A/36/PV.62 General Assembly

One of the most basic principles of international law is respect for the sov- ereignty and territorial integrity of all nations, regardless of their size, geographical location or social system. It is a sad commentary on present conditions in the world, however, that many States limit themselves to paying lip- service to this principle while actually engaging in es- pionage, destabilization or even armed intervention in other countries. 2. A case in point is the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, which has been on the agenda of the Gen- eral Assembly for nearly two years now. The attempts by the Soviet Government to justify its fl~grant violation of the Charter of the United Nations have i'ecn rejected by an overwhelming majority of the Member States. Last year at the sixth emergency special ~;;1!lsion and at the thirty-fifth session, the Assembly called for the immedi-· ate, unconditional and total withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan in order to enable its people to deter- mine its own future [resoLutions ES-6/2 and 35/37]. 3. From the very outset the Swedish Government has categorically condemned the armed intervention by the Soviet Union in Afghanistan. Not only is the Soviet ac- tion a serious violation of fundamental rules for interna- tional relations, but it has also contributed to a deteriora- tion of the international climate and brought untold suffering to the Afghan people. 4. It should be abundantly clear by now to.the Soviet Government that the problems of Afghanistan cannot be solved by military means. To persIst in efforts to subju- gate a neighbouring nation by brute force betrays an ar- rogance and lack of political wisdom which cannot but cause great concern all over the world. Genuine security cannot be obtained, even by a super-Power, at the expense of the security interests of other States. This simple lesson must be learned by everybody if we are ever to make progress towards peace. 5. Draft resolution A/36/L.15 stresses the need for a po- litical solution of the situation existing in Afghanistan. Such a solution requires the withdrawal of the Soviet troops and guarantees of the genuinely non-aligned char- acter of Afghanistan. Several constructive proposals to this effect have been put forward. My Government urges the Soviet Union to abstain from further use of force in Afghanistan, withdraw its troops and engage in serious discussion of these or other proposals along the lines of the draft resolution before us. 6. Finally, I want to express my Government's support for the Secretary-General in his efforts to facilitate a solu- tion of the problem. In this context the plight of the large numbers of Afghan refugees must be kept in mind. The need for humanitarian aid is urgent, and my Government fully supports the work being carried out by UNHCR clOd the World Food Programme. .

The question of Afghanistan is once again before the General Assembly, as it has been for the past two years. The Government of Sierra Leone sincerely hopes that Afghanistan will not be- come one of the perennial items on the agenda of the Assembly-in any case, not in the form in which it is at present before us. 8. Today, just as in January 1980 when we participated in the consideration of this item, our motive is to uphold and defend the inalienable right of all peoples, of all na- tions everywhere-in this instance the historic and valiant people of Afghanistan-to determine their ONn destiny, their own future, and to choose the form of government under which they are to live freely and without outside :u:~;ference. 9. Secondly, my country, as a Member of the Organiza- tion, considers it its duty to defend and uphold the pur- poses and principles of the Charter and, whenever and by whornsoever those principles are violated, to express its concem and call for their restoration and observance. It should therefore be obvious that Sierra Leone's position on this question is not animated by. a desire to engage in recriminations against or futile condemnat~on of any Member of the Organization. We do riot share a common truck or platform with those who would condemn the So- viet incursion into Afghanistan but would find the flim- siest of pretexts to excuse Soulh Africa's armed aggres- sion against Angola or its continued illegal occupation of Namibia. 10. As a Member of the Organization, faithful to its purposes and principles, we are imbued with a desire, and consider it our duty, to uphold and defend the principles of the Organization. One of those principles concerns the non-use of force in international relations, and in the case of Afghanistan it has manifestly been violated. The Char- ter unmistakably prohibits the use of force in international relations and enjoins respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all States. All States, particularly the permanent members of the Se- 12. My country has followed the developments in Afghanista:l for the past two years. We have noted the fierce resistance against all odds by the people of that country, and we have observed the incessant flow of refu- gees into neighbouring countries. There is overwhelming evidence of resistance to those that continue to occupy that country. We also note with regret that General As- sembly resolution ES-5/2, calling for the immediate, un- conditional and total withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan in order to enable its people to determine their own form of government, has gone unheeded and has remained unimplemented. 13. But it is still not too late to make amends. It is still not too late to redeem the situation and alleviate the plight and misery of the Afghan people. It is still not too late to work for an urgent political solution to the grave situation in "respect of Afghanistan. That situation confronts the Organization with an immediate challenge, a challenge to its claim to be a guarantor of the independence of all nations, large or small. Afghanistan today engages the principles of the Organization and throws them into sharp relief. 14. It is against this background that the situation must be viewed. My Government, in calling for the immediate withdrawal of the foreign troops from Afghanistan, at the s~me time calls on all concerned to refrain from interfer- ing in the internal affairs of that country so ~s to allow the Afghans themselves to determine their own destiny and to choose their own political. economic and social system. 15. Our participation in the consideration of this item is prompted by no one and by no other motive than our fidelity and commitment to the Organization and its prin- ciples; And. yes. we are also prompted by the desire to see Afghanistan restored to its rightful place as an inde- pendent, sovereign. non-aligned nation.

Two years ago the Soviet Union's armed intervention in Afghanistan and its military occupation of the small non-aligned Moslem State rightly earned strong ~nd universal condemnation by the interna- tional communIty. This flagrant violation of the principles of the Charter was deeply deplored by the General As- sembly in its resolutions ES-6/2 of January 1980 and 35/37 of November 1980. The group of non-aligned States and the Organization of the Islamic Conference have also joined the overwhelming majority of States Members of the United Nations in calling for the com- plete withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan. 17. Unfortunately. Soviet forces have not only remained in illegal occupation of Afghanistan but are engaped in a 18. The situation in Afghanistan is not only reprehensi- ble in human and moral terms but also has dangerous implications for regional and international peace and se- curity and for the rule of international law. 19. Mankind's best hope for peace, progress and indeed its very survival lies in the steady strengthening of the system of collective security established under the Char- ter. This system is seriously undermined when a super- Power repudiates its special responsibility for the sober and scrupulous conduct of world affairs. However, no one cari have failed to note that in embarking on its Afghan adventure the Soviet Union cynically disregarded princi- ples which are essential for the strengthening of interna- tional security and which, in other circumstances, it has vigorously claimed to support. Principles such as respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political inde- pendence of States, non:.intervention in the domestic af- fairs of States and non-use of force in international rela- tions immediately come to mind. 20. Without doubt the situation in Afghanistan has had extremely grave repercussions in South-West Asia and in the world at large. The dangerous trend towards foreign military intervention, apparent also in South-East Asia and other areas of the world, has been reinforced; the pol- icy of detente has been damaged with a consequent weak- ening of international security; a new phase of the nuclear arms race has been set in motion. with incalculable conse- quences for world peace; there has been a heightening of tensions in the chronically unstable area of the Middle East and the super-Power presence and rivalry in the In- dian Ocean has intensified, further impeding efforts to es- tablish a zone of peace in the region. 21 . Not the least of the effects of the Soviet aggression is the suffering of the refugees, who have fled to Pakistan and to Iran and who continue to flee in increasing num- bers from persecution and bitter conflict. At the same time heavy economk and social burdens have been placed on those neighbouring States which are sheltering the ref- ugees at great national cost. The Somali Government and people know from experience the absolute necessity for international assistance in such situations and we appeal to all States to extend humanitarian aid to relieve both the suffcrings of the refugees and the difficulties of the host countries. 22. Of course, the best solution of the refugee problem would be the creation of conditions which would enable them to return voluntarily and safely to their homes. My delegation welcomes the fact that constructive efforts have been initiated by the group of non-aligned States and by the Islamic Conference with a view to finding a .political solution. We also note with particular appreciation 'the use of the good offices of the Secretary-General and we trust that these efforts to promote a peaceful settlement will continue. In this context we strongly support the request made in operative paragraph 60f draft resolution A/36/ L.15 that the Secretary-General promote exploration of the question of securing appropriate guarantees of the non-use or threat of use 01' force against the political'inde- 23.. In conclusion, our interdependent world can ill af- ford the dangers inherent in a prolonged Afghanistan crisis and my delegation hopes that the parties directly concerned will be prepared to talk and to negotiate on substantive issues. Those issues must certainly include the total withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan and the restoration of its sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence and non-aligned status. A just and peaceful settlement can be achieved only when the people of Afghanistan are finally able to choose their own eco- nomic, political and social system, free from outside in- terf~rence or coercion.

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, launched on Christ- mas Eve .nearly two years ago, was a momentous event that altered the climate and indeed the co~~se of world politics. The invasion was a grave violation of the Char- ter, which enjoins all Members to "refrain in their inter- national relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State". As such, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan shook the very foundations of world order. 25. The far-reaching consequences of this event should by now be apparent to all of us. It had a shattering effect upon the prospects for the continued stability of South Asia and the Persian Gulf, deepening anxieties throughout this vital region and raising the spectre of a wider con- flict. It also severely aggravated tensions between East andWest. More than any single event in recent years, the Soviet invasion impelled a widespread reassessment of the world situation based upon a new and more sober appre- ciation of the danger that the policies the Soviet Union now pose to global stability and world peace. The inva- sion thus marked a watershed in the post-war era, bring- ing to a definitive conclusion a period of widespread opti- mism concerning the evolution of Soviet policy and intentions. 26. Nowhere, of course, have the consequences been more immediately or harshly felt than in Afghanistan it- self. No sector of Afghan society has been spared the consequences of the Soviet occupation and the ruthless effort to impose upon the Afghan people a communist totalitarian system-an effort that began in 1978 with the initial communist coup overthrowing the Daoud Govern- ment. Almost 3 million people, about one fifth of the entire Afghan population, have been forced to flee their country and now constitute the largest single refugee group in the world. Tens of thousands of people have been killed. Afghanistan's educated class has been deci- mated. Whole villages have been destroyed, their inhabi- tants killed or forced to flee. Mosques have been dese- crated and religious leaders gaoled or murdered. Schools have been turned into centres of political indoctrination. The country's economic and social infrastructure of roads. power and communication networks. hospitals and educa- tional institutions has been badly damaged and in many instances completely destroyed. 27. It is rarely noted that Afghanistan made significant economic and social progress during the decade of demo- cratic freedoms and representative government brought about by the 1964 Constitution. All this, and more, has now been undone. 29. The Soviet Union and the Kabul regime have tried to conceal this destruction by sealing the country off from journalists and other foreign observers, and from human- itarian organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross. Nevertheless, the truth about the sitUa- tion there and about the terrible human suffering is be- coming known to the world. 30. How far the Soviets are willing to go in their war against Afghanistan is indicated by the kind of weapons they have used there, including little booby-trap mines, which the Soviets scatter by the thousands along the paths used by refugees and other civilians. Those mines are fre- quently disguised as ordinary household items or toys. Children, naturally the least wary, are the ones most likely to pick them up. If they do, they risk being killed or having their limbs blown off. 31. On 10 April this year the Soviet Union signed an international Convention prohibiting the use of such weapons.' At the time, its representative called the Con- vention "an illustrative example of the possibility of reaching agreements on measures aimed at curbing the arms race". The real "illustrative example", however, is contained in the Soviets' continued use in Afghanistan of the kind of anti-personnel weapons prohibited in that ~reaty. It is an example that illustrates both the -character; of the Soviet Union's involvement in Afghanistan and its attitude-in this instance at least-towards a treaty obli- gation. In this connection, there are many reports from refugees and other victims of the Soviet invasion that le- thal and incapacitating chemical weapons are being used in Afghanistan, in violation of both the Geneva Protocol of 19252 and the Biological Weapons Convention of 1971.3 32. It is not possible to justify the Soviet actions in Afghanistan according to any meaningful interpretation of international law. The sole exception to the proscription against the use of force in international relations is pro- vided for in Article 51 of the Charter, which affirms "the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an imned attack occurs against a Member of the United Na- tions". But not even the Soviet Union itself has suggested.; that it has been the vktim of an armed attack. 33. Moreover, it is hard to imagine how Afghanistan might conceivably have posed a threat to the Soviet Union. For decades the Soviet Union had proclaimed to the whole world, repeatedly, that its relations with Afghanistan were a model of peaceful .coexistence, a prime example of neighbourly relations between a small country and a big country, even with a different system of government and social structure, but living together in peace and without interference. Since 1921 the two coun- tries had signed numerous treaties affirming and reaffirm- ing Moscow'~ respect for Afghanistan's independence and territorial integrity and promising non-interference in Afghan affairs. It should not be forgotten, furthermore, that Afghanistan was a member of the non-aligned move- ment and was not involved in any relationship that Moscow might 1~J< upon with concern. with the help of growing numbers of Soviet "advisers", began forcibly to impose upon the people of Afghanistan . a foreign ideology and a totalitarian system. 35. It is ah'iO suggested by apologists for the invasion that the Soviet Union feared that a tide of Islamic funda- mentalism might sweep from Afghanistan into its own central Asian provinces. But, even if this were true, it would hardly justify the Soviet invasion. In fact, the Afghans are a devout people, but they have not tried to impose their beliefs on others, and historically they have allowed minority faiths to live peacefully within their midst. This attitude of tolerance is characteristic of the Afghans except when their faith itself is attacked, as it is npW attacked by the Soviet Union. They are not tolerant, nor should they be, of an attack upon their freedom, inde- pendence and identity, of which their religion is. an impor- tant part. But there should be no doubt whatsoever that the threat in this instance is to, and not from, the people of Afghanistan. 36. The Soviet Union also claims, of course, that its forces were invited in by the Kabul regime, which i~­ voked its right to self-defence under Article SI. But so far neither the Soviet Union nor the Kabul regime has '!produced '8' s~d of evidence to prove that such an invita- tion was ever iSSUed. It is, hard to imagine what kind of evidence they could produce, since, as we know, the inva- sion preceded the installation of Babrak Karmal, who was not even in Afghanistan at the time his predecessor was overthrown and killed by invading Soviet troops. Of late, Babrak Karmal has taken the line that the invitation WCiS issued by the Afghan Communist Party. This, of course, is actually an admission that the invitation was not issued by any Government. 37. The Kabul regime, moreover, has no legitimacy whatsoever in the eyes of the Afghan people. It exists only by virtue of Sovjet actions and is, in fact, a mere appendage of Moscow. Soviet personnel direct virtually all aspects of its administration, including the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Defence, Interior, Information and Culture, Justice, and Economic Planning. Since 1979 So- viet personnel have also commanded the Afghan army down to the brigade level, and sometimes down to the company level.. The Soviets even control Afghanistan's natural resources, in particu.lar natural gas, which are ex- tracted in a one-sided barter arrangement in exchange for goods used to sustain the Kabul regime. 38. Suspicions have been raised that the Kabul regime may also have acceded, in a treaty signed earlier this year, to the annexation by the Soviet Union of at least a part of the Wakhan corridor, the narrow strip of land that I joins Afghanistan with China. A de facto annexation has· already taken place, since the area, from which the indig- enous Kirghiz tribes have been forced to flee, is now un- der the control of the Soviet army. 39. Given the Kabul regime's utter subservience to Moscow, i~ is hardly surprising that! it should have no base of sup~~rt among the Afghan people. It is propped up instead by 35,000 Soviet troops. Yet the Afghan free- 40. What is clear today was clear in 1979. Then, as now, the Kabul regime was not threatened by an outside Power, justifying defence under Article 51, but was in fact threatened by a popular uprising, a spontaneous pop- ular uprising, of the nation-of the people in whom na- tionhood inheres and solely inheres in the abseQce of a legitimate government. It was an uprising against a re- gime that had slaughtered its own people, destroyed their homes, sent almost half a million persons fleeing into ex- ile, 'and delivered the country t::-: an alien force-an upris- ing that continues to this very day against the present re- gime and its Soviet masters. 41. It is this uprising, and this uprising alone. that is justified to invoke the right of self-defence, for it is de- fending the independence and the very existence of the Afghan' nation against a f~reign and brutal domination. 42. Small wonder, then, that the Soviet Union is doing whatever it c,~n to obscure the truth about Afghanistan. There is no other way to understand the charge-repeat- edly by the Sovi(;~ Foreign Minister before this body in September-that ~he real source of the conflict in Afghanistan is foreign interference by the United States and China. This charge is ludicrous but aiso reveal~~g, for it shows the lengths to which the Soviet Union IS forced to go to conceal the nature of its policy. 43. There are only two realities in Afghanistan today: the Soviet occupation and the Afghan nation, and neither is compatible with the other The Soviet Union can con- quer Afghanistan only bye' , !~nati•.,> the Afghan nation. This the world must not permit to happen, for if Afghanistan is vanquished, no independent nation will be safe. 44. The draft resolution now before us, like its prede- cessors, seeks an end to the occupation of Afghanistan. It calls for an immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops, restoration of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and non- alignment of Afghanistan, restoration of the right of the Afghan people to choose their own form of government and economic and social system, free from outside inter- vention, coercion or restraint, and return of the refugees to their homeland. My Government is firmly committed to these terms. 45. The struggle of the Afghan nation for survival is consistent with the basic and most cherished purposes of the United Nations, which are to protect national indepen- dence and to maintain world peace. 46. It is o,lly fitting, therefore, that the United Nations should affirm the basic and most cherished purpose of the Afghan I':ttion, which is to regain its ancient homeland so that it may once again be independent and live at peace. 48. This item should not have been concocted in the first place. Should we forget that Afghanistan is a sov- ereign State and that it is free to conduct its foreign pol- icy and safeguard its independence and territorial integ- rity? The problem is not in Afghanistan, but around it. Once its neighbour reconciles itself to the Afghan revolu- tion and ceases to interfere in its internal affairs, there will be no cause for tension. 49. The recent proposals of the Government of Afghanistan to normalize its relations with its neighbours are the first steps towards establishing an era of peace and co-operation in South-West Asia.

In his statement at the 58th meeting, the representative of the Soviet Union said that our discussion of this item is an interference in the inter- nal affairs of Afghanistan. He also characterized the pres- ence of approximately 100,000 Soviet troops in Afghanistan as the provision of "friendly assistance" by the Soviet Union to Afghanistan. It is obvious that in So- viet nomenclature the term "friendly assistance" has a different meaning from its ordinary one. No wonder that, according to a story I have been told, many religious peo- ple in Eastern Europe go to bed at night praying that the Lord will spare their countries from the "friendly as- sistance" of the Soviet Union. 51. The facts concerning the introduction of Soviet troops into Afghanistan cannot be seriously disputed. On 23 December 1979 airborne Soviet troops started to dis- embark at Kabul airport. On the following day, 24 De- cember, they took up positions in the city of Kabul. At the same time, large numbers of Soviet tanks crossed the Soviet-Afghanistan frontier into Afghanistan. 52. On 28 December, four days after the Soviet invasion began, a radio message announced that Babrak Karmal had been unanimously elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democr~tic Party of Afghanistan and that he had become President of the Rev- olutionary Committee. The same broadcast announced that Hafizullah Amin, the head of the legal Government of Afghanistan at the time of the Soviet invasion, had been sentenced to death by a revolutionary tribunal. The broadcast also stated that the Government of the Demo- cratic Republic of Afghanistan, by virtue of its Treaty of Friendship, Good-neighbourliness and Co-oparation with the Soviet Union, had made an urgent appeal to the So- viet Union for military, moral and economic support, in- cluding military aid. According to the same message, such a request had been addressed to the Soviet Union on several previous occasions by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. f 53. The critical question is whether the legal Govern- ment of Afghanistan at the time of the So'.'iet invasion, which was the Amin Government, had invited the entry 54. The representative of the Soviet Union has described the Afghans who are resisting the Soviet occupation of their country as terrorists and bandits. No amount of slander by representatives of the Soviet Union will alter the fact that the Afghan Mujahideen. who are resisting the Soviet occupation of their country and the Soviet pup- pet regime in Kabul, are freedom fighters. The Afghan Mujahideen are waging an unequal struggle against the sophisticated army of a super-Power. In spite of this we are confident that in the end the Afghan Mujahideen will prevail over the Red Army. They will prevail because they are fighting for the freedom of their fatherland. They will prevail because the brave people of Afghanistan have never succumbed to foreign domination. 55. One of the grave human consequences of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan is the refugee problem. Today there are more than 2 million Afghans who have sought shelter arid refuge in neighbouring Iran and Pakistan. I wish to take this opportunity to thank the Government of Pakistan for the generous way in which it has looked after the refugees. I must also express my appreciation to UNHCR and to the other governmental and non-govern- mental humanitarian organizations for their assistance to the refugees. Let us hope that a just political solution to the ,conflict in Afghanistan will be found in the not-too- distant future, so that those millions of Afghan refugees in Pakistan and Iran can return to their homeland in safety and in honour. 56. The Soviet puppet regime in Kabul put forward cer- tain proposals on 24 August this year [see A/36/457]. The Soviet representative has given his Government's endorse- ment to these proposals. What are the salient elements of those proposals? The Kabul regime has expressed'its will- ingness to conduct either bilateral or trilateral negotiations with Pakistan and Iran. The Kabul regime insists, how- ever, that the talks should deal with the international as- pects of the Afghan problem and not with the presence of Soviet troops in Afghanistan. The political solution en- visaged by the Soviet Union and its puppet regime is for the neighbours of Afghanistan to recognize the regime of Babrak Karmal, to stop helping the Afghan Mujahideen and, in short, to accept the results of the Soviet armed intervention. The Governments of Pakistan and Iran are quite right to reject those proposals. The true solution to the conflict in Afghanistan lies in a different direction. 58. Draft resolution A/36/L.15 contains such an ap- proach. This is why my delegation is among its sponsors. 59. The issue in Afghanistan can be put simply. The question is: does a militarily powerful country, such as the Soviet Union, have the right to send its armed forces into a nei.,ghbouring country, to overthrow its Government and to impose a puppet regime on its people? The answer is no. What the Soviet Union has done in Afghanistan is clearly contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. con- trary to the principles of international law and contrary to the principles of peaceful coexistence. It is also contrary to the principles of the non-aligned movement. The issue is important to all of us. It is particularly important to the small countries. If we the small countries acquiesce in the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, if we do not have the courage to stand up to the Soviet Union and tell it that what it has done in Afghanistan is unacceptable, then we are undermining the United Nations system of collective security. If the system of collective security is weakened, this will expose us, the small countries to even greater peril in our· dangerous world. 60. It is for those reasons that I urge all my colleagues to vote in favour of draft resolution A/36/L.15. Let us give this draft resolution a resounding majority. Let us hope that it will give strength and courage to the people of Afghanistan in their heroic struggle against the Soviet aggressor. Let us hope, too, that a resounding majority for that draft resolution will cause the leaders in the Kremlin to reconsider a course of action that has led the Soviet Union, the self-proclaimed friend and natural ally of the third world, into confrontation with the third world.

I now invite the Rapporteur of the Fifth Committee, Mr. Marto.<eli of Peru•. to present orally the report of the Committee on the administratuve and financial implications of draft resolution A/36/L.15. 62. Mr. MARfORELL (Peru), Rapporteur of the Fifth Committee (interpretation from Spanish): I have the ho- nour of presenting to the General Assembly the report of the Fifth Committee [A/36/695] on the administrative and financial implications of draft resolution A/36/L.15, which has just been considered by the Fifth Committee. As indicated in paragraph 3 of the report, the Fifth Com- mittee decided, without objection, to inform the General Assembly that if it adopts the draft resolution. an addi- tional appropriation of $92,200 would be required undet section 1 of the proposed programme budget for the bien": . nium 1982-1983.

I shall now call on represema- . dves who wish to explain their vote before the voting. 64. Mr. de PINIES (Spain) (interpretation 1rom Span- ish): Almost two years have elapsed since events occurred which made of Afghanistan one of the most com"plex 65. Both in the meetings of the Security Council in Jan- uary 1980 and at the sixth emergency special session of the General Assembly held that same month, as well as at the thirty-fifth session of the Assembly, my delegation clearly expressed my Government's concern over the events in Afghanistan which have jeopardized interna- tional peace and security and shattered detente among States. 66. I wish to repeat now our appeal to the Soviet Union to reconsider its actions in the light of the international implications of the Afghan problem. 67.. My Government is sure that a resolution of this is- sue will have sufficient force to turn around the present world crisis. My delegation supports the initiatives taken by the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative, Mr. Perez de CuelIar. The Organization, to our minds, must continue its efforts, wh~ch once again this year are taking the form of a draft resolution that sets forth the four elements essential for the solution of the Afghan problem: first, the preservation of the sovereignty, integ- rity and political independence of Afghanistan; secondly, the right of the Afghan people to choose their own eco- nomic, political and social system; thirdly, the withdrawal of foreign troops; fourthly, the return of the Afghan refu- gees, who have created serious disturbances of every kind in the neighbouring countries, in particular in Pakistan, whose people has had to endeavour to feed another 2.5 million people. 68. My country shares the ideas put forward in the plan of the European Community, transmitted through the Eu- ropean Council in June this year.4 69. For all those reasons, my delegation will vote in favour of the draft resolution, which, once adopted, will make possible a speedy political solution of the problem.

As we did last year, almost to the day, my delegation has preferred to refrain from participating in the main debate on the draft resolu- tion on this item. I wish to emphasize that this was not determined by any lack of resolve or by apathy on our part or by a reluctance to speak in support of the princi- ples which every speaker in this debate has reaffirmed. However incongruous it may seem, the defence of these self-same principles has been the frame of reference of the protagonists on all sides in this debate. 71. The draft resolution before us is almost identical to the resolution adopted last year and the principles which it commends have been restated in operative paragraphs 3 and 4 of the draft resolution. The principles of the Char- ter on the non-use of force against the sovereignty, ter- ritorial integrity and independence of States, as well as the right of all peoples to determine their own form of government, are what everyOne believes should be the norms regarding inter-State conduct. Unfortunately. in connection not only with this draft resolution but also with others which come before the Assembly and Jts po- litical committees. one is often left wondering whether 73. We had hoped that in the time that has elapsed- nearly two years since the sixth emergency special ses- sion and one year since the adoption of resolution 35/37-the Assembly's pronouncement on Afghanistan and the far-reaching consequences of those events would have had, even in some small measure, a worthier re- sponse. Unfortunately, that has not been the case. We have in mind the foreign troops that intervened in Afghanistan and remain there unreduced in number. We are again told that they entered Afghanistan at the behest of that country's Government to repulse external inter- ference and to sustain that Government. After nearly two years, they seem unable to accomplish that task. 74. As so many delegations have repeated in the Assem- bly, the entry of foreign troops does constitute a water- shed which we cannot treat lightly. And when they are the troops of a great Power the respcnsibility to pronounce and the obligation to respond are all the greater. During the Conference in February this year the non-aligned countries reaffirmed the call for the withdrawal of foreign troops. For those same reasons, Sri Lanka has, as re- cently as September this year and at the highest political level, reiterated the call for the withdrawal of foreign troops in Afghanistan in order to enable the people of Afghanistan to detennine their own destiny free from any foreign intervention 75. Here and elsewhere we have been reassured that the intervention became necessary at the request of the Gov- ernment of Afghanistan to defend th?! country against continuing and threatening interference ay States near and I beyond. That, as well as the charge that events in Afghanistan are being exploited, can be repeated ad in- finitum and. may I say, ad nauseum. Does this alleviate the reality that there has been an intervention which has nc· been terminated'! As we did at the 70th meeting of the thirty-fifth session, we again urge the Soviet Union to respond at least with a gesture of withdrawal to the reso- lutions of the Assembly and the representative organiza- tions which have spoken out in the same manner. We be- lieve that a gesture of this kind would contribute significantly to the political solution which has eluded us these past two years. 76. These remarks would be incomplete without a reas- surance to the Secretary-General that the efforts he has made as a consequence of last year's resolution are worth pursuing, notwithstanding the limited resttlts achieved so far. My delegation is encouraged by the response shown by the parties immediately concerned. If, together with 77. I commenced this explanation with the remark that this draft resolution is almost identical with the one adopted by the Assembly last year. That resolution has yielded some result, small though it be. My delegation must continue to sustain that initiative and it will vote for the draft resolution.

The Albanian delegation will vote in favour of the draft resolution, just as it voted in favour of the previous resolutions relating to Afghanistan. By casting a positive vote, the Albanian del- egation wishes to reaffirm its support for the struggle of the Afghan people against Soviet aggression and to 'con- demn that aggression. 79. In conformity with the views which we already ex- pressed in our statement at the 60th meeting in the debate on this question, we wish to point out that we should have liked the draft resolution to contain a stronger con- demnation in more explicit terms of the Soviet aggression and to lay special emphasis upon the support for, and sol- idarity with, the Hberation struggle of the Afghan people. The Albanian delegation does support the greater part of the provisions of the araft resolution and, in particular, its objective to draw the attention of the world public and of States to the necessity of respecting and restoring the na- tional sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Afghanistan. 80. However, our support for the draft resolution on which we are about to vote does not mean that we are fully satisfied with the entire text. There are certain short- comings and loop-holes in it which we would have pre- ferred to see eliminated. We also have reservations about the wording of some provisions. We consider it sufficient simply to reiterate our reservations with regard to the idea contained in operative paragraph 4. In our judgement. we proceed from the fact that the Soviet social-imperialists, like other imperialist Powers, speak about a political solu- tion to the Afghan question and, by so doing, they mean those solutions running counter to the interests of the Afghan people. It should be borne in mind that all the imperialist super-Powers will not fail to speculate with a political solution of the Afghan question to attain their ends. 81 . In the case of Afghanistan we have to deal with the flagrant imperialist aggression against a people which is fighting this aggression by an imperialist super-Power. It is not a question of an ordinary conflict between States which could be settled through negotiations. That is why we are of the opinion that when we speak of a solution of the Afghan question mention should be made-and in strong terms-of a very essential and decisive factor, that is, the struggle of the Afghan people for lil?eration.

The Socialist People's Libyan Arab· Jam- ahiriya supports the neutrality, independence and sov- ereignty of Afghanistan and believes that its Ish,mic iden- tity must be safeguarded. We have stated our position on several occasions and in all international bodies, and I can confine myself now to what the head of the Libyan delegation said in his speech on 7 October 1981: "We see that on the Asian continent the situation in Afghanistan is a source of worry. It has become ob- 83. The problem has been exploited by American hnpe- rialism, which claims to be defendi.~g Islam and the Moslems in Afghanistan, whereas that imperialism sup- ports the Zionist entity in its aggressio'n against the Islamic nation, its violations of Islamic Holy Places, including Jerusalem, and its strikes again~t innocent Moslems in the countries bordering Pdlestine. T~lat impe- rialism exploits all these. circumstances to establish bases and send its fleet to the region. The delegatiort of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya will vote against the draft resolu- tion since it constitutes propaganda in favour of the Amer- ~can imperialist camp. 84. Mr. Van LIEROP (Vanuatu): On instructions of the Government of Vanuatu, my delegation will vote in favour of the draft lCsolution before us, however, we feel that its language and scope could be improved, In particular, we feel that the fifth and sixth preambular paragraphs, as well as operative paragraph 3, are far too limited in that regard. As 'a whole, the draft resolution fails to set forth the context and provocations from which the present sit- uation has evoived. furthermore, we dissociate ourselves from any artificial distinction between covert and overt interference in the internal affairs of any State. More than one country has intervened in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, and to us the introduc"tion of covert opera- tives is comparable to the introduction of foreign troops. 85. Despite our view on the deficiencies in the language and'scope of the draft resolution, we shall cast our vote for what we believe to be the spirit and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Vanuatu does not derive pleasure from casting'. its vote in favour of this draft reso- . lution, nor does it derive pleasure from the social and political dilemma which has brought this matter to the General Assembly. However, as long as it is a Member of this body Vanuatu will strive consistently to live up to the Charter, which should gove:n the actions of each and every Member State. In this case, our primary concern is that a dangerous precedent should not be established which will make smaller States even more vulnerable than they at present are. 86. As we have done in the past, and as we shall in the future, we call upon every member ef the Assembly, par- ticularly those members that have sponsored the draft res- olution and will vote in favour of it, scrupulously to apply the same standard, whether the question before us be th~ of East Timor, Western Sahal'a, Palestine, Namibia, or any other occupied land and subjected people. In all sin- cerity, my delegation hopes that the day is not too far off when all of us in the Assembly can say "Do as we do and not only as we sometimes say".

In explaining its vote on 93. It is evident that the imperialist forces are trying to the draft resolution, the delegation of the Demo<;ratic use every possible occasion to work up hostile hysteria Republic of Afghanistan would like from ttte very outset about the situation around Afghanistan. 88. Even if adopted, the draft resolution will be illegal and will in no way be binding on the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The sponsors of the text have arrogated to themselves the right to tell the Afghan people, under the leagership of the People's Dem- and what kind of domestic and foreign policy they should pursue, but this is ridiculous. The present national demo- cratic political system and the Government of Afghanistan evolved as a result of the heroic IS-year struggle of the afghan people, under the leadership of the People's Dem- ocratic Party of Afghanistan, against the despotic feudal regime. The party is headed by an outstanding politician of international repute, Babrak Karmal, who has a bril- liant record of struggle for the interests of the Afghan people. He was twice elected to the National Assembly, ami he was imprisoned on several occasions for the cause of his people and persecuted by the despotic regime. He was appointed Vice-President of the Revolutionary Coun- cil and Deputy Prime Minister of the Democratic Re- public of Afghanistan directly after the April revolution. 89. There is a reference in the draft resolution to the withdrawal of the foreign troops from Afghanistan. I should like in this connection to emphasize that the So- viet troops will be withdrawn only-I emphasize "only"-when the armed aggression and other forms of interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan have been stopped and their non-resumption has been guaran- teed. 90. The draft resolution also contains a reference to ti1e refugees. It should be emphasized that the refugee figures referred to in the course of this debate are highly inflated. They include nomads who seasonally migrate from Afghanistan to Pdkistan and then return; they also include counter-revolutionaries who have taken refuge in Pdkistan and are hardly likely to come back, as they are fugitives from ;ustice. The number of bona fide refugees is rather limited, and those refugees constitute no problem; they can freely return homew any time they wish. 91. We must point out that no resolutions, conferences or committees will help to settle the situation around Afghanistan. Only direct negotiations, on a basis of equality between the Governments concerned-those of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran-can help normalize the situation around Afghanistan. No exercises like those un- dertaken in the Assembly will help. They will only be a waste of time; they will result in delaying a political set- tlement, raising false hopes and prolonging the blood- shed. 92. One can see from the draft resolution that its spon- sors are not interested in a political settlement. The fact that they wish to include the so-called Afghan question on the agenda of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly shows that they are not the least bit interested in a political solution, but are interested rather in a dema~ gogic and propagandist .exercise. 95. Those who instigate discussions like the present one will bear full responsibility for the continued tension around Afghanistan. The Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan sincerely hopes that the Govern- ments concerned will respond positively to its propOsals of 15 May 1980,5 elaborated by the proposals of 24 August 1981 [see A/36/457], and will come to the nego- tiating table. -

My delegation would like to remark, especially with regard to operative paragraph 6 of the draft resolution, that the solution of the Afghanistan issue is the task only of the Afghanist2n Mujahideen and by immediately neighbouring countries, which are directly affected by the situation in Afghanistan. We thus state our reservations with regard to our vote.

We shall now vote on draft reso- lution A/36/L.15. A re~orded vote has been requested. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Albania, Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Bar- bados, Belgium, Belize, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Burma, Burundi, Canada, Central African Republic, Chile, China, Colombia, Comoros, Costa Rica, Demo- cratic Kampuchea, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Fiji, France, Gabon, Gambia, Germany, Federal Republic of, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Guinea, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Luxembourg, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Pan- ama, Papu~ New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Portugal, Qatar, Rwanda, Saint Lucia, Samoa, Saudi Ara- bia, S"enegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Solomon Islands, Somalia, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, 111rkey, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Cam- croon, United Republic of Tanzania, United States of America, Upper Volta, Uruguay, Vanuatu, Venezuela, Yugoslavia, Zaire, Zambia, Zimbabwe. • Against: Afghanistan, Angola, Bulgaria, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Demo- cratic Yemen, Ethiopia, German Democratic Republic, Grenada, Hungary, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Madagascar, Mongolia, Mozam- bique, Poland, Sao Tome and Principe, Seychelles, Syrian Arab Republic, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union_,?f Soviet Socialist Republics, Viet Nam. Abstaining: Algeria, Benin, Cape Verde, Chad, Congo, 106. Mr. DORN (Suriname): The delegation of Sur- Cyprus, Finland, Guinea-Bissau, India, Mali, Nicaragua, iname has voted in favour of the draft resolution, express- ~~d~=~ ~_~ ~~~~~~.

My delegation voted in favour of the draft resolution in reaffirmation of its respect for the purposes &nd principles of the Charter as well as those which underlie the philos- ophy and actions of the non-aligned movement. lOO. Our view must be considered to be a position of principle of a country which thereby wishes to contribute to the search for a negotiated political settlement, of a question, the protagonists of which have close links with us. 101. In the light of ~e report of the Secretary-General, we would have preferred the resolution to be drafted in more comprehensive and up-to-date terms and a more conciliatory tone, in view of the complexity of the nego- tiations which must be entered into in order to reach an agreed solution. 102. We consider that any initiative I.mdertaken by the international community or any of the parties concerned in the search for viable alternatives should receive the prompt attention of the Assembly. In this regard, my del- egation places the highest importance upon the steps taken by the Secretary-General and his Personal Repre- sentative, whose efforts have been acknowledged by the majority of the participants in the debate on this item, because they are designed to reach a settlement which would ensure the peaceful coexistence of the countries of the region.

The international community has just expressed its position on the Afghan problem by the adoption of the draft resolution by an overwhelming majority. 104. This is a tribute to and a gesture of solidarity with the millions of Afghans who, in spite of the precarious means of struggle available to them, continue to defy death,. to sacrifice themselves and to struggle valiantly to regain the freedom and independence of their country free from all foreign intervention. 105. The Afghan problem requires an especially' urg~nt solution because in addition to the numbers of dead and wounded, which increase daily, entire populations are being displaced, leaving women and childre'n without shelter and racked by famine, with all the psychological and cultural consequences. It is our responsibility t~ strive to put an end to this situadon, the solution of which resides in the attainment of the inalienable right of the people of Afghanistan" alone to choose their political sys- tem in accordance with their culture and their aspirations. That is why we call once again for the genuine determi- nation of the States directly concerned to rise above their selfish schemes and political tactics and give priority to the firm desire of the Afghan people to regain the;r dig- nity cmd freedom. That is also the desire of the majority of the States Members of the Organization.

Several representatives have asked to speak in exercise of their right to reply. May 1 remind them that, in accord- ance with General Assembly decision 34/401. such state- ments should be limited to 10 minutes and should be made by representatives from their seats.

In view of the heavy agenda of the General Assembly, it is with reluctance that I speak in exercise of my right of reply against the Iranian fantasies. 109~ In his statement at that meeting, the representative of Iran again alluded-and he was out of order-to the so-called war of aggression imposed on his country as a result of efforts by American imperialism to entrench itself in the region. He' alleged that the so-called Islamic Republic of Iran is in principle opposed to any act of aggression and supported the cause of the Palestinians against the Zionist regime of Israel, wh'.ch is the biggest bastion of American imperialism in the region. 110. It has been clearly proved to all during the current session of the General Assembly that the Iranian represen- tatives have been detennined to take every opportunity regardless of the rules of procedure or the item under dis- cussion, tt cast aspersions and hurl abusive remarks at my country. They think that with this attitude they can gair. sympathy from the .international community for what they claim to be a lofty cause. Far from it t they should wake up and face the realities of their pathetic isolation. 111 . The so-called imposed aggression is a make-be- lieve notion and an attempt to cov.er up the Iranian evil deeds, the first, prime target of which has been Iraq. Iraq has presented its full case on many occasions before United Nations organs since Iran launched its aggression against us on 4 September 1980. It is well known to all how Iraq has responded positively to the efforts aiming at a peaceful settlement. It is also well known to all how Iraq has co-operate<l constructively in all these efforts. It was Iran which frustrated all these efforts. This is because the Khomeini-ites want to continue their aggression in order to establish themselves as the overlords of the re- gion. They are still bent on the notion of exporting their so-called revolution. Like the Shah before them, they are doomed to fail, for their retrogressive regime does not differ in nature from that of the Shah. Theirs is just as oppressive, aggressive, destructive, bloodthirsty, sectarian and racist. The Khomeini-ites should leave Islam in peace. The injury they have done that noble religion is beyond meusure, for Islam, to take just one example, is not a religion which approves of the evil deed of putting women and children to death by firing-squad. 112. As for the rights of the Palestinians and the Khp- meini-ites' alleged support for those rights, that is indeed a farce. Support,ers of those rights do not collaborate with Zionist Israel. The incontrovertible facts relating to that collaboration are before the General Assembly ·in docu- ment A/36/518 and accordingly it is evident who is sup- porting the biggest bastion of American imperialism in the region.

We 'have 119. Fourthly, it has been claimed that Iran, by'its pro-

For the sake of clarifica- tion of a few issues raised yesterday after the statement of the Iranian representative a'1d certainly not for the sake of recrimination and in response to the rhetoric aimed at the proposal t ~ the Islamic Republic of Iran, we should like to make the following comments. 115. First, it has been suggested that the Islamic Re- public of Iran should ignore the violation of the complete and undeniable basic human rights of the Moslem Afghan people through imposition of a puppet regime by an out- side force simply because of the verbal support and Iip- service of the illegal regime of Kabul given to the just struggle of the Iranian people in the last few weeks·of the reign of the criminal Shah's regime. 116. I should make it perfectly clear that one of the most important characteristics of the nature of the Islamic revolution in Iran has been its total commitment to its just Islamic values and principles and its consistent refusal to compromise with any super-Power and its client regime. It is precisely on the basis on those Islamic principles that we unequivocally condemn any aggression, without con- sideration of who the aggressor is. Our principles cannot and will not be bought by the lip-service support of a government and at the expense of the mass murder and mutilation of our Moslem Afghan brothers. 117. Secondly, it has been stated that we ignored the so- called April r..;volution in Afghanistan. If the representa- tive of the illegal Kabul regime calls those tragic and well-orchestrated coups d'etats in 1978 a true reyolution, then it is indeed a kind of revolution unique in the history of mankind, one in which three consecutive revolutions occurred in a matter of a few months, during which the leader of each revolution murdered and then denounced the leader of the previous one. 118. Thirdly, we have repeatedly heard allegations from the Kabul regime and its backers that the brave and heroic Afghan k/ujahideen are reactionary and that their ideals belong to the Middle Ages and somehow they are all the agents of American imperialists. We do not deny for a moment that the United States imperialists not only con- spire against the interests of the Afghan people but are also involved in conspiring against the interests of all third-world countries. But how can this so-called progres- sive and popular regime of Kabul justify and rationalize the murder and annihilation of hundreds of thousands of Moslem Afghan people, thus creating at least 4 million refugees, who have apparently found life in their own homeland unbearable and have fled to neighbouring Pakistan and Iran and who, without any doubt, are facing very difficult conditions? We are certain that had the United States imperialists installed their kind of puppet regime in Afghanistan, they would have been confronted with the same resistance and determination, if not more, by Moslem Mujahideen who are seeking an independent Afghanistan. This is not the first time-and it will not be the last-that a genuine Islamic movement has been faced with such haseless accusations, such labels. We remember the bitter ~...perience of the struggle of our own people against the United States p"uppet regime of the deposed Sha~, when they also were labelled in such a way.

I shall now ask another colleague to reply to Iraq's allegations.

The Fdscist Government of Iraq, by resorting to baseless ~xcuses, intends to accuse the Islamic Republic of Iran of ignoring the 1975 treaty in order to justify its brutal aggression against the Moslems of Iran. However, the plain truth is that the Ba'athist re- gime of I(aq and its accomplices in the region, as well as their oppressive supporters, vainly claimed that the Isla- mic Republic of Iran would be brought to its knees in a matter of three days. They failed to do that, however, and the Moslem people of Iran have put up an heroic resistance against the invading Iraqi forces, a resistance which has astonished the outside world and upset all imperialist cal- culations. 122. It is a sad truth that the Iraqi-imposed war of ag- gression against Iran has not been confined to a mere act of .military intervention across the Iranian frontier. The Iraqi aggressors have ignored every international human- itarian principle governing the treatment of civilians in time of war and prohibiting the destruction of civilian in- stitutions and economic resources. Iraq's inhuman bom- bardment of and savage attacks on villages and cities have caused massive destruction, resulting in thousands of ca- sualties among the civilian population. The refugees, whose homes and communities have been ruined, number over 2 million. Many economic centres, such as refin- eries, petro-chemical complexes, power stations and bridges, have been either destroyed or severely damaged. Most of the residential areas, public and private offices and port facilities situated in the occupied territories, as well as commodities aboard commercial vessels, have been plundered and taken over to be used for military purposes. 123. The Iraqi aggressors have also engaged in criminal acts, such as raping young girls and women in the oc- cupied villages and towns. The aggressors, contrary to the provisions of the Geneva Conventions of 1949, treat the members of the Revolutionary Guard and military units created after the rev~lution as war criminals, and punish them severely, often beheading them after they are cap- tured by Iraqi troops.

I advise the delegation of Iran that its 10 minute~ are up.

I 'was under the impression that we had 20 J!linutes, 10 minutes in which to re ply to the representative of Afghanistan and 10 minutes in which to reply to the representative of Iraq. 133. With regard to bona fide refugees-the Afghans who, for one reason or another, are in Pakistan and Iran-the Government of the Democratic Republic of 126. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): Afghanistan has on various occasions made it perfectly Each delegation has 10 minutes in which to speak in exer- clear in its statements on a general amnesty that they are cise of its right of reply. welcome back home and are guaranteed safe conditions L .. _=:~_~~:A~~e(:::_~~~~~:~:~~=~~~~_::~~~:c~~~:~lIe~:ve~==~. I:~, ~_ 129. With regard to the idea advanced by the represen- tative of Pakistan to verify the situation in the so-called refugee camps, we must state that it is not the camps where the families of the bandits and terrorists live that ought to be verified, but rather the frontier bases and training camps of the counter-revolutionary bands, which are located on Pakistani territory. They are clearly indi- cated in the map attached to the "Green Book", and there is ample, well-documented, irrefutable and thoroughly verified evidence that such bases exist. 130. We noted that the representative of Pakistan re- ferred to the legitimate and legal Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan as the Kabul regime, demonstrating thereby the stubborn unwillingness of Isla- mabad to recognize the realities of the April revolution and the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The representative of the military regime of Pakistan has the least valid credentials· for lecturing on legitimacy and democracy. We should only say that the representative of Pakistan reminds us of a person who lives in a glass house and throws stones carelessly all around. That is a very dangerous exercise. 131. We categorically reject the allegations of the repre- sentative of Pakistan regarding so-called violations of Pakistani territory and air space by units of the Afghan army and air force, but we must also point out that, un- less the Pakistani authorities stop providing sanctuary and other facilities to the counter-revolutionaries and terrorist bands, the Afghan armed forces will be compelled to take further necessary measures to defend the territorial integ- rity of the Democratic Repubiic of Afghanistan. 132. On the matter of refugees. the figures quoted by some delegations are inflated out of all proportion; they even contradict the data produced by UNHCR. The dis- crepancy is at least I million. These figures do not take into account two realities in Afghanistan: the problem of nomads seasonally migrating. from Afghanistan to Pakistan, and the problem of Afghan migrant workers in Iran. The only new phenomenon in this respect is that, among the so-called refugees, there are a few tens of thousands of hard-core counter-revolutionary terrorists and bandits, who by no standards could be classified as refu- gees. for their resettlement. As a matter of fact. thousands of 135. But words are not enough: deeds are needed. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, Shah Mohammad Dost, arrived in New York having received indications from the Secretary-Gen- eral that he might continue his good offices. We are . aware that Pdkistan's Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. .Agha Shahi, was also available, but to our surprise he left the United States shortly after Mr. Dost arrived. It is in- deed surprising to note that the Pakistani side is not pre- pared to talk through the Secretary-General, while they were one of the initiators of that idea. 136. With regard to the comments just made by the rep- resentative of Iran, I can but express the sorrow of our delegation that the good feelings expressed to thp Iranian delegation are not reciprocated by them. But Wt:. are sure that time will take care of the problems that may exist between us, and that some day the participants in the two revolutions will advance hand in hand and shoulder to shoulder in the struggle against imperialism and for the elimination of the last vestiges of it from the region.

(interpretation from French): The representative of Iraq is now about to make his sec- ond statement. in exercise of the right of reply, and I re- mind representatives that such second sta(ements are limited to five minutes.

An orchestra that plays without a score is a bad orchestra. It would become a worse orchestra if it played without a score and without a conductor. This is what we have witnessed this morning. Obviously, what the Iranian representative said was ex- tracted from past Iranian hogwash, but with one dif- ference-he did not do his homework well. Let him go and check what he said this morning with what his dele- gation said on past occasions to see whether he has cop- ied correctly from those past statements. Whatever was said by Iran this morning does not change the fact that it was Iran which committed aggression first.

The representative of the Ka- bul regime ha'~ again made a highly provocative and irre- sponsible statement, which obliges my delegation to exer- cise its right of reply. He has talked about the realities of the situation in Afghanistan, and these realities have been highlighted and brought out very clearly by the massive support of the General Assembly for the resolution that we have just adopted. Perhaps the affirmative votes of J16 Mem~r States speak more eloquently about the real- ities of the situation in Afghanistan than I could in such a short time. But what does concern my delegation is his blatant declaration that the Kabul authorities are deter- mined to continue to violate the territorial integrity and air space of Pakistan. Let me be very clear on that point. So far the Government of Pakistan has exercised max- imum restraint against such serious violations of our terri- tory and air space. But the patience of the Government of Pdkistan is being exhausted. Let me convey through you, sir, to the representative of the Kabul regime the message that any further violations of our air space and territory will bring consequences for which the entire responsibil- ity will lie with those in Kabul. 141 . Lastly. nothing could be more perverse than to put an interpretation on the movements of the Foreign Min!s- ter of Pakistan. He has been here since the beginning of the General Assembly, but every Foreign Iv.finister <has very pressing engagements, not only at home but else- where., and it was because of a very pressing engagement that the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Pakistan had to return to Islamabad, because some distinguished heads of State from very friendly ~ountries are paying official vis- its to Pakistan. To interpret this and to insinuate that his dep~rture indicates. a lac.k of willingness· on the part of Pakistan to enter .mto dialogue under the auspices of the Secretary-General IS so perverse that I need hardly reject it categoricaIfy. 142. As I indicated at the 61st meeting, the Government of Pakistan and the Pakistani delegation remain ready and willing to enter into any kind of consultations under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Our .very senior official, the Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who also has the rank of Vice Foreign Minister, is here and available to the Secre- tary-General of the United Nations for any contact he may wish to make with our delegation.

I do not know whether the Iraqi representative is really serious or is simply try- ing to be ridiculously humorous. I suggest that tt.~ next time he talks about the tragic war he would do better not to talk in such humorous ·terms. 144. The Iraqi representative is desperately trying to cover up the shameless aggression of his country against the Iranian people by a series of baseless and meaningless allegations, which I would not dignify by an answer. I shall simply make a brief comment regarding a very small yet tragically sad part of this war that has been imposed on Iran. 145. Many Iraqi citizens are asked to leave their home- land to go to Iran and join the tens of thousands of other refugees who are forced into those camps simply because of their sympathy towards the Islamic revolution and their denunciation of the Fascist regime of Saddam Hussein. Those people are asked to walk over the roads leading to Iran that are infested with mines and are thus mutilated. That i~ supposed to teach them not to oppose the barbaric regime of Saddam Hussein, in the vain hope that he can add another few days to his shameless reign.

The reason I have asked to be allowed to speak for the second time is that I want to bril1g two points to the Assembly's attention. 148. First, I request you, Mr. President, to intervene in this matter and find out why those working in the Depart- ment of Public Information of the Secretariat are so biased when it comes to quotations from statements made in the Assembly. 149. Secondly, the representative of Pakistan in exercis- ing his right of reply to the reply of my delegation used the word "violations" and said that they were a fact. Only a few minutes ago my delegation very clearly stated that such violations did not exist at all and that we therefore categorically and emphatically rejected those allegations. But we also pointed out that if the Pakistani Government did not take the necessary measures to prevent violation of Afghan territory by bandits and counter-revolutionary groups, the Afghan Government would be compelled to take unilateral measures to defend its territorial integrity. 150. The repre~entative of Pakistan also referred to the subject of refugees. I think that on this matter also the . position of the Afghan delegation is quite clear. There are ample documents of the Afghan Government- and they have been distributed as United Nations documents also- in which we have clearly stated how we look at that ques- tion. For us, the refugee problem is a minor one; the numbers claimed by the Pakistani delegation and others 151. Another subject raised by the representative of Pakistan was the return of Mr. Agha Shahi, Minister for Foneign Affairs. As I said a few minutes ago, the Foreign Minister of Afghanistan had received indications that while the two Ministers were present there was a pos- sibility of conducting proximity talks through the Secre- tary-General of the United Nations. That was perhaps the reason for the presence of my Minister in New York. But, again to our surprise. only shortly after the arrival of the Afghan Minister, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Pakistan. who had been here for a long time, preferred to be absent. We could only take that as a mark of un- willingness to provide the chance for the Secretary-Gen- eral to continue his good offices. The meeting mse at J2.55 p.m. Nums I Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Inju- rious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects. : Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating. Poi- sunous or Other Gases. and of Bacteriological Methods uf Warfare. , Convention on the Prohibition of the Development. Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction. ~ Sce Bul/etill of t/re t:uropellll Commullities. No. 6. 1981. vol. 14. pard. 1.1.13. ~ See Official Ret·tmls of t/rt' SeCllrity Cmmcil. Supplelllellt far April, May alld JUlle /980. document 5/13951.