A/35/PV.92 General Assembly

The debate on decolonization in the General Assembly this year is particularly significant as it take') place on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The United Nations has reason to feel proud of its achievements over those 20 years, during which most peoples in Asia, tio~s to the United Nations, transforming it into a universal body symbolizing the hopes and aspirations of the whole of humanity. 4. The impressive achievements of the United Nations in the field of decolonization should not, however, make us oblivious of the task that remains to be done. A few pockets of colonialism have survived the tide of history challenging the very precepts that have been acknowledged by the rest of the world. In Namibia an illegal South African regime continues its oppression of the indigenous people while pretending to prepare for the implementation of United Nations resolutions. In certain small Territories the administering Powers continue to delay the exercise of selfdetermination on one pretext or another. The United Nations, particularly the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples whose report [A/35/23/ Rev./] is adequate testimony to its support of the relentless struggle of the peoples under colonial domination, cannot rest on its laurels until the last vestiges of colonialism have been eradicated from the face of the earth. 5. In a message on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the Prime Minister of India, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, said: "On the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on decolonization, it gives me great pleasure to reiterate India's total support to the struggle for national liberation which is being waged by the peoples under alien and colonial domination. Having itself struggled for many iong years against imperialist domination, it is only natural that India should consistently and steadfastly support the freedom movements of oppressed peoples everywhere. "The United Nations' adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was one of the most momentous decisions taken by the international community for the welfare of mankind. The Declaration is a beacon of hope and inspiration to millions "India has been privileged to play a crucial role in the process of decolonization through direct moral and material support to liberation movements and through its anti-colonial actions at the United Nations and in the Movement of Nonaligned Countries. We remember with pride that the then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, himself attended the United Nations General Assembly session in 1960, when the' historic Declaration was adopted. "I take this opportunity of expressing the hope that the United Nations will soon succeed in eliminating the remaining vestiges of colonialism and alien domination, particularly in southern Africa which continue to plague the international com~ munity." [See A/35/752.]

The General Assembly is considering agenda item 18 on the eve of a solemn meeting to be held tomorrow to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. I have asked to speak in this debate in order to read the following message from Mr. Kenneth David Kaunda, President of the Republic of Zambia, addressed to the President of the General Assembly. 7. The message reads: "The occasion of the commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is a momentous one for all liberated people, in particular, and all other freedom-loving people everywhere. It was on 14 December, 20 years ago, that the United Nations General Assembly, in resolution 1514 (XV), adopted the historic and now famous Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples which has led to the emergence of a large number of dependent territories into freedom and independence in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Pacifi~. My own country, Zambia, became independent within four years of the adoption of the Declaration. It was a source ofjoy and inspiration for us to have been freed. In addition, after protracted wars of liberation, our neighbours in southern Africa -namdy, Mozambique, Angola and Zimbabwe, have also, at last, become free. "That Declaration has brought freedom through independence to millions of people of former colonial Territories. That Declaration has led to the founding of a large number of independent States which are today deserving Members of this world community of nations. The Declaration has contributed most significantly to the destruction of colonial empires. Without that sincere commitment to freedom-which is enshrined in the Declaration as the anti-colonial voice of the international "This is not the time for recrimination. This twentieth anniversary should be a rededication to the noble and lofty ideals for independence and self-determination for which many have fought and several people have lost their lives. Independence must be preserved and guarded jealously or else we shall lose the noble ideals which were enshrined in the Declaration, including the inalienable right to complete freedom, the exercise of sovereignty and territorial integrity. Also, according to paragraph 2 of the Declaration, 'All peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development' . "On this occasion, we should all remind ourselves that there are millions of people who have not yet benefited fully from the Declaration and, notwithstanding the ardent desire to end colonialism in all its manifestations, pockets of colonies and/ or illegal occupation and racist domination under apartheid are still prevalent. Let us all remember our brothers and sisters in southern Africa who are yet to be free. Let us remember those in Belize, Western Sahara, a number of Caribbean Territories and those in the Pacific who are yet to attain their independence. "The obstacles in the path to freedom are likely to be more intractable in the 1980s. New approaches are therefore required if freedom is to be achieved. The task will not be easy. But history has demonstrated that the process of liberation is, in the words of the Declaration, irresistible and irreversible and that, in order to avoid serious crises an end must be put to colonialism and all practices, of segregation and discrimination associated therewith. Man cannot be oppressed forever. His resilience to overcome all forms of colonial domination has been vindicated by history. Indeed, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples represented such a Magna Carta for freedom. "I appeal to all members of the international community, irrespective of size, colour or social system, to rise to the occasion to help liquidate the remnants of colonialism and racist domination from our planet. I believe that there is growing consensus to that end. Together we can overcome if we all remain faithful to the objectives enunciated in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples." [See A/35/ 752/Add./.] 8. I would add nothing to this message which is' a reaffirmation of Zambia's commitment to the complete eradication of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations, in accordance with the' historic Declaration to which this item relates. 14. Although thre are still enclaves of shame, there is every reason to hope that what was begun in 1960 will be completed in the years to come. The report of the Special Committee, which shows that developments in the few remaining Non-Self-Governing Territories ineluctably move towards the triumph of the ideals of independence and freedom, justifies this hope which is further nurtured by the repeatedly stated readiness of the administering Powers to continue to co-operate with the Organization in order to speed up the achievement of full sovereignty by those Territories. 15. Africa, long the favourite land for colonial :1- vaders, is where the beneficial effects to resolution 1514 (XV) were most felt. The number of independent African States has almost doubled since 1960. The 23. It is the firm conviction of the United Republic of Cameroon that it is becoming more and more urgent to take effective measures which would enable "This document has historic significance in the struggle of oppressed peoples for freedom and independence. "The Declaration confirmed the inalienable right of the peoples of dependent territories to selfdetermination and independence, and has become an effective instrument in the struggle to overthrow colonial domination and to create new independent States. In the wake of the struggle of the national liberation movements, assisted and supported by the peace-loving forces of the world, the vast majority of the colonies of yesteryear have become "The total and final elimination of the colonialist system will improve the international climate, promote international co-operation by strengthening international peace and security, and represent an important step forward on mankind's way to progress. "The People's Republic of Bulgaria was among the first States to declare their support for the Declaration, and in the course of the last 20 years it has given active aid to militant peoples. It makes its contribution to the cause of implementing the Declaration, in order to eliminate the last vestiges of the colonial system and create a new world founded on justice, without oppression, colonialism or racism. The People's Republic of Bulgaria is lending its active support to recently liberated States in their nation-building efforts, and is giving them economic, scientific, technological and cultural assistance in their struggle for development. The People's Republic of Bulgaria supports the efforts of recently liberated peoples to overcome the underdevelopment which they have inherited from the colonial period to combat neo-colonialism, and to restructure international economic relations on a just and democratic basis. "On this twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration, I would like to express my full confidence that the day is not far off when colonialism will have disappeared once and for all from the surface of the earth." [See A/35/752/Add./]. 29. Now I should like to touch on certain aspects of the problems we are discussing today under agenda item 18. 30. As a result of the major successes of the anticolonialist and anti-imperialist struggle, the United Nations has now become a truly universal organization. The majority of its 154 Members are former colonies, and this fact illustrates the success ofdecolonization. However, it must not be forgotten that the struggle is not yet over. Colonialism is not eliminated and the forces which are endeavouring to pre- 32. The continuance of the illegal occupation of Namibia and the aggressive-and impudent acts of the racist regime have been possible only because the continued support and assistance given to it by certain Western States and by Israel. This year again the Special Committee on decolonization has considered the question of the economic, military and political collaboration of those countries with the apartheid regime and, by adopting an appropriate resolution, has condemned such collaboration [A/35/23/Rev./, chap. V, para. 9]. The discussions in the Special Committee and those in the United Nations Council for Namibia and particularly the hearings of witnesses concerning Namibian uranium have very clearly shown that behind this collaboration can be seen the vast economic, military and strategic interests of the United States and some other Western countries. This is the real cause of the frustration of all initiatives aimed at imposing sanctions on South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. It is also the reason for the continued violations by the same countries of the embargo on arms shipments to South Africa. The degree of danger this collaboration represents for world security and peace is very clearly indicated by the fact that South Africa already has a nuclear capability. 33. The delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria would like at this point to reiterate its position, which is that a real settlement of the Namibian question can be achieved only on the basis of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, in particular Security Council resolution 435 (1978). No solution without the participation of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the only authentic representative of the Namibian people, could be regarded as legitimate and realistic. One of the conditions sine qua non of the settlement of this problem is also the unconditional and immediate withdrawal of South African troops from Namibian territory. 34. While dealing with the need to eliminate the last vestiges of colonialism, we cannot and should not forget the so-called small Territories. The delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria has repeatedly indicated its position, namely, that peoples can exercise their right to self-determination only in conditions of complete freedom and of the transfer of political power to them in conformity with the prin-

My delegation would naturally never contemplate standing aside from any plenary debate on decolonization. The twentieth anniversary of the most comprehensive United Nations resolution covering decolonization thus presents a fitting opportunity to restate the United Kingdom's role in furthering the process of self-determination throughout the world. 41. Almost one-and-a-half billion people across five continents come from countries with direct experience of British decolonisation policies. Forty-seven Members of the United Nations, that is just under one third of the total membership, were at one time in this century administered by Britain. It is a source of great pride and satisfaction for us that almost all of them have chosen to continue their bonds of friendship and co-operation through the Commonwealth. 42. Since the birth of the United Nations, British dependent Territories have been administered in 43. I recall that at that time the fundamental principle on the granting of independence to British colonial Territories and peoples was that this should be the desired constitutional status of the populations involved. It was our policy that their wishes must be freely expressed through their own political pro cesses, and that constitutional change should be granted to the extent that they sought it and at the pace they preferred. The United Kingdom would promote and encourage progress towards independence, but it would not push colonial Territories towards independence if they felt they needed more time for social, political or economic development. 44. By this gradual process of bringing Territories towards taking full responsibility for their affairs if they so wished, the United Kingdom has fully discharged its colonial responsibilities. Many of the representatives here are of course familiar with the stages involved: usually a move to internal selfgovernment, then the calling of a constitutional conference, and finally the full grant of independence together with a substantial measure of economic aid to help in the first years of independence. 45. Thus, the process has continued. During the 20 years following resolution 1514 (XV), a further 32 Territories with an approximate current population of 75 million, have attained independence. The trend was of course that the smaller, economically less powerful States were the last to seek independence, since their main priorities were for training, aid and economic development. Nevertheless, by the 1970s, small island colonies were laying their foundations as proud independent nations, and have proved repeatedly that such factors as size, lack of resources and geographical isolation need not constitute impediments to the process of self-determination. 46. Nevertheless, there remain a number of British Territories which do, for the present, prefer to retain their dependent status. Members are familiar with those territories from the debates in the Special Committee. Every year my Government provides eom- 54. Frankly, the proposed plan of a~tion does. not contribute in any way either to a genuine anal~sls of colonial problems or to a broader under~tandmg.of colonial Territories or to a way forward m planning their future development. My delegation will therefore unhesitatingly vote against the draft resolution with its recommended plan of action. 55. Mr. OULD HAMODY (Mauritania) (interpretation from French): In 1960, the General Assembly solemnly proclaimed "the necessity of bringing to a speedy and unconditional end colonialism in all. its forms and manifestations". It was thus that colonialism, which sought to claim before the wor.ld a. "civilizing" mission of bringing to peoples which It considered "savage" and "barbaric" the benefits of its splendour, was sharply and clearly condemned .by the General Assembly in the preamble of resolution 1514 (XV). 56. Twenty years ago, on 14 December 1960, by the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to ness should never serve as a pretext for delaying independence". That. truth, which eliminated any excuse for colonization, was more generally highlighted in paragraph 2, which stipulated that "All peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their 'political status and freely puruse their economic, social and cultural development." Thus resolution 1514 (XV) enshrined the equality of large and small nations in their right to self-determination, regardless of their cultural heritage. 59. But the major point of departure of the Declaration was its rejection of the collective enslavement of peoples till then almost tolerated by a world which sought truth in one single cultural family, disregarding all other values of human civilization. 60. Paragraph 1 of the Declaration re-established the balance by the following unambiguous proclamation: "The subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation." 61. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Mauritania stated during the general debate on 10 October last concerning the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples: "That resolution was the first massive, consistent demonstration and the first genuine mobilization of the Organization's determination to accelerate the end of colonialism, which indeed was already on its last legs. The year 1960 also saw the emergence in the international arena of a large number of new nations, which had thirsted for freedom and had finally won it. The year 1960 saw the dawning of great hopes that with the end of political subjugation, there would be an era of prosperity in a world that had finally recognized that the struggle of the peoples was sacred, that their liberation was inevitable. "The Declaration is, in fact, but a reflection in this forum of the admirable historical process that began in Bandung in 1955 and spelled the end of the old colonial empires. The spirit of Bandung and the struggle of the peoples of the world have made possible what had hitherto seemed unimaginable, have made commonplace certain ideas that 71. Consideration of this subject this year is particularly important because it coincides with the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of that historic Declaration, which was an inspiration to and laid down the guidelines for colonial and dependent peoples in their struggle for freedom and independence. 72. While in 1960, the year of the adoption of the Declaration, 17 African countries achieved independence, during the ensuing 20 years dozens of countries, more than 70 million people, have been freed from the colonial yoke.' 73. Indeed, important political, social and economic developments have taken place in the liberated countries of Africa during the past quarter century. There has been continuing progress in the consolidation of those young States. Many African countries have adopted the course of a progressive social development, and in those countries important, far-reaching, progressive reforms are taking place. The role and influence of the countries of Africa in the world arena are becoming ever more important and their contributions ever more weighty in the struggle for detente, the strengthening of peace, the security of peoples, complete decolonization, development and the implementation of the new international economic order. 74. The beginning of the 1980s was marked by another important victory of the peoples 0;' Africa in their struggle for national liberation and against colonialism and racism: the long-suffering people of Zimbabwe, as the result of many years of hard struggle and with the assistance of all progressive forces finally gained its freedom and independence, and in so doing made an important contribution to the struggle of all peoples for the complete and final liquidation of colonialism. 80. Our delegation believes that even though in the process of the elimination of the last remnants of colonialism the main task is the solution of the problem in the southern part of Africa, none the less we should not underestimate the importance of the problems in the other remaining dependent and colonial Territories, the so-called small Territories. In an effort to strengthen their position in the small Territories which they still govern, several administering Powers, under various pretexts, are delaying the exercise by those peoples of their right to independence and self-determination in accordance with the Declaration. The looting of the natural and human resources of the small Territories by the colonial Powers is a serious obstacle to the social and political development of those peoples and thus it impedes the implementation of the provisions of the Declaration in respect of the peoples of those Territories. 75. Following the victory of the people of Zimbabwe, the problem of Namibia has become the focus of the efforts aimed at the speedy and complete liquidation of the remnants of colonialism. By continuing the illegal occupation of that Territory the South African racists are openly defying the international community, which has repeatedly demanded that Pretoria withdraw immediately from that international Territory and grant independence to Namibia. The racist regime of South Africa, in its efforts to perpetuate its domination over that Territory, is increasing its acts of repression and terror, the main victim of which is SWAPO, the sole legal and authentic representative of the Namibian people. It is well known also that the racists in Pretoria are not only intensifying their shameful system of apartheid in their own country but also trying to extend it to Namibia. At the same time that racist regime in Pretoria, by means of various manoeuvres, is striving to gain time so as to implement its evil designs. 81. Some of those small Territories-mainly in the Pacific and Indian Oceans and the Caribbean-s-are being used by the administering Powers for military and strategic purposes. A classic example of this can be found in the situation on the island of Diego Garcia, where an important United States military base has been established for the purpose of military actions against the coastal States of the Indian Ocean. 76. Particularly serious concern is felt by our delegation regarding the nuclear ambition of South Africa, which certainly represents a definite threat to peace and security in that region of the world and to the whole of the African continent. 82. Another cause of concern is the deteriorating situation in Micronesia. the last Territory remaining 83. Another important aspect of the question of decolonization is the commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The best possible commemoration of that date would, in our view, be the adoption of really effective measures to deal with the last remnants of colonialism so as to ensure the full implementation of the Declaration. 84. Our delegation fully approves the provisions of the draft resolution A/35/L.35 and Add.I which asks the Special Committee to continue to seek suitable means for the inmediate and full implementation of the Declaration in all Territories which have not yet attained independence and, in particular, to formulate specific proposals for the elimination of the remaining manifestations of colonialism and to report thereon to the General Assembly at its thirty-sixth session.

The date 14 December 1960 marked one of the most auspicious events in the history of the United Nations. That was the day on which the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which is contained in resolution 1514 (XV). 86. Although the process of decolonization is the result of the struggle of peoples for their independence and sovereignty and is developing in the favourable circumstances created by the triumph over Naziam and fascism and the collapse of old empires, there ban be no doubt that the United Nations and, in particular, the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples have played a considerable part in promoting and carrying out such an enormous task. 87. Since the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV) until now, dozens of peoples have freed themselves from colonial oppression and acceded to independence, and, year by year, they have become full-fledged Members of the Organization. Some 77 per cent of the States Members of the United Nations were, at a remote or recent stage in their history, countries subjected to the iron rule of colonialism; the majority of the African and Asian nations gained their independence after the Second World War, and a great number of them since 1960. 88. Without dwelling now on the problem of imperialism and neo-colonialisrn, which, of course, calls into question and, in many instances, even makes a mockery of the freedom acquired at the cost of great sacrifice, it is necessary to underscore the continued occupation and racist repression Ly the so-called Republic of South Africa in the Territory of Namibia, 90. The victory of the people of Zimbabwe, after a hard struggle and many political and diplomatic vicissitudes, has frightened the Pretoria racists, who has counted on the support of their Western partners to foil the victory of the Patriotic Front and set up a puppet regime in what was then Rhodesia. Wary and shaken by the lesson of Zimbabwe, they are now seeking to do in Namibia what they were prevented from doing in Zimbabwe by the people of that country. 91. We must therefore remain vigilant. The United Nations has the grave responsibility and the inescapable commitment to promote the advent of an independent and a sovereign Namibia. That cannot be attained if SWAPO is not recognized as the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people; if the total and unconditional withdrawal of South African troops from the Territory is not achieved; if its territorial integrity, including Walvis Bay, is not defended to the death; if the illegal exploitation of the natural resources of Namibia is not brought to an end; and finally, if the United Nations Plan, which has been adopted by the international community and accepted by SWAPO, is not implemented. 92. The focus of the anti-colonialist struggle is today inevitably centred on Namibia, and we must dedicate our best efforts to ensuring the victory of this suffering people. However, as a world problem, colonialism will not be eradicated with the independence of Namibia; it is also necessary to overthrow the monstrous system of apartheid in South Africa and rid the black people of South Africa of the colonial oppression of the Pretoria racists and exploiters, just as it is necessary to see to it that the necessary measures are taken to eliminate any manifestation of colonialism in Asia, Africa and Latin America. 93. In this connexion it is not possible to disregard the situation of the Sahraoui people and the need to eliminate the colonial domination under which it is suffering; nor the just struggle of Belize for selfdetermination and independence; nor the claims of Madagascar over the French occupied islands, or those of the Comoros over Mayotte; nor also the right to self-determination of other peoples still under foreign domination. 94. In our own America. the case of Puerto Rico, which has since the turn of the century been occupied by American troops, requires measures to guarantee the effective exercise of the inalienable right to selfdetermination and independence of this Latin American people through the prior transfer of all powers now held by the United States of America. In practical terms, we must demand that the United States Government comply with the provisions of the resolution adopted by the Special Committee on Decolonization on 20 August 1980, in which that Government is requested to present, as soon as possible, a plan for the decolonization of Puerto Rico. in accordance 96. My delegation has joined the sponsors of the draft resolution contained in document A/35/L.35 and Add.l _n the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples because we consider it just and appropriate. 97. Similarly, we wish to express our total agreement with the draft resolution recommended by the Special Committee relating to the commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration and with the plan of action through which it will be fully implemented. The latter is a balanced document, the result of lengthy consultations and discussion among the members of the Special Committee and, in our opinion, deserves the unanimous support of the Assembly.

The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly will end in a few days. Our eyes are already turning towards 1981, the first of the last 20 years of this century. We all know that those years will be different for the world and for the United Nations from the two preceding decades. Today's debate affords us a timely opportunity to take stock in one of the essential fields of the evolution of events and ideas since 1960. 99. It is a simple acknowledgement of fact to say that the decolonization movement acquired considerable impetus in the mid-!950s. Historians will probably record that it was between 1955, the year of the Bandung Conference, and 1980 that a large number of the countries which now constitute the United Nations acceded to international sovereignty. 100. The evolution of decolonization, however, has not been uniform. It was born at the end of the Second World War, gathered speed in the 1950s and the 1960s, and then continued through the 1970s in a clearly discernable "decrescendo". 101. Need I recall now, as far as my country is concerned, that France fully accepted of its own will an evolution whose justification it had recognized. This is what one of my predecessors said from this rostrum 01: 12 October 1970 during the debate on the tenth anniversary of resolution 1514 (XV): "We have ofcourse in the last few years applauded the accession to sovereignty and independence of a number of once dependent Territories, and' we have upheld all steps that might effectively lead to the achievement of the process of decolonization. We are still determined to follow that same line. 109. Let us pay a tribute to what has been done and apply ourselves now to solving the key problems of our times: peace, stability and development. In so doing, our duty is to make sure that all peoples are in a position fully and freely to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. This objective need I repeat, can best be served only by the joint efforts of all the Member States of the United Nations, which must affirm a unanimous will in that sense.

The delegation of Venezuela, on the occasion of the celebration this week of the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which appears in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), adopted on 14 December 1960, cannot but avail itself of this opportunity to express its deep satisfaction at that highly significant event. 111. Although between the end otthe Second World War and 1960 a large number of Territories gained independence, we the Members of the United Nations viewed with increasing concern the fact that progress towards independence for many countries and peoples subject to colonial regimes was too slow and had to be speeded up. That special concern resulted in the adoption of the Declaration. 112. Subsequently, the year after the Declaration was adopted, the Assembly invited all interested and concerned States to take without delay measures to implement and to check on the implementation of the Declaration, a task entrusted to the Special Committee which was made responsible for reviewing the situation with regard to the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. In the years after the adoption of the Declaration, resolution 1514 (XV), a growing number of independent States joined the Organization. 113. Venezuela took and will continue to take an active part in this fundamental task, as a member of the Special Committee, and in defence of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the sacred right of peoples to self-determination and independence. 114. Venezuela welcomes the progress achieved by the Organization over these 20 years in decolonization and in the fundamental work carried out by the Special Committee, which has watched over the interests of the peoples of the colonial Territories with a view to their independence; byt we must admit that there is still much to do. 115. There is still a need to eliminate once and for all the colonial vestiges which remain despite the endeavours of the United Nations. 120. As a member of the Special Committee on decolonization, Venezuela presided over the Visiting Mission to the Turks and Caicos Islands this year. We consider, moreover, that such visiting missions are invaluable in order to gain greater knowledge of the real situation in the colonial Territories and to ensure that the rights, desires and aspirations of those peoples are safeguarded for the future. 121. As for the case of Puerto Rico, which has been taken up in the Special Committee, Venezuela feels bound to say that that island is part of the Latin American community in the broadest sense, and it is our hope-as we have already said in the Special Committee-that it will not renounce an independent future as the culmination of its political and constitutional development. To protect that development, in accordance with the sovereign, free and genuinely expressed will of the people, is part of the responsibility incumbent upon us by conviction and national tradition, as well as in our capacity as a Member of the United Nations. 122. I wish to make a special reference to the colonial case of the Panama Canal Zone, to which cause our country gave total support, advocating the restoration of Panama's full sovereignty over its territory. We recognize that the good judgement of the States concerned and the principle ofjustice, to which we are committed, prevailed. 123. We wish to close by saying that we have joined the sponsors of draft resolutions A/35/L.35 and 129. Secondly, as regards the activities of foreign economic interests, the colonial Powers, which hold on to economic interests in the colonial Territories -particularly in the form of monopolistic companies-are not happy with and do not accept the independence of those Territories or the setting up of national Governments that might threaten their interests. Those Powers therefore seek to maintain the colonial status of the Territories; at the same time other, non-colonial Powers, participate with the colonial Powers and encourage them to retain their hegemony over the Territories and to continue their looting of the resources of those Territories because of the mutual advantage to be gained therefrom. That undoubtedly forces colonial peoples to step up their efforts to confront the colonial Powers and the other 135. We should like to state that the United Nations should not be deceived by the methods of the colonial Powers which, as soon as they see a colonial Territory achieving independence, intensify their manceuvres under the guise of peaceful settlements to take over the true liberation movements and to impose set' ements that would result in governments subservien o the interests of the colonial Powers. My country considers its freedom incomplete as long as there are countries and peoples suffering under colonialism. It will continue its support of those peoples until independence has finally been achieved 140. Today, as we commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration, if we feel satisfaction at the results achieved' in the past 20 years in the implementation of the Declaration, we must nevertheless recognize that, despite the continued efforts of the international community, some Non-Self- Governing or Trust Territories continue to be subjected to colonial oppression. Such is the case with Namibia and certain small Territories scattered in the Caribbean and in the Pacific Ocean. Moreover, there are certain peoples that cannot yet exercise their rights to self-determination and independence in accordance with resolution 1514 (XV)-in particular the courageous peoples of South Africa, Western Sahara, Belize and Puerto Rico and other peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America. 141. As far as Namibia is concerned, even though the Mandate was withdrawn from South Africa 14 years ago, the international community has not been able to force the racist minority regime to withdraw 146. As far as we are concerned, 14 years of patient yet vain efforts have led us to think that only energetic and strong action can bring the racist and colonialist minority in South Africa to its senses and allow the peoples of Namibia and South Africa to exercise their inalienable rights to sell-determination and independence in conformity with resolution 1514(XV) of the General Assembly. 147. As regards the small Non-Self-Governing or Trust Territories in the Caribbean and the Pacific Ocean, we welcome the adoption by the Genera! Assembly at this session of resolutions which reaffirm. despite considerations of size, geographical isolation 148. The methods most usually employed are the creation and the strengthening of military bases and installations in Non-Self-Governing or Trust Territories or in the neighbourhood of such Territories. However, it is very clearly shown by the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and of other international bodies that the presence of military bases and the stationing of troops indeed constitute serious obstacles to the implementation of the Declaration and consequently they prevent the peoples of those Territories from exercising their inalienable rights to self-determination and independence. 149. My delegation also welcomes the adoption this year by the General Assembly of resolutions reaffirming the inalienable rights of the peoples of Western Sahara and Belize to self-determination and independence in accordance with resolution 1514 (XV) and the Charter. We hope that all the parties concerned, relying on the dynamics of peace, will eventually, by means of negotiations, find solutions which will guarantee the exercise by those peoples of their fundamental rights. 150. It is very well known that, besides military activities, foreign economic and other interests also constitute powerful obstacles to the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and impede efforts to eliminate colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimi- nation from southern Africa. In this connexion, examination of agenda item 86 by the Fourth Com- mittee has shown that the colonial Powers and certain other States continue to scorn the decisions adopted by the United Nations on that subject and have not applied the pertinent provisions of the relevant res?- lutions such as resolutions 2621 (XXV) and 34/41 m , . which the General Assembly called upon the colonial Powers and all Governments which have not yet done so to take legislative, administrative or other measures to put an end, in colonial Territories.. and in Namibia in particular, to activities of enterpnses be- longing to their nationals and the bodies corporate under their jurisdiction which are detrimental to the interests of the inhabitants of those Territories and

The debate on the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples is of particular importance at this moment as it takes place during the celebration of the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of that Declaration. 156. As a matter of fact, the struggle for the elimination of colonialism and the eradication of all forms of colonial relations in the world represents the most significant political action and achievement of the international community in the period since the Second World War. The establishment of a large number of national States on the ruins of tormer colonial empires has not only increased the number of participants in 157. As early as the first Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade in 1961, the struggle against colonialism was highlighted as the most urgent task of mankind and one of the indispensable conditions for the stabilization of international relations. Since then the non-aligned countries have become the mightiest bulwark of the anti-colonial revolution. 158. The adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the twentieth anniversary of which we are going to mark tomorrow, has accelerated the process of liberation of former colonial peoples and has enabled the Organization almost to attain universality-in fact, to become the first universal Organization in the history of the world. 159. Most of the newly emancipated countries have opted for the policy of non-alignment. They have joined the non-aligned movement, becoming its spearhead in the struggle for the definitive eradication of the remnants of colonialism and of the neo-colonial relations that have begun to appear as a new form of outdated relations based on SUbjugation and exploitation. Both in actions against colonialism in United Nations forums and in the political, diplomatic and even armed struggle waged by peoples under colonial rule, the non-aligned countries have always been in the forefront of the combat. 160. We see no reason to be dissatisfied with the results of the 20-year-old endeavour which is coming to a successful end. This very year yet another former colonial territory, Zimbabwe, has become independent. This has provided a strong incentive for the emancipation of remaining colonial territories. Now it is the turn of Namibia and no amount of manoeuvring by the South African racist regime can prevent Namibia's liberation. In the same way, it has never and nowhere been possible to prevent by force the final liberation of peoples from foreign occupation. 161. We hope that we shall soon be in a position to celebrate the liberation of peoples that are still under colonial domination and thus fulfil the task that the General Assembly set by adopting the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. For when freedom is in question there are no large or small territories, much less small peoples. Any lack of freedom constitutes a burden, while every freedom represents a great achievement on the path leading to a new world. We believe, therefore, that the action of the international community to ensure the implementation of the Declaration must be uninterrupted and dedicated to overcoming any 2 Front de liberation nationale algerien. J Frente de Libertacao de Mocambique. 4 Movimento Popular de Libertacao de Angola. 168. During the debate on the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, which has just concluded, the General Assembly once again called on Member States to institute effective measures, including sanctions, to force South Africa to comply with the demands of the international community. This should continue to be our aim, bearing in mind that apartheid South Africa is the stumbling block in the total decolonization of southern Africa. 169. In Namibia, the implementation of the United Nations plan has yet to be realized. Again, we observe with discomfort that South Africa is the stumbling block. It is the hope of my delegation, therefore, that those with close relations with South Africa will do everything in their power to ensure that the United Nations plan on Namibia is implemented as scheduled. I need not emphasize the determination of the international community to call on the Security Council to take the necessary action to force South Africa to comply with the legitimate demands. At that stage, we shall be counting on the co-operation of the Western-permanent members of the Security Council. 170. The Government of the United Republic of Tanzania continues to underscore the importance of the right of all people to self-determination and independence. This has also been repeatedly stressed in the Special Committee's report before us. Size, population, geographical position or any other factor should not be an excuse for denying that basic right, whether it be in Africa, the Middle East, Asia or Latin America. The people still under colonial domination are looking forward to increasing assistance from the international community. Therefore, the only course open to us is to reaffirm our support for them by pledging more material assistance to enable them effectively to prosecute their liberation struggles. 171. I wish to associate myself with the previous speakers in congratulating the Special Committee for its impressive and commendable work under the untiring and outstanding leadership of Mr. Abdulah of Trinidad and Tobago. My delegation reiterates its support for the proposals and recommendations contained in the report of the Special Committee. The adoption by the General Assembly of the plan of action will be an added assurance that the international community is still committed to the total eradication of colonialism, apartheid and racism in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.

Our consideration of the question of decolonization at this thirtyfifth session coincides with the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Resolution 1514 (XV) and its companion resolution, 1541 (XV), which were adopted 20 years ago, have been an important reference point for the work on decolonization of the Fourth Committee and of its intersessional body, the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to 174. The experience of colonialism has sometimes been difficult and painful, and the record of administering Powers has not always been unblemished. Since the end of the Second World War, however, there has been a largely successful drive towards independence in many former colonial Territories in Africa, Asia and the Pacific. The growing number of nations which have taken their seats in this Assembly testifies to that. We believe that the United Nations, and particularly the relevant committees oil decolonization, have played a significant and, in some cases, a vital role in the achievement of decolonization. 175. In debates on colonialism, however, there is sometimes a tendency for emotions that are aroused to lead some countries into rhetorical positions which overstate the real situation-in particular, Non-Self- Governing Territories. Sweeping and untested generalizations are sometimes enunciated without looking to the actual facts of a particular case. In this regard, while we feel that the work this year of the Fourth Committee has been marked by a degree of co-operation and a useful exchange of ideas, we have, on occasion, been side-tracked by the injection of ideology and the use of strong and provocative language. We regret, for example; that for this reason Australia will not be able to support the draft resolution on the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration [A/35/4J3, annex 11]. We consider also that draft resolution A/35/L.35 and Add.I on foreign economic interests failed to reflect accurately the facts of the situation, especially in the small Territories. What was ignored was the continuing willingness of administering Powers to extend full co-operation to the Special Committee and the Fourth Committee in their work during the year and to carry out their commitments according to relevant resolutions on decolonization. Australia takes its responsibilities seriously and we would reject any suggestion that we have not complied with relevant resolutions or that we have in any way abrogated our trusteeship obligations. 176. In a situation where the agenda of the Fourth Committee has been diminishing almost year by year, we believe it very important to keep a balanced perspective on the issue of decolonization. Increasingly, the Special Committee and the Fourth Committee are required to consider the situation of very small Territories with limited populations and resources. We would not accept that such Territories should be 177. In essence, it is important that the distinctive elements of each case in decolonization be borne in mind when we are considering resolutions on colonial questions. Unless we do this, we fall into the trap of taking doctrinaire positions on problems of decolonization-positions in which there is no real dialogue and no real chance to reach a common understanding and agreement.

Twenty years ago New Zealand supported the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. We welcomed the Declaration as an extension of the principle of universal independence embodied in the Charter of the United Nations itself. 179. The Declaration proclaims the right of all peoples to self-determination. It rejects alien domination and control as a denial of fundamental human rights. Those principles remain as relevant today as when the Declaration was first drafted. New Zealand remains totally committed to upholding those principles. 180. The Declaration has had a remarkable legacy. Since its adoption an impressive number of countries have become independent and have joined the United Nations. Their participation has brought the Organization closer to universal membership. Their contributions and influence have been profound. 181. In the South Pacific eight island countries have, during the same period, joined the community of independent nations and two have chosen to achieve full self-government in free association with New Zealand. My country is proud to have played some part in that process. We have tried, in very practical ways, to work with our neighbours, all of whom are our close friends, in efforts to make the South Pacific a stable and economically viable region. 182. New Zealand's commitmer' to the principles of the Declaration also lies at the »cart of our actions as administering Power of Tokelau. As a small, isolated island group with very few resources, Tokelau faces exceptionally difficult developmental problems. In our efforts to help the people of Tokelau move towards greater self-government and self-sufficiency, New Zealand will continue to be guided by the wishes of the Tokelau people. The leaders and people of Tokelau are today, confidently and methodically, taking over the management of their own affairs. The people of Tokelau, and New Zealand are very happy 184. New Zealand remains comitted to the principles set out in the Declaration. It was our hope that we would be able this year, as we did 20 years ago, to give our unreserved support to action by the Assembly to reinforce the need for those principles to be implemented fully and soon. Indeed, there is much in the draft resolution in document A/35/413 which we can support. At the same time, it contains several elements which we are not able to endorse; and the plan of action, to our regret, does not build on the spirit of co-operation which has guided the process of decolonization over the past two decades. 185. We have difficulty with the endorsement of armed struggle and with the manner in which sanctions are called for in paragraph 16 of the plan of action. We also have reservations about paragraph 9, which goes beyond the consensus language adopted in many of the resolutions on small Territories agreed to this year and in the past. Again, we have reservations on paragraph 10, the practicability of which is uncertain. 186. For those and other reasons New Zealand will be obliged to abstain in the vote on the draft resolution, 187. Mr. SlNCLAIR (Guyana): The adoption of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) was a watershed in the world's history of decolonization. When on 14 December 1960 the General Assembly adopted that resolution, it was giving expression in a solemn Declaration to the desire for freedom that is rooted in the soul of every human being; the international community was articulating for the first time in such a comprehensive and solemn manner its rejection of a system of relations between peoples which had been imposed upon the weak and the many by the strong and the few more than three centuries before. The international community was declaring that an end to the undemocratic rule of a majority by a minority was not merely a requirement for harmonious relations between the rulers and the ruled; it was a requirement of human dignity and of the sacred character of the human person. 188. If the Charter enshrined the right of peoples to self-determination and independence and the duty of colonial Powers to prepare dependent Territories for nationhood, resolution 1514 (XV) addressed itself to the development and the various manifestations of the colonial relationship and declared the need to bring a speedy and unconditional end to that relationship, Resolution 1514 (XV) went even further in setting out a specific programme of action for achieving the objectives of the Declaration, giving a special role to the General Assembly itself. 190. Of course we have not forgotten, nor can we forget, that some of the colonial Powers, in 1960, withheld their support from resolution 1514 (XV). But those attitudes were not surprising at that time -in fact, they have not even yet entirely disappeared, After all, the people, the mineral resources, the harbours, the rivers and the forests of colonial Territories were all used to build up the economic and political strength of the colonial Powers. Their colonial methods and policies might have varied, but their basic purpose was the same: to enrich temselves at the expense of their colonies. 191. It is certainly an indication of the way in which these historical attitudes have evolved over the years that those very Powers are now expressing support, however measured, for the objectives of the Declaration. Today, in 1980, there is a broader area of agreement on the question of decolonization, forged by the struggles and sacrifices of the peoples themselves of present and former colonial Territories. 192. In fact, looking back over the last 20 years the successes in the area of decolonization have altered the political configuration of our planet in a manner and at a pace that could hardly be imagined in 1960. The United Nations system, and the Special Committee in particular, can justly take credit for their own singular contribution to this historic achievement. 193. My delegation wishes to pay a special tribute to the Special Committee, formerly under the dynamic and committed chairmanship of Mr. Salim, and now under the progressive and enlightened chairmanship' of Mr. Abdulah of Trinidad and Tobago, for the for.aright and consistent manner in which it has been pursuing its mandate. I should like to commend the Committee for the report presented to the Assembly., My delegation has taken careful note of its contents and expresses its continuing support for the work of the Committee. 194. In this twentieth anniversary year Guyana has had the privilege and the honour of providing the chairmanship of the Fourth Committee. The Committee concluded its work on 7 November, after an exhaustive consideration of the items allocated to us by the Assembly. The Committee, in the course of its deliberations, warmly welcomed the accession to independence by Vanuatu, Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. Zimbabwe's independence was of course greeted with particular enthusiasm, 195. It was only four weeks ago that the Assembly adopted the 16 recommendations of the Fourth Committee relating to Territories in Africa, Asia, the Pacific and the Caribbean, to training opportunities for the inhabitants of dependent Territories and to co-operation with the specialized agencies and 'organizations within the United Nations system, Those decisions, covering 21 remaining colonial Territories, with 3 million inhabitants, reflect and reinforce the overwhelming concern felt for the full and speedy 197. The United Nations assumed direct responsibility for this Territory after terminating South Africa's Mandate on the ground of non-fulfilment of the obligations under that Mandate. By its resolution 276 (1970), the Security Council declared South Africa's presence in the Territory to be illegal and that all acts taken by the Government of South Africa concerning Namibia after the termination of that Mandate were illegal. Yet, South Africa's continuing presence in the Territory is buttressed, supported and encouraged by the collaboration which some of the permanent members of the Council themselves render to the Pretoria regime in Namibia. It is those members, of course, which have been staying the hand of the Council and preventing it from imposing against South Africa the sanctions which have been called for on so many occasions. 198. For the people of Namibia, the Assembly's deliberations under the present item must be of special interest. The Assembly has declared SWAPO to be the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people. Yet, Turnhalle, the Pretoria regime and others as well are proceeding as if SWAPO never existed. But what is more, the United Nations is now being asked by the very regime whose Mandate it terminated to show proof that the Organization is worthy of trust and confidence in respect of Namibia. My delegation finds the arrogance and the insolence ofthis attitude to be offensive to an intolerable degree. 199. Humanity cannot live part free and part in chains. We are all diminished by the denial of freedom and fundamental rights in Namibia. Namibia must be free, and that within the framework of the United Nations plan. 200. The decolonization agenda also includes a number of Territories with peculiar characteristics of size, geographic location and population which will require innovative approaches by the Special Committee and by the administering Powers concerned. Be that as it may, there is a clear consensus that those factors could in no wise constitute justification for delaying the full and speedy implementation of the Declaration in respect of those Territories. A demonstration of this consensus can be seen in the dispatch of visiting missions to the Turks and Caicos and Cocos (Keeling) Islanzs and the invitations extended to the Special Committee by the Governments of New Zealand and the United States to send visiting missions to Tokelau and American Samoa. My delegation wishes to commend those Governments for their decisions in this regard.

The United States is strongly committed to the process of decolonization. For us the concepts of selfdetermination, freedom and democracy go hand in hand. We strongly support the principle contained in resolution 1514 (XV) that "All peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development." 207. This year, the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV), has witnessed significant developments in decolonization. The accession to independence of Zimbabwe under majority rule was a milestone in decolonization, removing one of the most unjust and politically difficult situa- 215. ~J.y delegation will vote against the draft resolution containing the plan of action contained in document A/35/413. We regret that we must do so because in our view it would have been possible to come to agreement on principles which could guide the work of the United Nations in decolonization in the 1980s. Instead we have been offered, without benefit of proper consultations, a draft resolution which repeats in exaggerated form the language of the past, ignoring the great strides made since the adoption of the Declaration 20 years ago, including the coming into independence of 46 nations which were formerly Trust or Non-Self-Governing Territories. 216. We recognize that the problem of Namibia continues to be a major concern of the United Nations. We hope that this problem will be resolved peacefully. However, we ask the Assembly to look beyond that prqblem to the challenges ahead in decolonization and question whether this plan with its extreme formulations is relevant to the remaining dependent Territories, particularly the small Territories. 217. For my delegation, the draft presents numerous difficulties. We cannot accept the seeming endorsement of armed struggle and calls for assistance to such struggles, the politicization of the. specialized agencies, the unqualified condemnation of foreign investment and military facilities in Non-Self- Governing Territories and the calls for sanctions under Chapter VII which pervade the plan. We find it inappropriate to press a particular formulation on mercenaries when this complex problem is being reviewed in the General Arsernbly. The call for States to apply certain provisions of the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 19495 and of Additional Protocol 16 ignores the provisions of that Frotocol and disregards the very process by which States make treaties and legally bind themselves. We find, therefore, that while we support the objective of the plan to promote self-determination, excesses of language in almost every paragraph force us to oppose it. 218. My delegation believed that we could not merely criticize the draft plan of action before us. As many delegations are aware, we called earlier in the General Assembly for a review of the draft and asked that an effort be made to achieve consensus. In fact, an alternative draft was circulated informally which we believe might have served as a basis for consensus. The call for a dialogue on this question. however, was not answered. 219. This development will not inhibit our continued co-operation with the Special Committee in carrying out our obligations under Article 73 of the Charter. We would hope. however, that at some future time a 5 United Nations. Treaty Series. voJ. 75. Nos. 970-973. 6 A/32/144. annex I.

My delegation supported the historic resolution 1514 (XV), adopted on 14 December 1960. In particular, we hold firmly to the principle stated in paragraph 1 that: "The subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and cooperation" . In consequence, Ireland has always voted, where possible, for resolutions which reaffirm the support of the Government of Ireland for the principle of decolonization and for the work ofthe United Nations in this area. 221. My delegation will therefore vote in favour of draft resolutions A/35/L.35 and Add.1 and A/35/L.36 and Add.I. I should say, however, that my delegation has in the past expressed reservations on some of the language used in the first draft when it appeared in similar resolutions adopted by the General Assembly. While my delegation supports the basic thrust of draft resolution A/35/L.35 and Add.l we still maintain those reservations with regard to it. 222. My delegation had hoped that in this, the twentieth anniversary year of the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV), a draft resolution and plan of action for the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples which could have commanded very wide support among all Members of the United Nations would have been placed before the Assembly. This, we feel, would have been a valuable contribution and it would have strengthened the role of the United Nations in dealing with the remaining decolonization issues which are of a widely varying character. We believe that such a text should reflect the great progress which has been made in decolonization since the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV) and the role that the United Nations itself has played in this regard. 223. The draft resolution and plan of action contained in annex 11 of document A/35/413 do not in our view adequately distinguish between a limited number of colonial territories, such as Namibia, where a very serious situation exists, and a larger number of small territories, each of which has individual characteristics to which over-generalized formulations may not be relevant. In particular, many of the steps recommended in the plan of action which may indeed be appropriate in certain specific situations go far beyond what would be appropriate or desirable in the case of many of the remaining colonial territories. Furthermore. my delegation regrets that adequate consultation involving members of all regional groups was not held with a view to formulating a text which could have been adopted by consensus. Accordingly, my delegation will abstain on the draft resolution contained in annex 11 of document A/35/413. "We trust the good work of extending freedom will continue until all the peoples of the world are free arid until, through peaceful and generous cooperation, the resources and skills at the disposal of mankind are fully developed to bring peace, prosperity and the chance of happiness to all corners of the globe."? That is still the hope of my delegation. 226. Mrs. DNAYDIN (Turkey): My delegation will vote in favour of the draft resolutions contained in annex II of document A/35/413, and in documents A/35/L.35 and Add.l and A/35/L.36 and Add.l under agenda item 18, in keeping with our well-known position on the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, as well as the questions relating to southern Africa. 227. On the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the historic resolution 1514 (XV) for which we voted at the time, I should like to seize this opportunity to reiterate the unswerving commitment of the Turkish Government to the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, in Namibia and in all other colonial territories still under foreign domination, and our staunch support for all the efforts being made with a view to eliminating colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination in southern Africa and in other parts of the world. 228. In this connexion, we should like to welcome the great progress that has been achieved in the process of decolonization since the adoption of the Declaration, and we note with satisfaction that in the last 20 years 46 former Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories have attained independence and joined the Organization, bringing it closer to the goal of universality. 229. We should like to pay a special tribute to the members of the Special Committee for their tireless efforts in this regard, and we certainly hope that their endeavours for the attainment of the ultimate objective will soon be crowned with success. 241. The draft resolution contained in annex 11 to document A/35/413, and draft resolution A/35/L.35 and Add.1 include provisions which my Govermnent cannot support and we therefore have no other choice than to abstain in the votes thereon. H lhld., Thirtv-fourth Session. Plenary Meetings , 102nd meeting, paras. 20 and 2J. 246. At the same time it should be recalled that in 1965, 1973 and 1976 the General Assembly adopted resolutions 2065 (XX), 3160 (XXVIII) and 31/49 on the Malvinas Islands and the holding of negotiations between Argentina and the United Kingdom to arrive at a solution of the problem. A decision was taken by consensus at 57th meeting of the General Assembly, along the lines of those resolutions. 247. The Organization must continue to be active and vigilant to bring about the elimination of colonialism, in accordance with the principles I mentioned earlier and for the benefit of all peoples. My delegation hopes that before the conclusion of the present decade it will be possible to mention resolution 1514 (XV) in the context of the celebration of the conclusion of the decolonization process throughout the world. 248. The draft resolution in document A/35/".13 appears to us appropriate at this time and we shall support it.

The Netherlands delegation joins in the commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peo.iles. On 14 December 1960 my country voted in 253. In the meantime, the Netherlands attaches the greatest importance to the work of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. We are confident that the administering Powers will continue to co-operate closely with the United Nations in discharging their responsibilities for their Territories. 254. My delegation considers this twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration an important event in the history of the United Nations. We had therefore hoped that the General Assembly would act by adr. 'ing a resolution expressing the unanimous vie.' -If Member States on decolonization. Unfortunately, the draft resolution contained in annex 11 to document A/35/413 contains elements to which my delegation cannot subscribe. 255. A number of provisions in both the draft resolution and the plan of action purport to depict the situation in South Africa and the policies of apartheid as a problem of decolonization. The Netherlands has repe; edly condemned apartheid as a grave and persistent. violation of human rights. However, we consider that South Africa is not a colonial Power. The struggle in South Africa is not one for liberation from a colonial situation, but one for equal rights for all the inhabitants, whatever their race or the colour of their skin. 256. My Government believes that the necessary and fundamental changes in South Africa can be brought about by dialogue and, where necessary, outside pressure. Armed struggle and violence cannot be justified; we therefore have to dissociate ourselves from formulations, such as that in operative para- .. Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity c ,.1 .he territorial integrity of a country is incompatit , with the pruposes and there was no exercise of the basic human rights or rights of peoples except as far as the peoples of part of Europe or North America were concerned; for the rest of the world there were only subhumans in place of humans, and there were only subcultures in place of cultures, and the other peoples and nations hardly counted any more than the raw materials that were extracted from their soil. 266. The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples not only fulfils the wishes of great figures of history such as Lenin, who saw in the colonialist phenomenon on absolute negation of freedom and a factor of disorder in relations among peoples. It also has the merit of enshrining in written laws a right already recognized in conscience and in practice. 267. In paragraph 1 the Declaration stales: "The subjection of pec cs to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation." 268. The work done in the past 20 years is positive and the praise is largely due to the United Nations. It is nevertheless surprising that 20 years after the Declaration, and a few years before the sad centenary of the Berlin Act of 1885, there still exist not only colonial Powers which are proud of being such, but also theoreticians of the domination of peoples by other peoples. The idea of self-determination according to them could mean the choice of a people to remain non-self-governing, that is to say, under subjugation. There is nothing more 'cynical than such a definition. No people can in 'conditions of self-determination choose to remain the slave of another. 269. The unavowed forms of colonialism should be borne .n mind, for they are no less dangerous; they are represented by neo-colonialism, whereby people are dominated while the. appearance of liberty is maintained. Now, there is no common measure between a free association of States aware of their complementarity and an unnatural alliance, such as that between a horse and its rider. The situation presents itself in the latter light in many cases, and that is why the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was right to draft the resolution contained in annex 11 of document A/35/413, and particularly its plan of action for the full implementation of the Declaration. 270. In that respect, we are thinking in particular about the African continent which, with Namibia and of course South Africa, still holds the sad privilege of containing the world's largest colonial empires and which is, moreover, governed by the fascist and slave-holding system of apartheid, which is a crime against humanity. It is still true that all the colonial empires existing at the present time and which cover in particular the islands or territories of the Pacific, the Indian Ocean or the Caribbean, should benefit without exception or cor.dition from the implementation of the principle of self-determination in order fully to realize their independence. 271. My delegation, which has never failed to uphold the cause of freedom, would like to reaffirm the unwavering support that it gives to each of the provisions of the draft resolution recommended by the Special Committee, as well as the plan of action. In particular, we should like to emphasize the great importance, in the present circumstances, of opera tive paragraph 5 of the draft resolution, according to which the General Assembly must, in order to remain faithful to the lofty mission of the Organization in relation to decolonization, categorically reject any agreement, arrangement or unilateral action by colonial and racist Powers which ignores, violates, denies 277. For all those reasons, my delegation will vote in favour of the plan of action for the full implementation of the Declaration contained in annex 11 of document A/35/413. It will also vote in favour of draft resolutions A/35/L.35 and Add.l and A/35/L.36 and Add. I. 278. Nevertheless, my delegation would like to enter explicit reservations regarding the presence among the sponsors of those two draft resolutions of the country which is the new colonialist country of Asia. That country, Viet Narn, is pursuing a war of colonial aggression and racial extermination against my country, is continuing to violate the Charter and resolution 1514 (XV) and is obstinately refusing to implement resolutions 34/22 and 35/6 which call for the people of Kampuchea to exercise their inalienable right to decide their own future without any foreign interference. 279. The presence of Viet Nam, a colonialist and expansionist country, among the sponsors is new proof of ~:le cynicism and hypocrisy of the Hanoi 290. In view of these considerations we shall support draft resolutions A/35/L.35 and Add.I and A/35/ L.36 and Add.l.

The delegation of Uruguay, consistent with its traditional support for the self-determination of peoples and convinced that their subjection to foreign or colonial domination is a denial of fundamental human rights, as established in paragraph I of resolution 1514 (XV), will vote in favour of draft resolutions A/~5/L.35 and Add.l, and A/35/L.36 and Add.I, as well as the draft resolution contained in annex II of document A/35/413. Although we agree in general with the operative parts of those draft resolutions, particularly the objective of the plan of action for the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we feet it necessary to reiterate that our country cannot accept any so-called solution which involves the use of violence to achieve certain ends. 292. Therefore, we cannot subscribe to those paragraphs which is a covert manner seek to have the Assembly legitimize armed struggle, in open violation of the principles of the Charter. We recognize the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples subjected to foreign or colonial domination for the exercise of their self-determination, but this should in no way lead us to endorse the formula "by aB the necessary means at their disposal" without simultaneously

We turn now to draft resolution A/35/L.35 and Add.l and A/35/L.36 and Add.I. I have been informed that the financial implications of the activities envisaged by the Special Committee during 1981 have already been reflected in the programme budget for the biennium 1980-1981. As indicated in the report on the Fifth Committee [A/35/ 698], to the extent that the balance of appropriations will not suffice, additional requirements will be included in the pertinent report to be submitted by 9 The delegation of India subsequently informed the Secretariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution, 10 The delegation of Mauritius subsequently informed the Secretariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution. 302. Austria, however., had to abstain from voting on the commemorative draft resolution on the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV), as well as on the plan of action. There is no doubt that the process of peaceful decolonization itself is one of the major achievements of the United Nations in the last 20 years, and a process to which a considerable part of the membership of the Organization owes its present participation in its work. 303. We would have wished that for the occasion of the commemoration of the anniversary of resolution 1514 (XV) efforts had been undertaken to establish the broadest basis of consensus in order to do justice to this historic achievement. From our point of view the resolution just adopted takes a very negative and critical approach to the process of decolonization in general and does not offer a meaningful contribution to the solution of problems which will have to be faced in the decolonization process in the coming years. 304. Austria, furthermore, wishes to point out that, from our point of view, the just struggle of colonial peoples and territories must be carried out in accordance with the principles of the Charter: And this, in our opinion, signifies peaceful means.

My delegation voted in favour of draft resolution A/35/L.35 and Add.l, which has just been adopted, because of our firm support for the basic objective set forth in it: namely, reaffirmation of the inalienable right of the peoples of Non-Self-Governing Territories to selfdetermination and independence. However, for reasons we have made clear many times before, my delegation wishes to record its reservations on some of its paragraphs.

The Australian delegation abstained in the voting on the draft resolution contained in document A/35/413. We did so because of specific objections we had to the text. In fact, when the text was submitted in the Special Committee in August, we made quite clear what our objections were, and endeavoured to introduce amendments. 307. Our vote, however, does not diminish our commitment to pursuing, in the Committee the common cause of decolonization, in accordance with the Charter and the objectives of the Committee. We firmly believe that the resolution, including the plan of action, will add little, if anything, to the work already being done by the Committee. Indeed, the provocative formulations in some paragraphs will divide rather than unite delegations in what should be a common cause. 308. We regret that on so important an occasion as the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV) a greater effort was not made to produce a consensus text. We are disappointed that this should have been the case. Decolonization is an important subject which should be considered seri- AGENDA ITEM'54 Comprehensive review of the whole question of peacekeeping operations in all their aspects: report of the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations REPORT OF THE SPECIAL POLITICAL COMMITTEE (A/35/620)

The Assembly will now consider the report of the Special Political Committee on agenda item 57 [A/35/674]. That report contains five draft resolutions. In addition, the Assembly also has before it draft resolution A/35/L.46 and Add.I. I now call upon the representative of Iraq to introduce this draft resolution.

First of all, on behalf of my delegation I should like to thank the delegations which took part in the preparation of the report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories. I should also like to thank those members of the Secretariat who helped in the preparation of the report, which reflects the facts objectively and scientifically. 325. The delegation of Iraq is pleased to introduce draft resolution A/35/L.46 and Add.I on behalf of the sponsors. Today, the Zionist entity has added other crimes to its repertory of terrorism, massacres and the infliction of suffering. Since the Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, commemorated by the people of the occupied territories to express their loyalty to their country and their determination to liberate themselves from the yoke of zionism, the Zionist authorities have committed all kinds of atrocities. They have seized the schools and universities, thus depriving the students for long periods of the opportunity to study, or even to take their examinations. These authorities have not confined themselves to such acts as these. They have fired on students, wounding a great number ofthem;a 14-year-old student was hit. In addition, they have held the teachers as well as the students in detention. Not content with that, the repressive authorities of the Zionist entity have, under the direction of Menachem Begin, also proclaimed an unjust decision against the Mayors of Halhoul and Hebron, who had been freely elected, 331. The draft resolution is a totally impermissible and unacceptable attempt to interfere with the judicial system of a sovereign Member State. It must therefore be rejected. Since the main objective of this draft resolution is to prepare the ground for further media events in other United Nations organs, Israel sees no purpose in addressing itself here to the matter of Mr. Qawasma and his colleagues. We will state our position at the appropriate time. 332. Miss STREDEL (Venezuela) (interpretation from Spanish): The delegation of Venezuela will vote in favour of the draft resolution on agenda item 57 which was adopted in the Special Political Committee because we share the views expressed in draft resolution A/35/L.46 and Add.I. 333. On many occasions, Venezuela has shown its support for the Palestinian cause, and in the present circumstances it wishes to reiterate that support once again. Nonetheless, the delegation of Venezuela wishes to place on record its reservations regarding the language used to indicate the elements contained in the draft resolution adopted by the Special Political Committee that is now being submitted to the General Assembly. 334. The delegation of Venezuela likewise wishes to state its reservations with regard to the inappropriate language in draft resolution A/35/L.46 and Add.1 on the same subject. and in particular the second part of operative paragraph 2. I1 Quoted in English by the speaker. 339. We wish, however, to express our reservations on the wording of certain paragraphs, in particular that which claims that Israel pursues a deliberate policy of opening fire on defenceless students, My delegation wishes una,mbiguously to stress that the occupied territories referred to in operative paragraph 1 include only those territories occupied after the 1967 war. 340. 'Miss DANSILIO de JORDAN (Uruguay) (interpretation from Spanish): The delegation of Uruguay will vote in favour of the draft resolutions recommended in the report of the Special Political Committee on agenda item 57 because we consider that, as is traditional in the foreign policy of our Republic, the widest possible support must be given to the principle of the peaceful settlement of international disputes, to the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by the use of force and to the recognition, as an irreversible fact, of the existence of the State of Israel within secure and just boundaries, as well as to the right of the Palestinian people to selfdetermination and to the creation of a national State. 341. On this basis, Uruguay has supported since the thirtieth session of the General Assembly all resolutions adopted by that body in favour of the application of existing international conventions on the protection of civilians in time of war to the territories occupied by Israel since 1967. 342. Conquest by war engenders no rights whatsoever, and therefore my delegation has also condemned since the same time and with equal strength

I now put to the vote draft resolution C. A recorded vote has been requested. 352. The I ... ~ESIDENT: I now call on those repre- sentatives wl.o wish to explain their vote after the vote.

Austria's position on the policies and practices of Israel and its military authorities in the territories occupied since 1967 is well known. It has during this session of the General Assembly been amply documented in the statement of the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs at the 20th meeting, as well as in the contributions of the Austrian delegation to the agenda item at present under discussion. On the basis of this position we have decided to support draft resolution A/35/L.46 and Add.l, which has just been put to the vote, as we share the concern expressed therein about the measures taken against the Mayors of Hebron and Halhul as well as against educational institutions for the Palestinian population. The positive vote of the Austrian delegation does not, however, imply ';.at Austria does not have several serious reservations with regard to formulations of the resolution. Those 359. Nevertheless, the delegation of Chile abstained in the vote on draft resolution A/35/L.46 and Add.l which has just been adopted, because of our doubts regarding the propriety of dealing with these matters in conjunction with situations of a different kind. We also wish to point out that we are not convinced that the language used in some parts of the draft resolution is proper.

The Government of Japan finds it deplorable that the Government of Israel has decided to expel once again the Mayors of Hebron and Halhoul. We have sympathy for the inhabitants of the West Bank as a result of such measures of the Israeli Government. Nevertheless, Japan abstained in the vote on draft resolution A/35/L.46 and Add.1 as a whole because it included some elements which we could not support.

'The Bahamas delegation supported draft resolution A/35/ L.46 and Add.! which has just been ,adopted by the General Assembly, because it contains certain elements that are consistent with our Government's policy on questions of human rights in the territories 374. I should like first to remind members that my country does not recognize the <ompetence of the General Assembly in this matter, which has been improperly submitted to it. History and law can prove without any possible doubt that the islands of Glorieuses, Juan de Nova, Furopa and Bassas da India are part of the French Republic. It is certainly not within the competence of the Assembly to distribute territories or to remodel existing boundaries. Were it to do so, it would create a very dangerous precedent, the gravity of which will escape no one. 375. As for the draft resolution itself, there is no need to enumerate once more the reasons for which it is unacceptable to us. It seeks to endorse ill-founded pretensions which rest only on unverifiable allegations and postulates which cannot be proved. The confusion which it seeks to establish between this question and the problem of decolonization now seems to have been dissipated. Everyone here knows that the islands in question have never had an indigenous population; there is no trace of a former permanent establishment there. It is not surprising, therefore, that a large number of African States expressed reservations concerning the resolution submitted by Madagascar at the thirty-fifth ordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the OAU, held at Freetown, from 18 to 28 June 1980. 376. (will not prolong any further a discussion which was imposed upon us but which should not have taken place. Delegations which listened in the Special Political Committee to the statements of those of the sponsors who spoke understand their intentions and motives. The facts of the problem are now sufficiently clear. 377. My delegation will vote against this draft resolution without hesitation, for such is the position that logic and good sense compel us to adopt in this matter.

The representative of Madagascar has requested to speak in exercise of his right of reply. 380. Mr. RABETAFIKA (Madagascar) (interpretation from French): We do not intend to reopen the debate on these islands, but the statements made in explanation of vote in the Special Political Committee and the General Assembly compel us, at the risk of repetition, to give some clarifications so that it may not later be said that we bowed to arguments whose main characteristic was confusion. 381. As regards procedure, first of all, we have always maintained that the question which concerns us is that of incomplete-and I stress incompletedecolonization, as well as of sovereignty, national unity and territorial integrity. These two aspects are closely linked and in our opinion they cannot be dissociated to support rather specious arguments. 382. To be more clear, if that is necessary, we maintain that Madagascar, when it acceded to indepen- 13 The delegations of the Dominican Republic and Equatorial Guinea subsequently informed the Secretariat that they wished to have their votes recorded as having been abstentions. is defined as being the theory whereby "the effective occupation of a territory by a State must ipso jure, confer on that State sovereignty over all the territories nullius which are near it or in its 'neighbourhood". 390. For this part, Professor Paul Reuter in his work Droit international public maintains in respect of continuity that "territorial sovereignty... over a territory involves also sovereignty over accessory elements" . 391. The taking of possession by the French on 31 October 1897 was a pure and simple application of this theory, which had already led to the annexation law of 6 August 1896. 392. Nevertheless, when we in our turn recall this, the French side does not wish to take it into account, and it is indeed a case of today's truth being tomorrow's error, as Montesquieu said. 391,. As for the future of the islands, it has been hinted that Madagascar, by claiming the islands, wishes to obtain advantages on the continental shelf and the exclusive economic zone, to extend its sovereignty over large areas of the Indian Ocean and the Mozambique Channel, thus endangering the free circulation of ships in the Mozambique Channel. I wish to declare on behalf of my Government that the Democratic Republic of Madagascar intends to exercise its rights and discharge its obligations with scrupulous respect for the freedom of navigation, whether it be in the territorial sea, in the exclusive economic zone, on the high seas or in international channels of communication defined in the draft convention on the law of the sea.!" We have no difficulty-and I stress, no difficulty-in accepting articles 78, 58 and 17 to 26 of the said draft convention, and we fail to see how the return of these islands can endanger international navigation in the Mozambique Channel or the future convention on the law of the sea. 394. On the other hand, we are not at all certain that delimitation by the administering Power of an exclusive economic zone surrounding these islands is in accordance with article 121 of the draft convention relating to the regime of islands and the provisional nature thereof. 395. Together with other coastal States and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, we concluded last "In application of the law of annexation of 6 August 1896, notified to foreign Powers and declaring Madagascar and its dependencies"-I stress "and its dependencies"-"to be a French colony, the French flag has been planted on the islands of Juan de Nova, Europa and Bassas da India in the Mozambique Channel." The islands were thus dependencies of Madagascar before the annexation of Madagascar by France, and it cannot now be maintained that they were only attached to Madagascar for reasons of administrative convenience. 388. As regards the Glorieuses islands, they were attached to Madagascar by the successive decrees of 9 August 1908, the law of 25 July 1912, the decree of 23 February 1914 for the application of the latter, and the government decree of 9 November 1928. It is important to note on this subject that the law of 9 May 1946 established the archipelago of the Comoros, 399. There are no explanations of vote before the vote. The Assembly will now vote on the draft resolution recommended by the Committee in paragraph 28 of its report. A recorded vote has been recuested, In favour: Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belgium, Bhutan, Botswana, Brazil, Burma, Canada, Central African Republic, Chad, China, Colombia, Cornoros, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Democratic Kampuchea, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Gambia, Germany, Federal Republic of, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras, Ice- land, India, Indonesia, Iran, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lebanon, Liberia, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Luxem- bourg, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pa- kistan, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Peru, Philippi- nes, Portugal, Qatar, Rwanda, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sier.a Leone, Singapore, Somalia, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Cameroun. United States of America, Uruguay, Venezuela, Yugoslavia, Zaire, Zambia. Against: Afghanistan, Angola, Bulgaria, Byelo- russian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cuba, Czechoslo- vakia, Democratic Yemen, German Democratic Re- public, Hungary, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Mongolia, Mozambique, Poland, Ukrainian Soviet

Next, the General Assembly will consider the report of the Committee on agenda item 69 [A/35/632].

The Romanian delegation would like to ask the Secretariat to be so good as to set 23 February 1981 in Vienna as a definite date for the beginning of the work of the first session of the Advisory Committee for the International Youth Year. That date was communicated to the Secretariat when we began to consider agenda item 69 in the Third Committee. That date was also officially communicated to the Fifth Committee at its 34th meeting and to the Committee on Conferences. The United Nations Secretariat's Department of Conference Services has confirmed on repeated occasions that time and conference space The draft decision lI'as adopted (decision 351318). 427. The PRESIDENT: I call upon the representative of Romania who wishes to explain his vote after the voting. 428. Mr. VOIeU (Romania): It is with particular pleasure that my delegation asks to be allowed to speak again in connexion with the resolution just adopted by the Assembly. The Romanian delegation would like to take this opportunity to express again its most sincere thanks to the 75 sponsors representing all regions of the world for their constructive contribution to the preparation, negotiation and adoption of resolution 35/126. Our thanks are addressed equally to the whole body of sponsors and to each delegation in particular. 429. Moreover, I should like to ask all the delegations which sponsored the text adopted as resolution 35/126 to be kind enough to transmit our heartfelt thanks to their Ambassadors, their Ministries of Foreign Affairs, their Ministries of Youth Affairs and to all other appropriate authorities which authorized them to join our delegation in submitting the draft resolution. We should also like to express our deepest gratitude to all delegations for their spirit of co-operation and their valuable participation in the promotion of an initiative to which the Romanian delegation attaches great importance. . 430. We could not omit to thank again the Chairman of the Third Committee, all members of the Secretariat and, most of all, the Secretary of the Committee for their efficient assistance during the debate on agenda item 69. 431. The Romanian delegation is happy to believe that the adoption of the resolution entitled "International Youth Year: Participation, Development, Peace" is a significant event and a promising starting point for the practical preparation of the Year.

Next we shall consider the report of the Committee on agenda item 70 [A1351 633] .

Draft resolution 11 is entitled "Restitution and return of cultural and artistic property to its countries of origin". The Third Committee adopted this draft resolution without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same? Draft resolution 11 was adopted (resolution 35/128).

The Assembly will take a decision on draft resolution B. A recorded vote has been requested. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Barbados, Belgium, Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Burma, Canada, Central African Republic, Chile, Colombia, Comoros, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Democratic Kam.. puchea, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Gambia, Germany, Federal Republic of, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Luxembourg, Mauritius, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Peru, Portugal, Rwanda, Samoa, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Somalia, Spain, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Carneroon, United States of America, Uruguay, Venezuela, Yugoslavia, Zaire. Against: None. A bstaining: Afghanistan, Algeria, Angola, Argentina, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Benin, Bulgaria, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cape Verde, Chad, China, Congo, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Demo- ...ratic Yemen, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, German Democratic Republic, Grenada, Guinea, Guinea- Bissau, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Mauritania, Mongolia, Mozambique, Niger, Oman, Philippines, Poland, Qatar, Romania, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Tunisia, Uganda, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Emirates, United Republic of Tanzania, Viet Nam, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe. Draft resolution B was adopted b.v 78 votes to none, with 62 abstentions (resolution 35/130 B).

We turn next to the report of the Committee on agenda item 71 [A/35/634]. 437. The Assembly will now take a decision on the draft resolution recommended by the Committee in oaragraph 11 of the report. The report of the Fifth ~ommittee on the administrative and financial implications of the draft resolution is contained in docurnent A/35/7~6. The Third Committee adopted the draft resolution without a vote. May I consider that the General Assembiy wishes to do the same?

We turn next to the report of the Committee on agenda item 72 [A/35/635]. 439. The Assembly will take a decision on the two draft resolutions recommended by the Committee in paragraph 17 of the report. The Assembly will first take a decision on draft resolution A. A recorded vote has been requested.

The Assembly will turn its attention to the report on agenda item 73 [A/35/636]. 442. The Assembly will now take a decision on the draft resolution recommended by the Committee in I ~ The delegations of Angola. Iran and Mauritania subsequently informed the Secretariat that they wished to have their votes recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution. The draft resolution \'I'as adopted (resolution 351 132). 445. The PRESIDENT: I call on the representative of Uruguay who wishes to explain his position on the decision just taken. 446. Mrs. GUELMAN (Uruguay) (interpretation from Spanish): The delegation of Uruguay did not oppose the adoption without a vote of resolution 351 132 because of its well-known position in support of and respect for international agreements and conventions which seek the defence and full universal implementation of human rights. Proof of that is the undeniable fact, which should be taken very much into account, that Uruguay was among the first countries that ratified not only the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights but also the Optional Plotocol thereto. 447. I turn now to the main reason for my statement. My delegation wishes to express its reservations concerning the report of the Human Rights Committee [AI35140] and in particular with respect to annexes VI tu X. It is our understanding that at the General Assembly level it is not proper for such communications to be made and therefore, on this occasion, we simply wish to express our rejection of the conclusions of the Committee. We shall inform the Committee directly of our views on those annexes within the context of the continued co-operation which my Government has always given it. 448. The PRESIDENT: The Assembly will now consider the report of the Committee on agenda item 79 [AI351638]. 449. The Assembly will now take a decision on the draft resolution recommended by the Committee in paragraph 10 of the report. The report of the Fifth Committee on the administrative and financial implications of that draft resolution is contained in document A/35/646. The Third Committee adopted this draft resolution without a vote. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do likewise? '450. Miss RICHTER (Argentina) (interpretation from Spanish): On behalf of the Government of Argentina, I have the honour of thanking the General Assembly for deciding to accept its offer to be the host country for an international Symposium of experts on technical assistance for disabled persons and on technical co-operation among developing countries, which is to be held in the city of Buenos Aires towards the middle of 1981.

The Assembly will now consider the report of the Committee on agenda item 80 [AI351639]. 453. The Assembly will take a decision on the draft resolutions recommended by the Committee in paragraph 33 of the report. Draft resolution I is entitled "International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women". It was adopted without a vote ir the Third Committee. May I consider that the General Assembly likewise adopts draft resolution I? Draft resolution I was adopted (resolution 35/134]. 454. The PRESIDENT: Draft resolution 11 is entitled "Refugee and displaced women". The Third Committee adopted draft resolution 11 without a vote. May I consider that it is the wis.i of the General Assembly also to adopt it?