- participation". 280. These far-fetched arguments may be summed up as follows, 282. Secondly, they argue that the problem of Nicaragua is and should remain a problem within the exclusive jurisdiction of the OAS, which is the natural and competent regional forum, and that, in the circumstances, there is no justification for intervention by the United Nations, at least at the present stage. 283. Thirdly, they also argue that for the United Nations to take action at the present stage is inadvlsable because there is an intense effort of international mediation going on under the auspices of the OAS and that this effort has already made some progress, including a certain relaxation in the restrictions on freedom of expression; apparently the termination of martial law; a possible amnesty and also the holding of an eventual plebiscite in which the Nicaraguan people would decide whether Somoza should stay in power or not. 284. Fourthly, it is also argued that the international problems between Costa Rica and Nicaragua are merely border skirmishes involving only a few meters of Costa Rican territory and are not sufficiently serious to be called a serious threat to international peace and security. In this way they speak of Central America as ifit were an operetta ' setting in which the human beings who are every day suffering and dying were actors in some kind of tragi- comedy who have only to take off their make-up, embrace each other, and peace and brotherhood will prevail. However grotesque this mey appear, I am sorry to say this' was the impression given almost in so many words in the discussion in the Committee. 285. Fifthly, it is said that Costa Rica has to some extent provoked those problems by encouraging and providing asylum for the rebels who are fighting to throw off the Somoza dynasty. 286. I should like, at the risk of abusing the patience of the representatives present here, to reply briefly to these five objections in turn. 287. First of all, the principle of non-intervention, which is always invoked to delay legitimate international action, has to yield to collective international action. The principle of non-intervention was invented to protect the small nations against the abuses of the big ones. 288. In the Charter of the OAS it is stated quite clearly that the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States has nothing to do with legitimate interven- tion undertaken collectively by the OAS. In the United Nations Charter it is not so clear in all its aspects, but it is clear that in cases in which a threat is posed to international peace and security, legitimate intervention by the United Nations is expressly exempted from the principle of non-intervention, We also believe that the same exception should be made in the case of massive and flagrant violations of human rights, such as those that the report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights indicated have taken place in Nicaragua. If this is not so, why do we 295. Thus, we are not dealing with a sporadic and accidental series of events. In November or December last year, Nicaraguan aircraft strafed our Ministry of Security on Costa Rican territory and the group of civilians who were guarding it. More recently, a patrol of our humble civil guards-who, I have to repeat, hardly know how to fire their weapons, if they know or if they have not forgotten- who were doing the duty that Mr. Somoza requires of us to protect our backs and were searching the area near the border for possible Nicaraguan rebels, was savagely fired upon, leaving two dead and one injured. What was left of the patrol was taken to Managua as prisoners. As I say, these facts are neither isolated nor accidental. 289. It is also said that we must wait until the OASacts. I should like to remind my colleagues the representatives of the States members of the OAS that Costa Rica had for many years and on many occasions had to resort to this Organization 1:.0 denounce similar problems, as well as zhe many OAS resolutions condemning Nicaragua which that country continues to ignore. The latest of these resolutions was adopted only a few days ago. The Nicaraguan repre- sentative naturally tried to minimize this resolution here, but it contains a clear and explicit condemnation of the incursions into Costa Rican territory early in September this year, stating that they were deliberate and were carried out in full awareness. We all know that in Nicaragua the army acts deliberately because everything comes out of a single head, which is that of the lord of the country and indeed ofeverything else. 296. But there is something evenmore important to which I can bear witness. All of this has kept the people ofCosta Rica in a state of indignation bordering on despair. We do not know how many days longer we will be able to keep this indignation in check, but what is certain is that we are on the threshold of a very grave situation. It is very grave in many respects, especially because Costa Rica is not alone; my country has been offered generous help by friendly countries-among which I shouldlike to mention especially Venezuela and Panama-which are prepared to furnish their assistance, including military assistance if necessary,wiere- upon the conflict would become even more serious. 290. What is clear is that the violations committed against our territory, air space and territorial waters are not small infractions concerning only a few meters-even though even one meter would be sufficiently serious for us. Only lately have we been the victim of constant invasions of our territorial waters, including one case in which some Costa Rican fishing boats were seized in order to be exchanged for some Nicaraguan fishing craft which were seized for fishing in my country's waters. 297. Moreover, on what authority is it said that when there is a case pending before a regional organization the United Nations loses its competence and its jurisdiction with respect to its solution? Here in the United Nations there are very many examples of the opposite. To adduce one case concerning America itself, resolutions were adopted at this session on the case of Chile, which we all recognize as having no international implications but which is simply singled out as a case of serious violations of human rights. The United Nations has adopted these resolutions encouraged with their votes by some delegations which now abstain in the case of Nicaragua, possibly because a case affecting a large South American State is more important than a case affecting a small and poor Central American State. 291. Costa Rica has the right to use the San Juan Riverfor civil navigation and the humble boats of our peasants use it every day as they convey their products viathis waterway, but they are hailed, sometimes seized and almost always detained by the Nicaraguan authorities, who do not permit them to use a part of Costa Rican territory and thus invalidate a part of the right of Costa Rica over its ...m territory, in this casethe right offree navigation. 298. It is also being said that matters are about to be settled in Nicaragua; that the GAS friendly ad hoc. Committee on Conciliatory Efforts is makingprogress;that Somoza has now lifted the restrictions on freedom of expression and ended martial law; that political prisoners have been set free; that an amnesty will be granted; and that the Nicaraguan people are to be given an opportunity to decide whether or not Somoza should remain in power. First of all if this is not complacency, it is at least ingenious. We supported and welcomed the idea of a committee of conciliation. We have no doubt of its good intentions or of its positive achievements, however slow and modest they are in coming.But we do not labour under the illusion that the tragedy of Nicaragua is being resolved in !If '! ··i 292. A few days ago some launchesfishingin Costa Rican waters were seized and taken to Nicaraguan territory. Since it turned out that the crew was American they were very speedilyset free. 293. Not only was our air space invaded at the beginning of September but this happened very differently from the way the Nicaraguan representative described it-without damage to life or property. There was one person gravely injured; a professor who was accompanying a group of students who were preparing to go to the Nicaraguan frontier "to receive the torch of freedom which had come from Guatemala for the 15th ofSeptember events. 301. The regime in Nicaragua claims that we should protect our rear. But I have always wondered why Nicaragua's frontiers with Costa Rica should be 'more difficult to protect than Costa Rica's frontiers with Nicaragua. How can we protect our border when the regime in Nicaragua, which has a sophisticated army and thousands of people under arms, has itself been unable to protect that frontier? We are being accused of failure to discharge an international obligation, but Somoza has not even been able to look after his own borders. He has not even been able to . protect the main street ofthe capital; guerrillas entered that street up to the National Palace and actually occupied it in Somoza's teeth. But Costa Rica is now obliged to protect Nicaragua's rear. Our frontiers go to the San Juan River, and there are tropical forests on the banks of the river, which make it rather difficult to supervise that area. It is much more difficult for us than for them, because Nicaragua has the advantage as far as terrain is concerned, yet it is considered that it is our obligation to protect Somoza's rear. 299. We must convince ourselves that we are not dealing with a normal situation or even a situation that might become normal; that after 45 years of corruption, humilia- tion and despotism the miracle of a bloodless change cannot be produced at one stroke; that although Nicaragua now needs urgent and abundant international assistance to liberate itself from the tyranny that oppresses it, it will need much more urgent and abundant assistance later to reconstruct the country from the ruins in which it has been left. Over and above all this, the point has been reached where any solution seems to be impossible while Somoza remains. 300. I tried to explain in the Committee some of the reasons for which Costa Rica was the scapegoat of the collapse of that regime, which it hears approaching. I pointed out that the opposition in Nicaragua had gone so far as to spill over its territory; not that anyone is intervening to restore the situation, but that the inhabitants of Nicaragua are fleeingthe terror and seeking freedom and are entering neighbouring countries in massive numbers in pursuit ofshelter and freedom. Wehave more than 100,000 Nicaraguan people in Costa Rica. This figure might perhaps not be seen as being very high, but it must be remembered 302. We have been the victims, the scapegoats, in a very carefully prepared plan by Mr. Somoza to convert into an international conflict the internal problem with which he has to cope, and thus to divert the attention ofthe people from the oppression he is inflicting upon them. The persecution practised by Mr. Somoza is quite under- standable, because Costa Rica is far too close and far too obvious an example for Nicaragua and its people, who wonder why they, too, cannot live as we do.
The President [Sp] #2878
I should like to explain to the Assembly that at this stage in this important debate we still have many speakers on the list, and no provisions have been made by the Secretariat for replacing the interpreters. The interpreters have spe- cified hours of work, and the situation is therefore difficult. I suggest that we now suspend this debate and continue tomorrow, when we hope that the necessary interpretation services will be available. If the Assembly has no objection, we shall act accordingly. The meetingrose at 8.35 p.m.