A/36/PV.73 General Assembly

I should like to bring two matters to the attention of the General Assembly. First, representatives will recall that a mandatory deadline, I December, was established for the submission to the Fifth Committee of all draft resolutions with financial implications. 2. In this regard, I have received two formal requests for an extension of that deadline. One is from the Chairman of the First Committee in connection with the Committee's consideration of agenda item 42. The second is from the Chairman of the Special Political Committee in connection with agenda items 60 and 67. 3. After considering those requests, I have agreed to pro- pose that the General Assembly approve the extension of the deadline for the submission of the draft resolutions in ques- tion to Thursday, 3 December 198I-that is, by 48 hours. My I take it that the General Assembly agrees to my pro- posal?

I hope that this decision notwith- standing, the Assembly will be able to meet its schedule. May I once again appeal to all representatives for their co- operation and understanding. • 5. The second matter I wish to bring to the Assembly's attention refers to the speakers' list on agenda item 31, which the Assembly will consider during the next few days. It is my intention to close the list in the debate on that item at 4 p.m. on Thursday, 3 December. 6. With regard to agenda item 30, which will be before the Assembly next week, I should like to recall that the item * Resumed from the 73rd meeting. NEW YORK was referred to the Third Committee for the submission of recommendations, but that the debate on the item will take place in plenary meeting. Since little time is available for the debate on this item, I urge those who wish to participate in it to inscribe their names on the list ofspeakers as soon as possible. It is my intention to close the list at 12 noon on Monday, 7 December.

I wish to clarify one important as- pect ofour proceedings concerning the item now before us. Members of the Assembly will recall that at the 72nd and 73rd plenary meetings, on 25 November, a question was raised about the significance which should be attached to the implications of operative paragraph 5 of draft resolution N36/L.20 and Add. I in respect of the recommendation of the Special Committee in paragraph 3 of the resolution contained in paragraph 87 of its report [A/36/23/Rev.I, chap. I]. This also gave rise to the submission of an amend- ment [A/36/L.30 and Add.I] to operative paragraph 5 of the draft resolution. 8. After consultations with numerous delegations con- cerned, I believe that the following is the accepted inter- pretation of the intent and the implications involved should the Assembly decide to adopt draft resolution Al36/L.20 and Add. I as it now stands. 9. Adoption of the draft resolution in its present form would have the effect of recognizing the fact that the Special Committee had recommended that the General Assembly should "examine the question of Puerto Rico as a separate item at its thirty-seventh session" [A/36/23/Rev.I. chap. I, para. 87], but it would not constitute a decision by the General Assembly to do so. It is my understanding that, on the basis of this formal interpretation of the significance of the Assembly's action, the sponsors no longer find it necessary to ask for a vote on the amendment contained in document A/36/L.30 and Add.I. 10. I shall now call on those representatives who wish to explain their votes before the vote on draft resolutions Al36/ L.20 and Add. I and Al36/L.2I and Add.I. Representatives will also be given an opportunity to explain their votes after the vote. 11. May I once again remind the Assembly that, in ac- cordance with decision 34/40I, explaI~ations of vote are 13. The Constitution of Portugal makes the right of peo- ples to self-detennination and independence one of the fun- damental principles which govern Portugal's conduct in international relations. The importance that Portugal at- taches to this principle becomes evident when it is taken into consideration that the text of the Constitution places it on the same level as the principles of equality between States, the peaceful settlement of international disputes and non-interference in the domestic affairs of other States. In fact, the principle of the self-determination ofpeoples is one of the fundamental bases of the political and legal systems of Portugal. 14. However, my delegation is confronted with a draft resolution which, whilst it is meant to be oriented towards the future, seems in some parts to be dangerously attached to formulas of a bygone era. Instead of unequivocally stat- ing the right of certain peoples to self-expression and the choice of their own destiny it could, in several passages, endanger that right, especially in cases where the status of certain Territories has already been freely accepted by their inhabitants. On the other hand, my delegation must take a stand before an Assembly a large number of whose Mem- bers owe their presence here to the work of decolonization, which ~as so profoundly contributed to the definition of the major parameters of Portuguese policy in recent years. It must therefore cast an unequivocal vote on a question which more than any other is of interest to Portugal. It will do so by voting in favour of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and . Add.}, although that draft resolution does not fully express tlle concepts that my delegation.would wish to see in it. 15. My delegation would like to see questions still re- maining after the immense progress made in decolonization .matters during the past few decades dealt with in depth in a resolution whose importance should not be minimized. Yet, because of an amalgamation that my delegation can only regret, questions ~ith no direct bearing on the matter before us have been considered in a document whose balance is thus dangerously threatened. 16. Therefore, while expressing Portugal's deep attach- ment to the m,ajor pri!1ciples of decolonization by voting in favour of the draft resolution, my delegation wishes to em- phasize its formal reservations about any decision or recom- 21. Operative paragraph 9 of the draft resolution before us mendation which, expressly or indirectly, links the funda- consists of two parts. The United States, however, sub- mental question which is the subject of our decision with scribes only to that part of the paragraph calling on all States other points which it does not consider to be relevant. to refrain from taking any action which might imply recog- nition of the legitimacy of South Africa's illegal occupation 17. These reservations especially apply to operative para- of Namibia. In this connection, I should like to emphasize graph 5 of the draft resolution. While my delegation sup- that the United States fully adheres to Security Council and ports the work of the Special Committee, we cannot accept International Court of Justice rulings on Namibia. The certain recommendations in its report, in particular ,those United States Government maintains a consistent policy concerning Territories which, like Puerto Rico, do not.come toward investment in Namibia: we officially discourage in- within the competence of the Committee. The reservations vestment; we neither guarantee nor protect investments in apply also to operative paragraphs 4 and 8, since my delega- Namibia based on rights acquired through the South African tion considers that priority must be given to negotiation Government since the adoption of General Assembly reso- rather than to armed struggle and violence, particularly in lution 2145 (XXI); and we provide no financial assistance to situations where efforts are under way to achieve peaceful support trade and investment in Namibia. These official solutions through agreement, which my Government con- policies ensure that my Government's economic and politi- siders essential, and dialogue, which it considers inevitable. cal relations with South Africa in no way serve to recognize Final!y, our reservations apply to operative paragraph 10, in either the legality or the legitimacy of its admh'listration of view of the fact that its generalized wording does not take Namibia.

Despite United States support for the pdnciple of self-determination and our continuing opposition to colonialism in all of its manifestations, the United States will vote against draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add. 1. We are compelled to do so, much against our natural inclinations, by the grave deficiencies of the draft resolution itself. The recommenda- tions contained in it do not in any way materially advance the progress of decolonization. Indeed, their effect can only be to impede further progress and to jeopardize hard-won gains already made. 19. We are particularly disturbed by operative paragraph 4 of this draft resolution, which recognizes the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial dominatL. illl to exer- cise their right to self-deteIll!ination "by all ih:.: necessary means at their disposal". Such a statement, it seems to us, " comes perilously close to providing blanket endorsement for whatever means any liberation movement-either real or self-styled-chooses to regard as necessary. There are, however, certain actions which can never be justified on the grounds of necessity. Random and indiscriminate murder is always wrong; hijacking is always -wrong; the killing of diplomats is always wrong. Howeverjust the cause, however grave the provocation, our common humanity demands that certain minimal norms of conduct be obeyed by all parties at all times. 20. My delegation also objects to operative paragraph 7 of this draft resolution, which suggests that foreign economic or other interests in the Non-Self-Governing Territories are somehow, by their very nature, detrimental to the interests either of Namibians or of the people of other Non-Self- Governing Territories. The United.States categorically re- jects this assertion. As we have already pointed out in the course of the Fourth Committee's deliberations, there are many representatives here who recognize that, despite in- equities and occasionally "irregular patterns of foreign investment, foreign participation in their countries' economies has benefited their peoples greatly. It seems most inconsistent, therefore, to suggest that those same activities are inherently hai!Jlful to the people of a dependent Territory. This thesis can only be sustained through the use of the kind of double standard-one for sovereign States, another for Non-Self-Governing Territories-which constitutes the very essence of colonialism. 23. My Government's opposition to the recommendations contained in_ operative paragraph 10 of the draft resolution are also well known. The United States does not believe that the presence of military bases on Non-Self-Governing Ter- ritories necessarily interferes with the full exercise of the right to self-determination. A call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all military installations from Non-Self-Governing Territories is therefore unwarranted. 24. The United States appreciates the Assembly's conclu- sion today on the subject of Puerto Rico, namely, that the adoption of this draft resolution does not constitute approval of the specific recommend~.tion that the General Assembly examine the question of Puerto Rice at its thirty-seventh session, in 1982. The United States regards the Special Committee resolution-which was supported by only 10 of the 25 members of the Committee-as an inappropriate and politically motivated attempt to interject the United Nations into the internG..! affairs of Puerto Rico and the United States. The General Assembly clearly recognized that the people of Puerto Rico had exercised their right to self-determination when it adopted resolution 748 (VIII) in 1953, removing Puerto Rico from the list ofNon-Self-Governing Territories. This was reaffirmed by the General Assembly in 1971 1 and 19782 and has been upheld here today. On the basis of these decisions, and of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter of the United Nations. which prohibits the United Nations from interfering in the purely domestic affairs of its Mem- bers, the United States continues to oppose any action to interject the United Nations into any decision about the status of Puerto Rico. That dec;ision must reside, and does reside, with the people of Puerto Rico themselves. 25. Finally, my delegation wishes to point out that, while it is often said nowadays that colonialism is on its deathbed, there is one colonial empire in the world today which has been untouched by the historic process of decolonization. 26. To our considerable regret and dismay. draft resolu- tion A/36/L.20 and Add.l contains no reference to the Soviet Union and its manifestly colonial policies. It thereby fails to address the gravest threat of colonialism currently facing the international community. My Government, which opposed the old colonialism, cannot look with equanimity upon the imposition of a new colonialism, albeit one that hides its true purposes behind a fa~ade of revolutionary slogans and idealistic rhetoric. In the lives of nations, if not elsewhere, sins of omission are no less serious or conse- quential than sins of commission. For this reason, and for all the other reasons I have cited, my Government will vote against this draft resolution. 29. Lastly, my delegation cannot accept the view that approval by the General Assembly of the report of the Special Committee commits the Assembly to carrying out the Special Committee's recommendations. My delegation has reservations in respect of certain aspects of the Special Committee's report, particularly in respect of Puerto RiCG. It is only in the light of your remarks at the beginning of this meeting, Mr. President, that my delegation is able to sup- port the draft resolution.

My delegation will vote in favour of draft resolutions AJ36/L.20 and Add.1 and A/36/ L.21 and Add.! because we firmly support the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and hope that it will be implemented. 31. However, for reasons we have already made clear many times, my delegation has reservations on some of the paragraphs in draft resolution AJ36/L.20 and Add.I. fur- thermore, my delegation cannot support some parts of the report of the Special Committee which operative paragraph 5 of draft resolution AJ36/L.20 and Add.l approves, and accordingly wishes to indicate its reservations. 32. One of them concerns the question of Puerto Rico. The people of Puerto Rico have exercised their right to self- determination, as recognized by the General Assembly in its adoption of resolution 748 (VIII). More precisely, in this resolution, the General Assembly: "Recognizes that the people of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, bv expressing their will in a free and demo- cratic way, have achieved -a" new constitutional status; .. "Recognizes that, when choosing their constitutional and international status, the people of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico have effectively exercised their right to self-determination." 33. It is extremely regrettable that the Special Committee did not give due consideration to this fact. In view of the General Assembly's solemn decision, contained in that res- olution, my delegation finds no justification for, and will therefore oppose the inclusion of, the question of Puerto Rico as a separate item in the agenda of its thirty-seventh session. 35. With regard to draft resolution A/36/L.21 and Add.l, my delegation has doubts about the contention that it is necessary to intensify studies and the dissemination of infor- mation on decolonization. We maintain these reservations in the light of the fact that the number of Non-Self-Governing Territories which are the subject of the work of the Special Committee and ofthe Fourth Committee has decreased, and in consideration of the limited resources of the United Na- tions. Accordingly, my delegation does not fully support the relevant part of the report [A/36/23/Rev.1, chap. 1/, paras. 1-27] and has reservations on operative paragraph 1.

With reference to operative paragraph 5 of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add. 1, the Bolivian delegation wishes to express its reservations in connection with para- graph 87 of the report of the Special Committee [ibid., chap. l] because we do not believe it is desirable to alter without due consideration certain agreements and political procedures, with the risk of hampering the very process of decolonization. For this reason the delegation of Bolivia will vote in favour of this draft resolution, with the reserva- tion we have just expressed.

The delegation of Guatemala wishes to place on record its position in connection with the vote it will cast against draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add. 1. , 38. My delegation recalls with satisfaction that along with other Latin American States it was one of the founding Members that made the greatest contribution to the historic and important process of decolonization undertaken by the United Nations as far back as 1945, in the Charter and the other nonns that govern it, among them, and most es- pecially, resolution 1514 (XV), as also to the action under- taken by the Special Committee, the Fourth Committee and the General Assembly, as is fully recorded in the records of those bodies. 39. However, we have noted with concern the excesses that have occurred now that the process of decolonization is coming to an end in that there has been a succession of acts of real political interference in violation of other principles which are fundamental for Member States and enshrined in the Charter, such as the peaceful settlement of disputes. 40. This is the case with the independence of Belize, which was declared in the General Assembly without a dispute between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Guatemala having first been resolved by the peaceful process of negotiation, precisely at a time when both States, Guatemala and the United Kingdom, had subscribed to a serious undertaking to resolve the territorial dispute over Belize, which would have made it possible to solve that problem immediately in all its aspects, including the question of the self-determination of Belize, with the acquiescence and goodwill of Guatemala. 41. For this reason, although we acknowledge the impor- tant work done by the United Nations to liberate peoples still under the colonial yoke, we ratify the official position of the Government of Guatemala not to recognize the State 42. For these reasons my delegation will vote against draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.l because we oppose the ninth preambular paragraph. 43. We shall also vote against that draft resolution be- cause, in our view, operative paragraph '5 is a further act of interference in the work of the Special Committee which is considering the question and expecting the free and legiti- mate decision with regard to its own destiny of the people of Puerto Rico, which alone have the right to determine their own future, without coercion of any kind and without being made the object of the political designs of other States. ·44. Mr. SORENSEN MOSQUERA (Venezuela) (inter- pretation from Spanish): The delegation of Venezuela wishes to make some remarks concerning the report of the Special Committee and draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.l. In that connection and as regards Puerto Rico we wish to state the following. 45.' That part of the report of the Special Committee that deals with Puerto Rico cannot of course reflect in detail all that has happened, although such infonnation is to be found in the records of the Committee. Thus we do not find the name of the country that requested that the draft resolution be voted upon separately, nor is there an indication of how each country voted on each paragraph. 46. On that occasion we gave an explanation of vote, which is to be found in-the records to which we have referred. At. that time we expressed some views on the subject: for instance, that in ~oth words and deeds we have demonstrated our attachment to the principle offreedom and independence; that we have extended our moral support to the concept that peoples should determine their own future, thus clearly upholding the principle of self-determination; and that we express the general will of the Venezuelan people in reaffirming the inalienable right of the people of· Puerto Rico to self-detennination. We reaffinn our belief in the self-detennination of peoples, respect for freedom and the free exercise of human rights and criteria wherever ideological pluralism exists. 47. Our position in this connection with respect to Puerto Rico has been made clear whenever we have had to take a decision on the question in the Special Committee, which this year adopted a d~cision whiclt, despite the differences we expressed when we abstained in the vote on the recom- mendation, we respect, because it was adopted by a major- ity of members. 48. Venezuela's attitude in the Committee was fully in line with our identification with the legitimate interests and aspirations of our people, which was confirmed in the state- ment of our President, Mr. Luis Herrera Campins, on 21 September 1981 before the Assembly, when he stated: "One of the bases of the United Nations is respect for the self-detennination of peoples. Memorable General Assembly resolutions have bravely and rightly developed that principJe, but solemn words alone do riOt become practical effectiveness. He also stated: "In Latin America and the Caribbean we also suffer from problems of colonialism or its vestiges, or other types of foreign domination. "On our continent, particularly in the Caribbean area, new States have entered the international community as full sovereign nations. Venezuela, because of its geographical ties and as a friend and good neighbour, feels committed to the efforts of those nations as they.become ever increasingly the masters of their own destiny. However, there are still cases to be solved, and we trust that solutions will continue to be found, without the traumas that have occurred in other parts of the world. ,.I hope that the day is not far off when the Latin American people of Puerto Rico take their place among us. We nurture this hope of all Latin America;Is, in the conviction that it is for the people of Puerto Rico alone to d(:termine their future." [Ibid., paras. 92-94.] 49. In summarizing the principles underlying the policy of Venezuela in the United Nations as a Latin American coun- try, the President indicated, inter alia. two principles: "First, that the problems of Latin America should be solved by Latin Americans, without foreign interference, and without direct or indirect hemispheric or extrahemi- spheric intervention. . . "Secondly, that Latin America's position vis-a-vis the world's great and serious problems should be autonomous and neither related to nor integrated with the interests of bloc politics." [Ibid., paras. 135-136.] 50. In this context, Venezuela understands-especially after the statement made by the President of the Assem- bly-that the spirit of draft resolution Al36/L.20 and Add. 1 is fully in keeping with the provisions of rule 40 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. 51. For all those reasons Venezuela will vote in favour of the draft resolution approving the report of the Special Committee.

Before we vote on draft resolutions Al36/L.20 and Add.l and Al36/L.21 and Add. 1, my delegation wishes to make the following comments concerning i:he report of the Spe- cial Committee on its work in 1981. 53. First of all, the decision of the Committee relating to Puerto Rico constitutes interference in the int.-::rnal af- fairs of Puerto Rico and the United States. That is con- traryto Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter. Puerto Rico's future is in the hands of its people, and in their hands alone. 54. Secondly, certain of the resolutions or decisions of the Committee have nC)t been endorsed by the Fourth Committee. In these matters France accepts only the draft LO emphasize its -support for the right of peoples to self- determination. That is why, in spite of certain reserva- tions, the delegation of France will this year abstain on the two draft resolutions.

While my delegation in- contestably supports the spirit behind draft resolution Al36/L.20 and Add.I-that the exercise of the right to self-determination should be available to all-we regret that the draft resolution ~ontains questionable assump- tions, assertions and propositions which are n~t accept- able. 57. In particular we have reservations regarding oper- ative paragraph 10, which is based on an invalid assump- tion. already rejected by the Fourth Committee, that the presence of military bases necessarily constitutes an im- pediment to the exercise of self-determination. Accord- ingly, my delegation will abstain in the vote on the draft resolution. 58. However, the Canadian delegation was glad to hear you, Mr. President, state that the adoption of this draft resolution would in no way constitute a decision to in- clude the so-called question of Puerto Rico in the agenda of the General Assembly at its thirty-seventh session, as proposed in paragraph 87 of the report of the Special Committee. That proposition was put to the Committee in the full knowledge that the people of Puerto Rico have already exercised their right to self-determination. 59. We note from the Committee's report that only 11 members out of the 25 members of the Committee sup- ported the draft resolution. Should such a draft resolution have been put before the General Assembly, my delega- tion would have opposed it on the grounds that it would be a violation of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter.

The administrative and financial implications of draft resolutions Al36/L.20 and Add. I and p.J36/L.2I and Add.I are contained in the report of the Fifth Committee [AI361716]. The Assembly will vote first on draft resolution Al36/L.20 and Add.l, entitled "Imple- mentation of the Declaration on the Granting of Indepen- dence to Colonial Countries and Peoples". A recorded vote has been requested. . A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Angola, Ar- gentina, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belize, Benin, Bhutan, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cape Verde, Central African Re- public, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo, Costa Rica, Cuba, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia. Democratic Kam- puchea, Democratic Yemen, Denmark, Djibouti. Domin- ican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Fiji, Finland, Gabon, Gambia, Germln Democratic Re- public, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Glllnea, Guyana, Hon- duras, Hungm-y, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Ivory Coast, Japan, Kenyr.. Kuwait, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Leb,mon, Liberia, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Mali, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Mongolia. Morocco, Against: Guatemala, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America. Abstaining: Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Federal Republic of, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Luxembourg, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia. The draft resolution l-WlS adopted by 130 votes to 3, with 10 abstentions (resolution 36/68j.5

I shall now put to the vote draft resolution A/36/L.21 and Add. 1, entitled "Dissemination of information on decolonization". A recorded vote has been requested. 64. At the outset, the Greek delegation would like once again to reaffirm its unreserved support for the fundamen- tal principles of freedom, independence and respect for the human rights of everyone. Wr strongly support the recognition of the right to self-determination of all peo- ples and the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peo- ples. 65. My delegation believes further that information, and through it enlightenment of world public opinion, is an important means of insuring the full exercise of the right to self-determination and independ~nce and the effective protection of human rights. 66. Those principles guided my delegation to vote in favour of the aforesaid draft resolutions. Nevertheless, the Greek delegation has serious reservations with respect to the language and content of some paragraphs of those res- olutions. In this connection, we should like to place on record that our affirmative vote on draft resolution A/36/ L.20 and Add.1 does not mean that we approve its oper- ativeparagraph 5 and all the decisions and recommenda- tions contained in chapter I of the report of the Special Committee. In particular, my delegation would like to state that it cannot go along with the recommendation of the Special Committee that the General Assembly include the question of Puerto Rico as a separate item in the agenda of its thirty-seventh session.

My delegation abstained in the vote on draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.1. It wishes to refer to the fact that thr General Assembly does nqt have before it a draft res- olution or decision on Puerto Rico. My delegation noted with satisfaction the statement of the President of the General Assembly concerning this question. If there had been any proposal before us recommending Puerto Rico for consideration, we would have opposed it.

The Belgian delegation abstained in the vote on draft res- olution A/36/L.20 and Add. I. Belgium cannot subscribe to some of the principles included therein. 69. If the case of Puerto Rico, as referred to in the draft resolution which is in the report of the Special Commit- tee, l]ad betm put before the General Assembly, Belgium would have had no choice but to cast a negative vote. 70. Belgium voted in favour of draft resolution A/36/ L/2I and Add. 1 concerning the dissemination of informa- tion on decolonization. Despite that affirmative vote, Belgium has serious reservations concerning operative paragraph 3 (a). Belgium regrets the lack of objectivity in the publications mentioned in that paragraph.

The Netherlands is com- mitted to the early implem~ntation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. We hope that the process of decolonization will r~pidly be ~rought r a close. Consequently, my. delega- tion voted m favour of draft resolutions A/36/L.20 and Add.1 and A/36/L.21 and Add. I.

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the five Nordic countries-Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and Finland. 74.. The Nordic countries have a well-known and abid- ing commitment to the process of decolonization. That process has very nearly run its course, which is one of the historic achievements of the Organization. 75. That is why the Nordic countries voted in favour of the two draft resolutions. just adopted. We regret, how- ever, that we could not do so without reservations. 76. Draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.1 and the rec- ommendations of the Special Committee contain para- graphs with which we have difficulty. Thus, operative paragraph 4 of the draft resolution contains formulations that are contrary to the principle upheld by the Nordic countries, that is to say, that the United Natic-fis should seek peaceful solutions. We also have reservations con- cerning certain other paragraphs, some of which seem to run counter to the principle of universality to which our delegations remain committed. 77. As for the report of the Special Committee, we should like to point out that we find the Committee's rec- ommendations on Puerto Rico unacceptable. In particular, we oppose the inclusion of the question of Puerto Rico as an item in the agenda of the next session of the General Assembly. 78. Mc. GAN (Israel): Although we support many of the provisions contained in draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add. I, which has just been adopted, my delegation had to abstain in the voting on the draft resolution as a whole because of our reservations concerning the content and language of some of its paragraphs. 79. With regard to operative paragraph 5, we have taken note of the statement by the President that adoption of this draft resolution does not constitute a decision on whether to include an item on Puerto Rico in the Assembly's agenda next year. My delegation would have opposed any other interpretation and would have opposed the inclusion of an item on Puerto Rico in the agenda if it had been proposed.

My delegation abstained in the vote on draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.l be- cause we have general reservations on its wording, in par- ticularwith regard to operative paragraph 2 and with re- gard to the implicit endorsement of anned struggle contained in operative paragraph 4. 81. With regard to operative paragraph .5, we should like it to be on record that we do not support the recom- mendation of the Special Committee concerning Puerto Rico and that we agree with the interpretation given by 83. We consider, however, that we must explain and substantiate our vote as far as paragraph 87 of chapter I of the Special Committee's report is concerned, which contains the Special Committee's resolution on Puerto Rico. Costa Rica fully supports the principle contained in operative paragraph I of that resolution, which reflffinns that Puerto Rico, already recognized as a free State asso- ciated with the United States, a State whuse people we recognize and consider as yet another Latin American people, with its own national individuality, is entitled tu self-determination and independence. We cannot, more- over, fail to agree with the appeal addressed to the Gov- ernment of the United States of America to adopt all nec- essary measures in order that a brother people may fully express in absolute freedom its self-determination in the exercise of its right as a free State and in accordance with the clearly expressed wishes of the different political and social organizations in the country. 84. However, my delegation wishes to state clearly that it understands and interprets that resolution only in the sense of reaffirming the right of the people of Puerto Rico to self-determination and not in the sense that the General Assembly or any other United Nations body can presume to impose upon it any specific form of self-determination or independence, which are matters that the Puerto Rican people alone can decide upon. 85. In this connection, we wish expressly to state that the wording of operative paragraph 2 of the Special Com- mittee's resolution, which is rather ambiguous in thi~ re- gard, should in no way be used for political or interven- tionist purposes in the solution of the internal affairs of Puerto Rico or of the United States of America, nor should it impose on the people of Puerto Rico any type of political organization, which, I repeat, Puerto Rico alone must freely and democratically decide upon. It can decide either to maintain its status as an associated free State, to become an additional state of the United States, to accede to fully sovereignty as an independent nation or to adopt any ot1d.: formula that it may deem fit to choose. 86. The delegation of Costa Rica also wishes to explain that, while it supports the international app..,al to the United States to take the necessary measures to enable the people of Puerto Rico fully to exercise their right to self- determination, this in no way means that we do not at the same time recognize that the people of Puerto Rico in general, in their present status, enjoy freedom, a de jure State, and fundamental human rights, including the right freely and democratically to elect their own leaders. We wish, therefore, to reaffirm the need and desirability for those rights of the Puerto Rican people to be given full recognition, thus enabling them freely to determine their own form of political organization.

My delegation sup- ported General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), adopted on 14 December 1960. Because of the support of the Government of Ireland for the principle of decolonization 88. As with similar resolutions in the past, my delega- tion has reservations on some of the provisions contained in draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.l. While we sup- port the work of the Special Committee, we have reserva- tions with regard to some of the conclusions and recom- mendations contained in the report of that Committee. Our vote in favour of this particular resolution, therefore, should not be interpreted as an endorsement of all of the Committee's conclusions and recommendations. 89. With regard to operative paragraph 10 of draft reso- lution A/36/L.20 and Add. 1, I should like to state that in determining our attitude towards specific military bases and installations, my delegation will be guided by the at- titudes, freely expressed, of the inhabitants of the colonial Territories in question.

The delegation of Brazil voted in favour of the two draft resolutions. It wishes, however, to state for the record that its approval of the report of the Special Committee does not necessarily im- ply endorsement at this stage of all the recommendations contained therein.

My delegation voted in favour of draft resolution A/36/ L.20 and Add.l. However, it wishes to express reserva- tions on operative paragraph 5 and, more specifically, on the programme of work envisaged by the Special Com- mittee for 1982. In this regard, my delegation does not consider that the question of Western Sahara falls within the competence of the Special Committee.

'The delegation of Bangladesh voted in favour of the two draft resolutions which have just been adopted. However, we have reserva- tions .concerning operative paragraph 5 of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add. 1, which refers to the report of the Special Committee. We should like to place on record our reservations concerning the recommendations contained in operative paragraph 3' of the resolution as set forth in chapter I, paragraph 87, of its report.

My delegation would like to state that when the draft resolution on Puerto Rico was put to a vote at the 1201st meeting of the Special Committee on 20 August 1981, India abstained on each of its operative paragraphs and on the draft resolution as a whole.

With regard to draft res- olution A/36/L.20 and Add. 1, I should like to explain the position of my delegation as follows. 95. As Members are aware, my delegation has always, opposed the discussion of the so-called question of East . Timor in any international forum, including the Special Committee on decolonization. My delegation would like to remind the Assembly that it has registered its strong opposition to the discussion of the so-called question of East Timor in the Special Committee. Consequently, while we voted in favour of the draft resolution as a whole, my delegation would like to express its reserva- tions concerning operative paragraph 5, in so far as· it pertains to the question of East Timor.

Draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.l is like those that we have traditionally supported in the past. We have done so again this year, primarily be- cause of our abiding commitment to the right of all colo- nial peoples to self-determination, in accordance with Gen- eral Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). Moreover, our support for the draft resolution stems from the fact that it approves the work of the Special Committee in 1981 and also the programme of work envisaged by the Committee for next year. 98. However, my delegation would like to register its reservations concerning operative paragraph 5 of the draft resolution, in so far as it applies to the recommendation of the Special Committee that is contained in chapter 1, paragraph 87 of its report. Our stand in this regard is consistent with the position that my delegation took on the question in the Special Committee earlier this year.

My delegation believes in the principle of decolonization and in resolution 1514 (XV). We firmly believe that the wishes and aspirations of colonial peoples must be heeded and acted upon. For that reason we have voted in favour of the two draft reso- lutions. However, while our admiration and support for the work of the Special Committee have always been strong, we have some reservations regarding some of the conclusions and recommendations in this year's report and therefore we cannot give our unqualified endorsement to all its proposals. 100. Furthermore, in operative paragraph 10 of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.l the unconditional with- drawal of military bases is called for. We cannot agree with this, since it is not in accordance with the wishes of the people involved.

My delegation voted in favour of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add. I, which has just been adopted, because we believe in the rights of peoples to independence and sovereignty. Accordirigly, my delegation supported operative paragraph 4, on the understanding that the struggle of the peoples would be confined to the areas occupied by alien or colonial Powers. 102. My delegation also had certain reservations about operative paragraph 5. However, in the light of the Presi- dent's interpretation, we found no difficulty in casting a vote in favour of the draft resolution as a whole.

There can be no doubt about Austria's firm and unconditional commitment to the process of peaceful decolonization, a process which in- deed constitutes one of the greatest achievements of the United Nations. This commitment has once again found active expression iri Austria's vote in favour of the two draft resolutions just adopted. We have, however, a few points of reservation which I have to bring to the attention of the General Assembly. 104. Above all, we are not in a pOSitIOn to associate ourselv~s with all the decisions and recommendations of the Special Committee, especially with the recommenda- tion concerning Puerto Rico, contained in paragrapn 3 of the Special Committee's resolution. We find, however, 106. Lastly, I wish to reiterate Austria's position of prin- ciple that, while we recognize the legitimacy of the strug- gle for self-determination and independence, this struggle has. to be conducted by peaceful means.

Australia voted in favour of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.1. We should em- phasize, however, that in doing so we do not in any meas- ure accept the interpretation which certain delegations have put on operative paragraph 5, as it relates to Puerto Rico. Our position, as we stated at the 72nd plenary meeting last week, is that the question of Puerto Rico is no longer one of decolonization) since the General As- sembly, in 1953, decided that the people of Puerto Rico had effectively exercised their right to self-determination. Accor~;ngly we are opposed to moves by any State Mem- ber of the United Nations to bring the question of Puerto Rico before the General Assembly. 108. Mr. TAN~ (Turkey): My delegation voted in favour of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add. I, in keeping with the firm commitment of my Government to the imple- mentation of the Declaration on the Granting of Indepen- dence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, as well as our support for the activities of the Special Committee. How- ever, our acceptance of operative paragraph 5 of draft res- olution A/36/L.20 and Add.1 would not affect in any way the position of my delegation on the recommendation contained in paragraph 3 of the Special Committee's reso- lution. My delegation cannot concur with that particular recommendation. 109. With regard to the subject-matter of operative para- graph 10 of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add. I, the view of the Thrkish Government in this respect is re- flected in operative paragraph 5 of draft resolution I rec- ommended by the Fourth Committee in part 11 of its re- port on item 19 [A/36/677/Add.2] and in operative para- graph 7 of draft resolution 11 recommended by the Fourth Committee in the same report. We are of the opinion that operative oaragraph 10 of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.1 should have been formulated in the same way as the paragraphs on the same subject in the two draft reso- lutions I have just mentioned.

The Soviet dele- gation has voted in favour of both draft resolutions on the question of the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peo- ples, and it is our opinion that these two resolutions that have just been adopted contain a whole series of impor- tant provisions aimed at the final liquidation of the system of colonialism. We wish to highlight, among others, the provisions expressing satisfaction with the work done by the Special Committee and approving its report. We should like to point out that in this way the General As- sembly has approved the recommendations which are con- tained in that report. Among those recommendations, as Ill. In the resolution of the Special Committee there is also a recommendation that the General Assembly exam- ine the question of Puerto Rico as a separate item at its thirty-seventh session. The decision on this question will obviously be taken by the General Assembly at its thhty- seventh session inasmuch as it was not contemplated that a final decision on the question would be taken at this time, as we understand it. Nevertheless, the fact that the Assembly has approved the report of the Special Commit- tee, and has thereby approved the recommendations therein on this question, should be noted. 112. The Soviet delegation wishes to express its satis- faction that the overwhelming majority of the delegations in the General Assembly have voted in favour of both of the above-mentioned draft resolutions. Only three delega- tions voted against draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add. I, among them the United States of America and the United Kingdom. Thus, on the question on decolonization these two delegations have pitted themselves against the over- whelming majority of the Member States of the United Nations. It is not surprising that this situation has greatly irritated the representative of the United States, who, in justification of his position, has attempted to introduce into the discussi\jn of this matter questions which have no relevance to it at all. The representative of the United States has mentioned the Soviet Union in connection with this problem. There is no need to provide any kind of answer to that statement by the representative of the United States, since the whole world knows and it is quite clear to all that the brotherly family of people of the Soviet Union are moving forward together on the path of economic and social development, and that all the peoples of the Soviet Union, in particular those that were formerly less developed, have now had the opportunity under ~o­ viet rule of catching up with the more developed peoples in the family of the Soviet Union. That being so, the comments of the representative of the United States are completely out of place. What emerges clearly from his statement is that the United States objected to a whole series of provisions in the draft resolution that has just been adopted and recognized that thos~ provisions are aimed against the United States. Although the United States was not specifically mentioned in that draft resolu- tion, nevertheless in other resolutions of the General As- sembly they have already been condemned for their collu- sion with the most reactionary racist forces, in particular the Pretoria. regime. lB. The delegation of the United States expressed its discontent with such provisions of the draft resolution just adopted as the condemnation of the continuing activities of foreign economic and other interests which are imped- ing decolonization. This is not surprising inasmuch as the 1I4. The delegation of the United States expressed its dissatisfaction with the provision of the resolution re- affIrming the legitimacy of the national liberation struggle of the peoples of colonial Territories. Once again, that is not surprising, because the United States speaks against national liberation movements and is now striving to block those movements by declaring them to be terrorist organizations, in spite of the obvious fact that the peoples of colonial Territories are waging a war against the re- pressive measures by means of which attempts are made to keep them under the yoke of colonial slavery. 1I5. Lastly, it is no accident that the United States is upset by the paragraph calling upon the colonial Powers to withdraw immediately and unconditionally from their military bases and installations in the colonial Territories and refrain from establishing new ones, inasmuch as that is precisely what the policy of the United States consists of, both within its own colonial Territories and in the colonial Territories of other States. 1I6. The representative of another colonial Power, at an earlier meeting, stated that the problem of colonialism represents, as it were, a kind of dinosaur. As we know from paleontology, the dinosaur was a rather rapacious animal, and in this respect the comparison could be quite apt. The problem of colonialism resides in the fact that that particular animal, which should have been extinct from the face of the earth, is still in existence and, like the Hydra, is constantly acquiring new. heads in the shape of neo-colonialism, which is continuing its former policy in new forms. That is why we consider that the resolution which has been adopted is a highly important and useful one, inasmuch as it emphasizes the need for all peoples to continue in their efforts to liquidate colonialism and neo-colonialism in all their forms and to show vigilance with regard to attempts to relegate this problem pre- maturely to the archives of history.

The Algerian delegation voted in favour of draft resolution AJ36/L.20 and Add. I. We are pleased once again to see the General Assembly adopt the report of the Special Committee. 118. The delegation of Algeria regards as highly positive the conclusions arrived at by the President after a number of consultations. We interpret the draft resolution as meaning that the Assembly, by adopting the report of the Special Committee, accepts the recommendations, in- cluding those concerning the inclusion of the question of Puerto Rico in the agenda of the thirty-seventh session. '

The delegation of Botswana voted in favour of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.l. We would, however, express our reservations with regard to operative paragraph 5 if it implies the in- clusion of the question of Puerto Rico in the agenda of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. fur- thermore, we do not associate ourselves with all the re~­ ommendations and decisions of the Special Committee.

The delegation of Guyana voted in favour of draft resolution AJ36/L.20 and Add.I. However, we wish to state for the record that we support the statement by the President to the effect that adoption of the report of the Special Committee does not constitute a decision or an endorsement of operative paragraph 3 of the Special Committee's resolution, as set forth in para- graph 87 of its report. 122. Mr. sARRE (Senegal) (interpretation from French): The delegation of Senegal found it possible to vote in favour of draft resolution AJ36/L.20 and Add. I in view of the explanation provided by the President that the vote on operative paragraph 5 did not imply the adoption of the resolution of the Special Committee, according to which the question of Puerto Rico would be considered at the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.

The delegation of El Salvador voted in favour of the two draft resolutions because we are in agreement with the implementation of the Declara- tion on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Coun- tries and Peoples. However, we wish to place on record our reservations in connection with operative paragraph 5 of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.l. We agree with the President's interpretation of paragraph 87 of the report of the Special Committee.

I wish to reserve my dele- gatiQn's position on the recommendation of the Special Committee with regard to the question of Puerto Rico and operative paragraph 5 of draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.l. We also take note of the interpretation of the Pres- ident on this matter.

I shall now call on those repre- sentatives who wish to speak in exercise of their right of reply.

The delegation of Czechoslovakia, as a member of the Special Committee, cannot agree with those negative appraisals of its work that have been made by the representatives of certain Western countries whom we have heard at this meeting, and in particular of those who in one way or another bear the responsibility for hin- dering the process of the elimination of the vestiges of colonialism. In this connection, the Czechoslovak delega- tion wishes once again to state that it supports the recom- mendation of the Special Committee to consider the ques- tion of Puerto Rico as a separate item at the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.

My delegation, a member of the Special Com- mittee, cannot agree in any way with the opinion of a number of delegations concerning the report of the Spe- cial Committee, which was adopted by the General As- sembly. 128. The delegation of Cuba considers that in adopting the report of the Special Committee as a whole by an overwhelming majorjty the General Assembly endorsed the results of the work of the Committee and all its con- 129. The interpretation given today in raising objections to this question, as reflected in the report, runs counter to the terms of resolution 1514 (XV). Therefore, in the light of that resolution, it is invalid. Draft resolution A/36/L.20 and Add.l just adopted does not imply the automatic in- clusion of this item in the agenda of the next session of the General Assembly. That is all that the statement by the President means. That item will be included in ac- cordance with the General Assembly's rules of procedure, because, as we said in our statement in the general debate [see 12th meeting], the people of Puerto Rico, including its annexationist Governor, consider that the present status of that country is purely and simply colonial. 130. That was also recognized by the representative of the United States, when.he said that the Special Commit- tee's resolution on Puerto Rico interfered in the domestic affairs of the United States. So far as I know, the domes- tic affairs of the United States are not the domestic affairs of Puerto Rico. If they are, it is because Puerto Rico is not independent but, rather, a colony of the United States. 131. That is precisely what 11 Member States-not 10, as the representative of the United States erroneously said today-and the Special Committee itself declared in adopting the resolution on 20 August 1981 on the colo- nial status of Puerto Rico. 132. The attempt to call into question the legitimacy of the consideration of that question by the Committee has been rejected yet again by the Assembly.

The problem of apartheid has been on the General Assembly's agenda for more than 30 years. It was at the behest of Mahatma Gandhi, the illustrious Indian statesman, that the Govern- ment of India raised the question for the first time in the Organization in 1946. Since then nothing tangible has been done, even though Chapter VII of the Charter clearly lays down the measures that the Organization may take with respect to threats to the peace, breaches of the peace and acts of aggression. Yet the situation prevailing in South Africa fully justifies taking such measures, in the opinion of eminent jurists and great international bodies, such as the non-aligned movement and the Organ- ization of African Unity [OAU] , in order to stave off the threat and to preserve peace and security in that part of the world. 135. The true hideous nature of the racist regime no longer deceives anyone with its policy of bloody repres- sion and of bantustanization, which is being remorse- lessly pursued. The celebration of the twentieth anniver- sary of the establishment of the republic is a veritable challenge to the African people of South Africa, who continue, in spite of the merciless measures of repression, such as the Terrorism Act, to fight for national liberation and self-determination. Faced with the rising tide of na- tionalism and the national liberation movement in South Africa, the leaders of the racist Pretoria regime have been in the grip of a bunker psychosis. They believe them- selves to be stranded on an island in the middle of a hostile black sea, whereas the Africans of South Africa are merely asking for equality and dignity as fully fleged citizens hI a multiracial republic shared by whites and Af- ricans, l"tnd a common life and destiny. 136. The world may remember a similar situation brought about by the Nazis, which resulted in the Second Wodd War. It was precisely in order to prevent for all timr~ such a terrible event happening again that the Organ- iZ3tion was set up. Faced with apartheid, a regime chosen and established by a white minority, where racism is ele- vated to official policy, we shall have unhesitatingly to undertake a new crusade to repudiate so anachronistic a doctrine. That regime, held in contempt by mankind, is characterized by a merciless racial war against millions of people-a domination by 5 million whites over 20 mil- lion Africans-the illegal occupation of Namibia and the constant threat to neighbouring independent States. 137. In spite of capital punishment and the greatest number of prisoners in the world, the freedom fighters continue their relentless and persistent struggle in a coun- try in which the police make no distinction between adults and children, men and women, the young an' the old. The massacres of the innocents at Sharpeviht; in 1960 and Soweto in 1976, to mention only those two, are still fresh in our memories. The torch-bearers of freedom, such as Nelson Mandela, WaIter Sisulu and Markus Ka- teka, are still in the gaols of the South African racists. About 45,000 freedom fighters belonging to the African National Congress [ANC] are held in detention for the same reason. That means that a whole generation of re- sisters are languishing in prisons. 138. Faced with those crimes against human dignity and against the most fundamental rights, all those who love peace and justice must, without delay, undertake a cam- paign for the liberation of those people or at least to see that they are given the status of political prisoners, as nu- merous resolutions of the United Nations have demanded. The policy of apartheid has deprived the great majority of the right to equality in education, health care and other most elementary services, the lack of which has caused the population untold suffering. 139. Together with the intensification of repression against those who oppose apartheid, the racist regime of 140. Those puppet mini-States, 16 per cent of whose land is scarcely capable of being cultivated, cannot pro- vide for their own subsistence. The lack of industry, trade and other activities merely adds to the extreme poverty of the wretched population. The massive, forced transfer of the population greatly increases the already widespread unemployment. That is the precise scope of the Pretoria regime's policy of bantustanization. 141. In summary, a veritable policy of enslavement and even ethnocide pervades South Africa. The cold-blooded extermination machinery is already working properly. A former Minister of Bantu Administration and Develop- ment, Mr. C. P. Mulder, announced on 7 February 1978: "if our policy is taken to its full logical conclusion as far as the black people are concerned, there will not be one black man with South African citizenship" [see A136170B, annex I, para. 2]. 142. In the face of such a cataclysm the international community in the form of the United Nations has since its foundation constantly advocated measures to put an end to these crimes against humanity. There have been mandatory arms embargoes, the oil embargo decreed by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC], and various sanctions and actions to put South Africa on the path of reason and international morality. But all of this remains ineffective. In the meantime, transnational corporations have been increasing their co-operation with that country, which is coming more and more under the open protection of certain Western Powers, in particular the United States, whose present Administration officially recognizes that the racist regime of South Africa is a faithful ally. The development of the collaboration of the transnationals and the new orientation of United States pol- icy greatly strengthen the policy of apartheid of the South African Government, which continues to defy the whole of the international community with extreme arrogance. 143. Another serious challenge by South Africa to inter- national opinion is its obstinate refusal to abandon its illegal occupation of Namibia, in spite of the pertinent resolutions of the United Nations relating to the right to self-determination of the Namibian people. The racist regime has taken insolence to the point of actually attacking, for the purpose of destabilizing them, independent neighbour- ing countries such as Angola and Mozambique and by accentuating, and thereby increasing, the threat which weighs upon the African continent as a whole. Seeing that its policy of a constellation of States has been a sorry failure, South Africa has been indulging also in acts of real terrorism, subversion and aggression against the other front-line countries, including Zambia. The greatly in- creased military budget of South Africa for 1981-1982, which exceeds by 30 per cent that of the 1980-1981 pe- riod, clearly shows the aggressive intentions of the apartheid regime which last week, using a group of some 100 mercenaries, carried out an abortive raid against the Republic of Seychelles, which is several thousand kilO- meters from its coast. We condemn this criminal act and r toria regime. 144. In spite of the intensified repressive policies and practices and the open collaboration between South Africa and certain Western Powers in dealing ruthlessly with the freedom fighters of the national liberation movements, the frontiers of freedom have nevertheless been extended to the threshold of the apartheid regime. In order to in- tensify and strengthen this heady momentum of the strug- gle for freedom, dignity and equality of the South African peoples and of southern Africa generally, the international community must provide aid and assistance to the front- line States to reduce their dependence upon South Africa and enable them to fulfil their historic duty, which is to root out for all time apartheid, that crime against human- ity and the last stronghold of colonialism in southern Af- rica. 145. In parallel with the increase in this aid and as- sistance, the international community, and particularly the General Assembly, must once again urge the Security Council to consider the imposition of the comprehensive man~atory sanctions, including the oil embargo, provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter, against the racist re- gime of Pretoria. Any hesitation in adopting these meas- ures will merely prolong and encourage the apartheid system in South Africa. 146. Finally, the Lao People's' Democratic Republic wishes to reaffirm once again its total support for the South African people fighting for freedom and democ- racy. The Lao people will always remain at the side of the Azanian and Namibian people, which are waging their re- lentless struggle for the final triumph of their just cause. 147. May the seventieth anniversary of the founding of ANC constitute a new stage in the struggle and the ever greater victory of the South African people.

The fact that at this session the Gen- eral Assembly, as at every session each year, is consider- ing this agenda item represents in our view the strongest international condemnation of the regime and policy of apartheid. It is also an important step on the path to the total elimination of apartheid and the white minority Pre- 149. The policy of apartheid and racial regimes are doomed. However, certain countries come before a forum like the General Assembly to proclaim their opposition to racism but in fact continue to maintain their real position, which is collaboration with those regimes, an expression of the shameful policy of domination and colonialism. 150. In our times, when socialism, like all liberation movements, is triumphing and the principles of freedom, . 151. The racist Pretoria regime exercises its domination through the most inhuman forms of oppression and per- secution of the majority of the lawful people. It commits acts of genocide, torture, repression, terrorism, humilia- tion, isolation, destruction of homes. impoverishment, plunder of property and land, banning, aggression, occupation of neighbouring countries. These acts have become the law which governs the life of the Pretoria regime. It also applies to the Zionist entity in usurped Arab Palestine. 152. As has been said, racist regimes and the policy of apartheid are a disgrace to mankind. It reflects the collec- tive responsibility of the international community and makes it incumbent upon the international community to take action by' all means to eliminate the racist regimes and the policy of apartheid, which affect the rights of men to a life of freedom and dignity. The peoples being subjected to racial discrimination are struggling, together with the international community, against such a policy and they point an accusing finger at the Western allies which aid such regimes in various fields to safeguard their own selfish, illegitimate interests. 153. The white minority regime in South Africa guaran- tees that the Western imperialist countries will be able to continue to plunder the resources of southern Africa and Namibia, enabling them to extend their aggressive strate- gic policies. Evidence of this is contained in·the con- tinued acts of aggression against the African front-line States-Angola, Mozambique and others. Another exam- ple of this policy was the recent aggression against the Republic of Seychelles, in an attempt to violate its sov- ereignty and national independence. 154. I would stress the similarity between the racist re- gime in Pretoria and the Zionist entity in occupied Pal- estine: We must also note the similarity between the ag- gression against Seychelles and the Israeli attack against the Iraqi nuclear installation and the United States aggres- sion against Libya in the Gulf of Syrte. Those are suffi- cient motives to prompt Arab countries and their libera- tion movements to unite in a common front to confront the racist entities wherever they may be found, to elimi- nate the imperialist presence everywhere in the world and to defeat the imperialist conspiracies designed to impose their hegemony and domination. 155. Imperialism today is apparently again choosing the path of confrontation. We are confident, however, that the independent countries will not hesitate to defend their freedom. Those countries are ready to make every sacri- fice rather than surrendering to the challenge and aggres- sion of imperialism. 156. Democratic Yemen supports the struggle of the people of South Africa arid the strengthening of solidarity with their liberation movement, ANC. We demand free- dom for the political prisoners. My country condemns the aid given by Western countries to the Pretoria regime, as well as their collaboration with it. We believe it is high time to put an end to that collaboration. We also call for 163. What can we say of that regime, which denies the the imposition of comprehensive sanctions against South sacred character of human life, rejects all idea of freedom Africa. and justice, refuses to understand that Governments have a foundation only to the extent that they are based upon 157. For those reasons, my delegation fully supports the popular support? The apartheid policy of the Government recommendations of the Special Committee against of South Africa is a real danger to international peace and

One of the most serious problems of concern to the international community today is unquestionably the policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa. South Africa is the only country in the whole world where racism has been institutionalized and the only country where the colour of the skin determines the place in the social hierarchy of a whole category of nationals. More than four fifths of the South African population are victims of this policy. Apartheid is recognized as the most horrible socio-economic system, based upon the negation of universal values and upon the systematic denial of human rights and the rights of peoples. 159. The cornerstone of the present domestic policy of the Government of South Africa is the establishment of bantustans where blacks are lumped together to provide reservoirs of cheap manpower for the economy of the white minority. These bantustans, baptized "independent States" with uncommon cynicism and scarcely veiled hy- pocrisy, are installed largely on arid land poor in mineral resources. These so-called independent States in which 80 per cent of the population-particularly blacks-are con- fined cover only 13 per cent of the land, whereas the whites, who represent scarcely 20 per cent of the popula- tion, occupy 87 per cent of the national territory. Thus, virtually all the rich territory belongs to the white minor- ity, which retains all the resources of the country. 160. This policy of separate development based on the colour of the skin is applied in every sphere of South African national life, whether political, economic, cul- tural or social. The safeguarding and the preservation of the selfish interests and exorbitant pdvileges of the white minority in South Africa in the face of the growing awareness of the black population underlie the conception of the bantustanization of the country. 161. Numerous publications on South Africa have re- vealed in all their horror the intolerable administrative and police constraints which weigh en the daily life of the black population. These publications report the facts of torture and inhuman persecution of the civilian population by the police of the racist South African regime. Wicked labour laws result in the separation of fathers from their families and mothers from their children, who live very precarious lives. 162. And yet, since the Sharpeville massacre in 1960 and the Soweto massacre in 1976, South Africa has been experiencing another reality: that of a long-subjugated people which is now affirming its will to put an end to all this and especially to the repugnant system of apartheid. The massive resistance to apartheid has reached new pro- portions in South Africa in spite of the brutal repression exercised by the Pretoria regime. There is no doubt that the more apartheid persists in its criminal acts, the greater becomes the anger of the South African people, which is rising, weapons in hand, to recover its freedom and its dignity. 164. The apartheid regime of South Africa does not limit its acts of barbarous repression to the country it op- presses. It continues illegally to occupy Namibia in spite of numerous resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. The South African anned forces are op- erating with impunity and making incursions into neigh- bouring African countries, in particular Angola, which they are trying to destabilize-but in vain. 165. We know that the South African apartheid regime has been given a respite by its Western allies, but they cannot at one and the same time be responsible for inter- national security and protective of the racist minorities in southern Africa. It would be to betray the confidence of the whole of mankind to play at accommodation with the inhuman apartheid regime. We know that without the military, political and economic support of the Western Powers the Pretoria regime would not have had the audac- ity to defy the United Nations. 166. The apartheid of South Africa is not a problem of the people of South Africa alone or a subject of concern to the African continent alone; it is a question that af- fects the entire international community. Indeed, the Gen- eral Assembly has solemnly proclaimed that the United Nations and the international community have a particular responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Af- rica and its liberation movement as well as towards those who are imprisoned or banned or otherwise restricted in their movements as a result of their struggle against apartheid. The General Assembly has reaffirmed its de- termination to devote all the necessary resources to mobil- ize the efforts of the international community to bring about the early elimination of aparth.eid in South Africa and the liberation of the South African people. That is why today more than ever it is our sacred duty to adopt all necessary measures to reaffirm and renew our commit- ment. to the fight against apartheid so that the peoples of southern Africa, long oppressed and exploited, may fi- nally accede to freedom and total responsibility. 167. In conclusion, r wish to pay a tribute to the leaders of the national liberation movements of southern Africa and their worthy fighters for the courageous struggle they are waging against the barbarous Pretoria regime for the total liberation of the African fatherland.

Apartheid is a challenge flung at the universal conscience, a crime against humanity, the most sinister symbol of racism, the most cynical example of continued aggression against all the neighbouring countries and, lastly, the most blatant threat to international peace and security. 169. That is why my country believes it is in duty, bound to express its strong conviction that so long as the· policy of apartheid of the South African regime continues Africa as a whole will not be able to consider itself free, the world process of decolonization will be incomplete and the ideals and principles of the Charter will not be universally respected. 170. Apartheid is an affront to dignity, to freedom, to 176. The relations which certain countries maintain with 1=~~t_~_~~~=~_:~_~_~_re_~~~~~~~ 172. The nature of apartheid, its ideological founda- tions, its institutional bases and its internal and interna- tional expression demonstrate that that policy combines in a single stroke racial oppression, colonial domination and the policy of aggression. Need I say that apartheid is the arrogant and defiant expression of force, brute force, and that however sure of itself it may feel today it is yet nur- turing obsession with its own end? 173. Analysing apartheid as the dogma of racial su- premacy, a racist pipe-dream of exclusive monopoly of power and a system of national domination, the interna- tional community has through various means denounced national oppression as a crime against mankind, a phe- nomenon of aggression, a negation of the purpos~s and principles of the Charter and an unlawful situation. 174. Thus Angola, Mozambique, Botswana, Zambia and, recently, Seychelles have regularly paid their tributes in human lives and destruction of every kind to that South African political monster eaten lip by hegemonistic ambi- tion. The immediate objective of those operations of State terrorism against neighbouring Powers remains the vain attempt to destroy the resistance of the South African and Namibian peoples. But over and above this circumstantial . objective, the Pretoria Iigime seeks to give body to its plans for the satellization of the whole of the southern part of the African continent. 175. Civil war, colonial war, intracontinental war, inter- national war: the arrogant policy of the South African re- gime is also a war against mankind because of the ..crime against humanity" which apartheid represents. That scourge demands of our reason and our conscience that they be alert even, and above all, if some who are bitterly discouraged no longer believe in the possibility of exor- cising the racist South African demon and ..lllow their faith to grow cold in obsolete rites. But in this multi- faceted war which is waged both against the South Af- rican people and th~ neighbouring States and against the very essence of the human condition, c.qJartheid benefits from powerful outside support, not tht: least active of which are the "cosmopolitan enterprises," the agents of an anonymous, stateless economy, now on a world-wide scale and more or less endorsed by some of the most powerful nations. . 177. The South African national liberation movement has'resolutely embarked on the course of armed struggle, the only means to free its country from racist oppression. Let us pay a tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid for echoing at the level of the international community the sound of that struggle of the South Af- rican people for the welfare of their fatherland and also of man. For their ~art, Africa, the international community and the progressive forces of the world give their full sup- port to a national liberation struggle, about the justice or outcome of which they have no doubt. 178. Thus, we welcomed the convening of the Interna- tional Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, which marked an important milestone in the efforts of the international community to strengthen solidarity with the struggling South African people. 179. As for our action here, the Charter provides for a series of enforcement measures, ranging from the applica- tion of economic sanctions to the use of force. The oil- producing countries members of OPEC have assumed their responsibilities by decreeing an oil embargo against the Pretoria regime. For its part, the General Assembly has recommended that all Member States should prohibit oil exports to South Africa. It is now up to the Security Council to endorse that measure in order to make it man- datory under Chapter VII of the Charter. Measures should also be envisaged against individuals and bodies corporate that continue to provide South Africa with oil. 180. We can help to do away with Pretoria's war ma- chine and its repressive arsenal. The consequences of that measure would be to alleviate tension in the region. The Security Council, for its part, has the duty to prohibit any technological contribution which would help to develop South Africa's military industry. It must also put an end to public and private foreign investments in South Africa. Those obligations are justified politically and juridically. They are, above all, an expression of faith and of commit- ment to the cause of freedom and peace. For in South Africa a vital struggle is being waged to gain respect for international law, which has been so outrageously tram- pled underfoot. In South Africa a battle is going on for man's rehabilitation. That is the battle that today we are asked to make our own.

Some 21 years have elapsed since the Sharpeville massacre and the adoption of Security Council resolution 134 (1960) call- ing for an end to ti~~;- system of apartheid. In the interven- ing years the international community has seen the growth to hardened maturity of apartheid, the brainchild of a lu- natic racist minority in South Africa. It is painful to note that this lunacy exists despite the unanimous condemna- tion by the international community of the inhumane sup- 182. We the States Members of the United Nations lend our efforts in countless international forums towards the achievement of a better quality of life for all. Yet the situation in South Africa bears testimony to the fact that the profIt motive is paramount in the affairf. of some Member States, States that have the influence to put an end to South Mrican intransigence with speed and effi- ciency. That profIt should be placed before human dignity is clear evidence that those who pronounce loftily on the quality of life have failed to realize that their right to pro- mote it and their bona fides in so doing are highly sus- pect. 183. It is well known in the Assembly and elsewhere that the efforts to impose total and effective sanctions against the Pretoria regime have failed, not because of the will of the majority of Member States, but because of the persistent thwarting of that will by a few. Those Member States insist that the solution to the question of apartheid lies in a continuation of dialogue with Pretoria. To what end? Is that an honest position? How could anyone accept that the regime in Pretoria, which has perpetrated the hor- rors of Sharpeville and Soweto, needs to be given more time? 184. The system of apartheid, with its doctrine of su- premacy based on race, was institutionalized in 1948. Four years later, the question was placed before the Gen- eral Assembly. At that time, the dust had hardly settled in Europe from the devastation of the Second World War. The ravages of nazism were still evident, and the decisive action of the world in dealing with that crime was clearly reflected in the Nuremberg Judgements. How could the world stand by and so soon afterwards see racism take root in another continent? The answer lies in the fact that, in the eyes of a few nations, some human beings are per- ceived to be less equal than others. 185. For the most ignoble reasons, apartheid has been allowed to fest-er. Economic, military and strategic inter- ests have been allowed primacy over basic human rights and over every other human right on which the interna- tional community has declared itself. These interests can- not continue to be used ,is an excuse for the continued collaboration of some States with the South African re- gime. That regime is as strong as it is allowed to be, and it derives its boldness from the fact of that collaboration. 186. As the Assembly is aware, in 1977 the Security Council, by its resolution 418 (1977), imposed an arms embargo against South Africa. Not only has that embargo been less than strictly observed, but South Africa has now been assisted in developing a nuclear-weapons capability. 187. On the economic front, while developing countries have been experiencing enormous difficulties in obtaining financing for their development, capita!-~id flows to South Africa from major financial institutions in certain Western countries have continued unabated. The South African economy has been sustained and enhanced by a 188. The litany of abuse against the black population is long; we have heard it stated on many occasions. There is therefore no need for my delegation to repeat it here. But there is one aspect that bears repetition on the eve of the so-called independence of Ciskei. That aspect is the es- tablishment of bantustans and homelands, which is a par- ticularly obnoxious manifestation of apartheid. That those whose skins are black should suffer the debasing and de- humanizing effects of apartheid is sufficiently abhorrent. That they should in addition be forced to eke out an exist- ence in the arid wastelands of their mother country is a criI!1e that cries out to heaven for justice. It is a credit to this world body that it has steadfastly refused to accord any recognition to these so-called independent homelands. This is a position that the world community must never abandon. 189. Nor is there any need to remind the Assembly that Pretoria's reign of arrogance and terror extends far beyond the borders of South Africa. The regime has repeatedly made massive military incursions into neighbouring States, violating their sovereignty and posing a threat to international peace and security, with the transparent ex- cuse of acting in self-defence. Actions such as these have been encouraged by the failure of South Africa's collab- orators to condemn such flagrant breaches of the Charter. It is essential that the international community act force- fully to protect the territorial integrity of South Africa's neighbouring States by invoking the appropriate measures under Chapter VII of the Charter. 190. There are those who seek to justify their continu- ing support for the South African regime by arguing that sports should not be linked to politics. My delegation be- lieves that the sports boycott has been the most effective weapon in the fight against apartheid. In the light of this, it is totally unacceptable to re-establish sporting links with South Africa. We are firm in the view that the com- plete- isolation of South Africa in the political, diplomatic, economic and cultural spheres is the only way to bring about the changes which we all desire. There can be no relaxation in our efforts on all these fronts until the sys- tem of apartheid is dismantled once and for all. 191. But if the picture is bleak, let us not be daunted by that fact, because there is hope. There is hope because the children in South Africa have awakened. They are pre- pared to give their very lives in the struggle for freedom and human dignity. Their struggle and the courage which they display in that struggle must inform world public opinion, particularly at the level of the youth of the world. In this respect, the mass media have a responsibil- ity to bring their tremendous influence to bear on the side of those young patriots who seek to eliminate the scourge of apartheid. 192. But if the children of Soweto and of other town-, ships have been forced to take an active part in the fight against the inhuman system of apartheid. it is partly be- cause the racist regime of South Africa has imprisoned, detained and banned every black leader. We States Mem- bers of the United Nations must insist that those leaders be set free so that they can lead the way in building a just, free and democratic society in South Africa. 193. Trinidad and Tobago has over the years made its contribution to the struggle against apartheid by means of

The civilized and civilizing provisions of the Charter aim, among other noble ideals, at the reaffirmation of faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and in the unity of our strength to maintain international peace and security. It is with dismay that, despite those provisions, we find in our midst, even after the bitter lesson of Hitler's totalitarian adventures, a Nazist, laagered society fiercely struggling against the fulfilment of those ideals through the fanatic pursuit of the degrading policy of apartheid. a policy uni- versally condemned as a crime against humanity. 195. The international community is viewing with con- cern and alarm the rapid deterioration of the situation in southern Africa, and it is important that this trend be un- derstood in its proper context. It must be stuted at the outset that in the present changed political conditions South Africa's main preoccupation is to hold en to ptlwer at all costs and by whatever means neCeSfl~\fY. Its sole purpose is to preserve the decadent society of rampant and flagrant white materialism and abject black poverty, bitter- ness and hopelessness. The inhuman tactic of resorting to the police and the military to contain black discontent and bitterness, which has become typical of racist Pretoria's naked totalitarian repression, has not precluded any esca- lation or widening of the confrontation. 196. It is in th~ face of this reality that the spiritless and fruitless strategy of "adapt or die" has been preached by Botha since the Soweto uprising of 1976, which was in all respects a significant landmark in South African race relations. The simple message from the brave masses was unequivocally clear: "Enough is enough." It has been as- serted that South Africa is introducing changes for the better. It is against the background of escalating black de- mands that the so-called government changes and refonns must be measured. The superfluous measures have never been sufficiently far-reaching, inasmuch as they still at- tempt only to redress certain black grievances, especially in the urban areas without substantial white concessions, on which the future of a peaceful non-racial South Africa lies. In all instances they aim at maintaining white control by the limited appeasement of blacks. Inevitably, black manifestation of discontent will occur with increasing se- verity. Blacks are becoming more and more aware of their labour power and their ability to control it, and in- creasingly black students are acting as agents of change. 197. An interesti~g litmus test for the political will of the racist Pretoria regime is provided by an examination of one of the so-called major constitutional changes. After the abolition of the Senate, that is, the upper house of the South African Parliament, in 1980, the so-called Presidential Council, consisting of 59 members, to advise or. a new constitution was nominated. The salient feature of fuis mhsure was the glaring but calculated omission of any black members from the Council, which in itself is beyond any doubt. a challenge to the legitimacy 'of any constitutional changes under the present order. In addition. 198. The inhuman repressive policy of the racist Pretoria regime, in typical Hitlerite totalitarian fashion, has not been confined to the defenceless and atomized people in- side the country. We are witnessing Pretoria's abject dis- regard for dignity and freedom with the extension of the inhuman policies in the form of naked aggression and d~­ stabilization manoeuvres against the democratic neigh- bouring States. The list of such incidents is so long that to attempt to mention them would indeed be impossible in the time available. The gravity of the situation can be appreciated when we mention that this misdirected use of force has cost Angola more than 7 billion United States dollars in terms of property losses. The loss of human life has been immense, indeed incalculable, since it :'8 irrepa- rable. Recently in Zimbabwe an ammunition depot was destroyed as a result of the work of agents with proven South African connections, and the total loss in ammuni- tion was valued at 35 million Zimbabwean dollars, which is approximately 50 million United States dollars. The railroads and bridges through Mozambique, which are es- sential for the elimination of dependence on South Af- rican routes by the neighbouring States, have been the targets of constant bombardment by South Africa's proxy armies. It is on this basis that South Africa boasts that economic dependence upon Pretoria is and will continue to be a fact of African politics for a very long time. It is upon this instability that Pretoria hopes to erect a con- stellation of States and possibly transform this concept into a practical operation. These are a few of the indica- tions of the militant determination of the Pretoria regime to see to it that democracy and freedom are destroyed in order to make the region safe for apartheid. 199. With that background in mind, we all hope for and look forward to the judicious exercise of positive political will by the five Western States now actively engaged on the Namibian issue. The attainment 9f genuine indepen- dence by that country will indeed be hailed as a victory by the forces of peace against tl'is totalitarian scourge. This would indeed be a shining example of constructive engagement in the right direction, namely, the upholding of the provisions of the Charter. 200. Again, with that background in mind, it is dis- heartening when sentiments such as "We can co-operate with a South Africa undergoing constructive change" al~ expressed by a senior official in the ,,61ministration of one 201. To the people of South Africa, to the people of Africa, to the peace-loving international community, we say that history is on our side and always has been. So, on this note, the struggle for freedom and justice IFUSt continue. Pamberi ne chimurenga.

Let me open by quoting these words of a famous African: "All peoples have at one time or another in their his- tory been plunged into the struggle towards the goal of fuller life and liberty and the right to live as men-free men. But generally the passing of time has seen the barriers to freedom going down one by one. Not so in South Africa. Here the barriers do not go down. Each step we take forward, every achievement we chalk up, is cancelled out by the raising of new and higher bar- riers to our advance. The colour bars do not get weaker, they get stronger. The bitterness of ate struggle mounts as liberty comes step by step closer to the free- dom fighter's grasp. All too often the protests and dem- onstrations of our people have been beaten back by force, but they have never been silenced." These were the words of Chief Albert Luthuli in his ac- ceptance speech on receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo in December 1961. 203. It is a sad fact that these words are as true and valid today as they were 20 years ago. As the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is meeting to consider once again the policies of apartheid we have to take note of the fact that developments in South Africa during the last year also show that apartheid cannot be reformed. It has to be abolished. 204. Norway has on numerous occasions in the General Assembly expressed its strong objections to the apartheid system. On behalf of the Norwegian Government, I would like to confirm that this basic policy remains un- changed. There are many aspects of the present situation in southern Africa that we find disturbing. Only one week ago the General Assembly discussed the question of 205. The question of political prisoners in South Africa is another problem of great concern. The continued im- prisonment of Nelson Mandela and reports about torture and other forms of cruel punishment are acts in clear de- fiance of appeals made by the United Nations, Govern- ments and voluntary organizations all over the world. We are particularly worried about death penalties against op- ponents of the apartheid system in South Africa. I would like to express the hope t:'at the South African Govern- ment will listen to the appeals from the international com- munity to spare the life of these young men. 206. The policy of bantustanization is an integral part of the apartheid system. In spite of the failure of Transkei and the other so-called independent states to win interna- tional recognition, we have recently learned that South Africa intends to set up in three days time a new "black homeland" called Ciskei. As pointed out by the Chair- man ef the Special Committee against Apartheid. this is part of the plan of the South African authorities to ensure white domination of ~'i')uth Africa. The Norwegian Gov- ernment endorses the views expressed by the Chairman of the Special Committee with respect to this policy, and I would like to confirm that my Government does not intend to make any kind of formal or informal recognition of these artificial States. 207. The fact that the situation in South Africa has re- mained basically unchanged over a span of 20 years dem- onstrates that the mere adoption of resolutions by the General Assembly is not enough. Therefore, the Nor- wegian Government has for a long time advocated the adoption of mandatory international sanctions against South Africa by the Security Council. It was a major step forward when in 1977, in its resolution 418 (1977), the Council adopted a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. We have supported proposals to broaden these sanctions to other fields. 208. In the absence of binding international measures, Norway has, together with the other Nordic countries, adopted a number of measures aimed at voluntary and unilateral disengagement from previous contacts with South Africa. Such measures now include steps to prevent Norwegian investments in and exports to South Africa, a policy of not selling Norwegian oil to South Africa, visa requirements for South African citizens and various forms of humanitarian assistance to refugees and economic as- sistance to the front-line States. Together with the other' Nordic countries we will continue to discuss what more' could be done from our side. We have also indicated our willingness to co-operate with other countries to see how existing voluntary measures could be better co-ordinated and made more effective. 214. Apartheid is an historically cumulative and pur- poseful system of institutionalized racial containment which has four operational components: n:~dal prejudice and discrimination; racial segregation and separation; eco- . I" f nomic exp OItatlon 0 natural and human resources; and legal, administrative and police terror. But, although each has its own experiential profile and time-frame, the four converge and merge to make a homogeneous whole, each assisting the other to complete the wicked system. Fur- ther, associated with each is a set of functions and instru- ments. This system is a flagnmt violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of 209. We know that time and patience are running out Human Rights. It rests on the dispossession, plunder, ex- among the black majority. We fear the human conse- ploitation and social deprivation of the African people quences of the upheaval that will surely come if the nec- perpetrated by the colonial settlers and their descendants essary changes are not adopted in time. Let me nev- since 1622.

Africa and the United Na- tions have over the years been seriously concerned by the problem of the policy of apartheid of the racist minority Government of South Africa. The United Nations has made its position on that policy crystal clear. Various other international organizations have spoken out and taken up firm positions against the wicked policy of apartheid. The OAU, the non-aligned countries and the Commonwealth have spoken out vociferously against the unacceptable system of apartheid in all its forms and shadings. 211. Those of us who have not seen apartheid in actual operation cannot perhaps have a full idea as to what a ruthless, merciless, brutal and cold system it is. If they were exposed to it they would shudder to see how in the twentieth century man can still be so unfeelingly cruel to man, and would marvel at the extent to which man's base instincts, once released, can lead him to inflict organized injury on another's bogy, soul, mind and, indeed, his whole dignity, existence and being. 212. Some of the things that we hear about wh~t the ruling South African regime does to the black African majority sound like tales from the underworld, but they are true and are taking place every day in South Africa: the pass laws, the racial laws designed to keep the races segregated, the endless arrests, the brutal and com- monplace floggings, the death cells, the abuse and inva- sion of personal and family privacy-the undesirable list could go on. And yet this and more is what apartheid is, and' this is what South Africa would like the international community not to complain about but rather to approve, sanction and possibly praise. 2I3. But little do they realize-or have they forgotten, and if so, how short are their memories-that the United Nations itself was formed to combat and prevent that very same situation from arising and existing in the world, after the cruel experiences of the Second World War. When, therefore, this international body expresses revul- sion against the apartheid system, it is fulfilling a duty that is central to its very role and existence and fulfilling a promise which it gave to the world and all its people when those eminent founding fathers met in San Fran- cisco in 1945. Contrary to the South African regime's de- lusion, the United Nations is a fully toothed lion, whose teeth may be likened to the mills of God, which, although they may seem to grind slowly, grind exceeding small. '"Across the whole spectrum of impact and meaning, apartheid torments the conscience of all civilized men. It vi91ates those universal principles of human dignity and conduct which the United Nations has been author- ized to codify and to harness. And there is no doubt that it aifronts the very foundation of international law. On these three grounds alone, and there are many more, the only ~onclusion to be reached is that apartheid must be destroyed. In any case, there should never be any compromise with evil-and apartheid is, in every respect, evil." [11th meeting, para. 17.] This is the unwavering stand of Kenya on apartheid. It is also the unswerving stand of the OAU and the interna- tional community. 216. To underline the loathing and the repugnance with which the world views apartheid, I would cite the Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid,6 which was the outcome of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, organized by the United Nations in co- operation with the OAU and the Federal Government of . Nigeria, and which met in Lagos from 22 to 26 August 1977. Also present were representatives of 112 Govern- ments, 12 inter-governmental organizations, 5 liberation movements and 51 non-governmental organizations and a number of prominent individuals. Among its key speakers were th~ heads of State of Nigeria and Zambia and the Prime Minister of Norway. 217. The document that was produced as a result of that important meeting should be a blueprint of what the world expects from racist and apartheid South Africa. The Conference reiterated the universal abhorrence of the policy of apartheid and racism in all its forms and man- ifestations and the determination of the international com- munity to secure its speedy elimination. It also affirmed its support and solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa and the liberation movements and con- demned South Africa's illegal activities and occupation of Namibia and its acts of aggression against African States. Here we may refer to the repeated aggressive attacks against Angola, Mozambique, Botswana and other neigh- bouring States and, still more recently, the abortive mer- cenary invasion of Seychelles, which was repelled by the valiant people of that sister State. South Afri~a cannot deny its connivance in this. 218. A strong call was made for the unconditional re- lease and freedom of ~hose imprisoned, restricted or ex- iled for their struggle against apartheid. In this context, repeated demands have been made for the immediate re- lease of Nelson Mandela and his compatriots in Robben Island and other prison dens of South Africa. The World Conference also rejected the South African regime's im- position of bantustans and condemned that regime for its ruthless, repressive measures that constitute the pillars which support its cruel domination. ~K"1'.:rnational and national sporting bodies to take all ap- propriate steps within their jurisdiction to bring about the termination of all political, cultural and sporting contacts with South Africa. While there have been some minimal improvements in some of these areas, it is also true that more could be done. Sporting and other contacts with the racist regime give the impression-probably unin- tended-of harbouring sympathy for the system. The same goes for the supply of arms and for commercial contacts. 220. I should like to pay a special tribute to the Chair- man of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Mr. Maitama-Sule, for the commendable report that he and his team have produced. It is a deep and revealing document, the reading of which I recommend for full understanding of the issue tpat we are considering. 221. All of us assembled in this Hall have a human duty to be angry with South Africa, the naughty and in- corrigible adolescent of the African continent and of the international community. How can we approve of a sys- tem which oppresses, racially segregates, exploits, tor- tures, arrests, imprisons without recourse to law and, as if that were not enough, kills and deprives a population of adequate means of livelihood? How can we have sympa- thy with a system with an institutionalized policy of sepa- ration of families? Indeed, it reminds us of the Nazis, in whose defeat, ironically, South Africa actively partici- pated during the la~t world war. Why should the present leaders of South Africa-and they claim to be honourable and civilized men-be so cold and unfeeling about the very basic feelings and rights of man, the individual, the "race and the family? The system of apartheid negates all r .....;....;...... ..."....e.." ~_,1 "he n:l..le i·""e1& 'wh=ch ,,1,," ..L._•• '-1111"""11 1"'11 10:1 allu 11 UIUI ll) 11, I I I, i11i1l) , lll~'y claim tu be the foundation of their regime. 222. In the eyes of the minority South African regime, we in the OAU and, indeed, the United Nations itself hate them. This is not true, and they know it is not. If they do not, let them, then. But, like a recalcitrant child, South Africa is doing, and has been doing, something terrible, by practising a system of government that can stir no other reaction among the international community than extreme disgust. I refer to apartheid. We cannot accept the imposition of this system on our brothers and sisters," and, for that matter, fellow human beings. Therefore, as long as South Africa continues with it, we resolutely promise that country our united opposition, wrath and in- dignation. 223. All of us in the General Assembly look forward to that glorioUS session when we shall gather here to say nicer and better thing~ about South Africa than those we have been forced to say thus far.

The problem of apartheid constitutes a challenge hurled by the new followers of Gobineau in Pretoria, 3 million insolent, domineering whites, installed by force in the southern horn of the Af- rican continent, at the whole international community, about 3 billion other human beings who, since the aboli- tionist movement of the nineteenth century, have rejected 225. The problem of apartheid is also a problem of the responsibility of the United Nations and the international community faced with a Government whose policies of apartheid and racial segregation they have condemned as a crime against humanity. That condemnation acquires particular significance when we examine it in the light of the provisions of the International Convention on the Sup- pression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid [reso- lution 301)8 (XXVIII), annex] according to which: first. under the Convention on the Prevention and PunishmC'lt of the Crime of Genocide [resolution 260 A (Ill)]. Cl. lain acts which can be termed acts of apartheid constitute a crime under international law; secondly, in the Conven- tion on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity [resolution 2391 (XX/H)], inhuman acts resulting from the policy of apartheid are termed crimes against humanity; thirdly, people accused of the acts enumerated in article 11 of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punish- ment of the Crime of Apartheid may be tried by a compe- tent tribunal of any State party to the Convention which may acquire jurisdiction of the person of the accused or by an international penal tribunal having jurisdiction with respect to those States parties which shall have accepted its jurisdiction. 226. Article 11 of the Convention provides that the ex- pression "crime of apartheid", which includes the similar policies and practices of racial segregation and discrimina- tion such as are practised in southern Africa, describes the inhuman acts set out below, committed for the pur- pose of establishing or maintaining the domination by one racial group of persons over any oth~r racial group of per- sons and systematically oppressing them. Those acts are the following: First, the denial to a member or members of a racial group or groups of the right to life and liberty and affirmed that: of person by murder of members of a racial group or g, DUPS; by the infliction upon the members of a racial group or groups of serious bodily or mental harm, by the infringement of their freedom or dignity, or by subjecting them to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treat- ment or punishment; by arbitrary arrest and illegal im- prisonment of the members of a racial group or groups; secondly, the deliberate imposition on a racial group or It called upon: groups of living conditions calculated to cause its or their physical destruction in whole or in part; thirdly, any leg- islative measures and other measures calculated to prevent a racial group or groups from participation in the politi- cal, social, economic and cultural life of the country and the deliberate creatiorl of conditions preventing the full development of such a group or groups, in particular by denying to members of a racial group or groups basic human rights and freedoms, including the right to work, the right to form recognized trade unions, the right to education, the right to leave and to return to their countrx, the right to a nationality, the right to freedom of move- ment and residence, the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association; fourthly, any measures, including legisla- tive measures, designed to divide the population along ra- cial lines by the creation of separate reserves and ghettos for the members of a racial group or groups, the proh'bi- H ••• enduring peace will not be secured solely by tion of mixed marriages among members of various racial collective security arrangements against breacpes of in- groups, the expropriation of landed property belonging to ternational peac~ and acts of aggression, but that a gen- a racial group or groups or to members thereof; fifthly, uine and lasting peace depends also upon the obs~rv- 227. How does the United Nations intend to fulfil its obligation~ and responsibility concerning the black people who are the victims of racial discrimination in South Af- rica, since all the ~ctions which constitute the crime of apartheid, as mentioned in article 11 of the Convention, have been amply established as having been perpetrated by th~ head of the minority illegal regime, the white rac- ist regime of Pretoria? 228. Since 1946 the General Assembly has been con- cerned about the policies of apartheid and its conse- quences, because they run counter to the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Resolution 103 (I) of 19 November 1946 states: "The General Assembly declares that it is in the higher interests of humanity to put an immediate end to religious and so-called racial persecution and discrimi- nation, and calls on governments . . . to conform both to the letter and to the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, and to take the most prompt and ener- getic steps to that end." In its resolution 616 B (VII) of 5 December 1952, the Assembly declared that: H. • • in a multi-racial society harmony and respect for human rights and freedoms and the peaceful devel- opment of a unified society are best assured when pat- terns of legislation and practice are directed towards en- .suring equality before the law of all persons regardless of race, creed or colour, and when economic, social, cultural and political participation of all racial groups is on a basis of equality'; ; ". . . governmental policies of Member States which are not directed towards these goals, but which are de- signed to perpetuate or increase discrimination, are in- consistent with the pjedges of the Members under arti- cle 56 of the Charter". H. • • all Member States to bring their policies into conformity with their obligation under the Charter to promote the observance of human rights and fundamen- tal freedoms". 229. General Assembly resolution 721 (VIII) of 8 De- cember 1953 stated that: "It is highly unlikely, and indeed improbable, that the policy of apartheid will ever be willingly accepted by the masses subjected to discrimination, and . . . "That the continuance of this policy would make peaceful solutions increasingly difficult and endanger friendly relations among nations, 230. In its resolution 820 (IX) of 14 December 1954 'the General Assembly expressed its conviction that the policy of apartheid constituted a grave threat to the peaceful re- lations between ethnic groups in the world, and called upon the regime of Pretoria to re-examine its position in the light of the high principles expressed in the Charter, taking into account the pledge of all Member States to respeci. human rights and fundamental freedoms without distinction as to race; and further taking into account the valuable experience of other multi-racial societies. 231. I could spend days quoting the various resolutions of the United Nations on apartheid, only to conclude that the essential points have already been made and that it is now time to move on to action. It is time to move on to action because, as stated in the preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted on 10 December 1948, in resolution 217 A (Ill): ". . . recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, ". . . disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the con- science of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people, "... it is essential that human rights, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, should be protected by the rule of law". And because, finally: ..All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and con- science and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood." 232. It appears, therefore, according to the various United Nations resolutions, that we are all convinced to- day that one of the essential purposes of the United Na- tions is to bring about international co-operation by devel- oping and encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without distinctibn as to race, sex, language or religion; that the policy of apartheid. which is based on doctrines of racial discrimi- nation, is a crime against humanity; that in a multi-racial society, harmony and respect for human rights and free- doms and the peaceful development of a unified society are best assured when patterns of legislation and practice are directed towards ensuring equality before the law of all persons, and when economic, social, cultural and po- litical participation of all racial groups is on a basis of equality; that it is highly unlikely and indeed improbable that the policy of apartheid will ever be accepted by the 233. Is it not time to explore other specific ways to con- front this problem? A few moments ago I quoted from the International Convention on the Suppression and Punish- ment of the Crime of Apartheid. Article III of that Con- vention states: ' ..International criminal responsibility shall apply, irre- spective of the motive involved, to individuals, mem- bers of organizations and institutions and represen- tatives of the State, whether residing in the territory of the State in which the acts are perpetrated or in some other State, whenever they: "(a) Commit, participate in, directly incite or con- spire in the commission of the acts mentioned in article 11 of the present Convention; "(b) Directly abet, encourage or co-operate in the commission of the crime of apartheid." How have we followed up these provisions of a Conven- tion to which many Members of the United Nations have adhered? 234. These ways deserve further exploration, I feel. When the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals were set up to judge the great war criminals, was there, I ask, an interna- tional convention which prohibited the commission of such crimes? 235. When I spoke on the question of Namibia a few days ago, I said: "We live in a world where a legal order governs rela- tions among States and within each State. But the ulti- mate goal of right and law is to ensure the prospering of man. What then is the law in South African terms? What is the South African right that degrades man? What is this society that has succeeded in institu- tionalizing inhumanity through laws and legislation· which contravene the most sacred rights of man and the values venerated by all civilizations?" [7Ist meeting, para. 178.] 236. During the Security Council debate on Namibia I said: "More than 60 years ago, Hitler and the Nazis, in- spired by the ideas of Gobineau on the superiority of the Germanic race. ideas found in his Esscl\" on the Inequality of the Human Races, by those of Cham- berlain in his Foundations of the Nineteell1h CeIltUl)", by the notion of the superman as developed by Nietzsche and by an old tradition of anti-semitism re- inforced by The Protocols of the Elders ofZio1Z. by the Apologia for war, violence and the cult of force of Arndt-in short. by all the ideas of Fichte and Hegel on the authoritarian. not to say totalitarian, State; .. " "National Socialism was to be typified by an obses- sion with racism and the cult of force and violence. That absurd Nazi doctrine engulfed all of Europe-for Hitler tried to impose his law from the Atlantic to the Urals-as well as other parts of the world. "Then we witnessed a formidable coalition, an ex- traordinary alliance of Powers aimed at halting the Nazi adventure and at preserving the world from such pernicious notions of man, the State, relations among peoples, and the races and their rights. "African soldiers joined the forces of the Allied Powers to oppose the excesses of the Nazi racists and, during the Second World War, as they had done during the First, they died side by side with their European brothers in arms, in defence of peace and international security, human rights and the rights of peoples, in de- fence of their cultural identity, and of the territorial integrity of States, to say "no" to the dream of domina- tion, to the Nazi desire for power and domination based on racism and exploitation-in short, so that all the rights of the peoples of Europe might be restored to them. "What other system of government today comes closer than South Africa's apartheid system to nazism, which, in its time, mobilized the whole of the interna- tional community in a wave of universal condemna- tion? "But the impression tends to prevail today that all of us who participated in the destruction of Hitler's dream of domination, based in particular on race, seem no longer to agree when it is a matter of restoring to the African people of Namibia its rights to self-determina- tion, freedom, equality and independence; that our co- operation stops at the threshold of Namibian indepen- dence, although . . . we were unanimous in affirming that South Africa had failed in its obligations . . ."7 and we were unanimous in condemning apartheid as a crime against humanity. 237., The time has come. in the interests of confidence in international relations, for us to leave the beaten track to confront the challenge of apartheid head on, using all possible means-economic, trade, political. legal. sport- ing and any others that exist. All the conditions exist for the Security Council to have recourse to effective en- forcement action against South Africa in the interests of peace and stability throughout the world in general and in southern Africa in particular. 238. I wish to repeat that. when they wanted to punish the great war criminals for their genocidal crimes and at- tacks on the peace and security of humanity. the victors flouted certain principles of law. of their own domestic laws. against the retroactive application of penalties. against the establishment of special tribunals and against the principle nulla poena, nullum crimen sine lege. Tribunals were set up and the criminals were judged. Fur- thermore. after the Second World War. in order to punish the perpetrators of crimes called crimes against humanity, the international community did not hesitate for a moment to' consecrate the principle of the international resppnsibil- ity of individuals which were not the traditional or'con- ventional subjects of international law. 240. When we examine this problem everything leads us to believe that the political, economic and cultural world to which the Pretoria regime belongs or claims to belong hesitates in its own interest to take effective meas- ures to put an end to apartheid and bring about the de- sired changes before it has developed a strategy enabling it to conserve in that region or that part of Africa its acquired privileges in the strategic, economic, cultural and political fields. 241 . The problem to be resolved is how, without apartheid and without the white minority in power in South Africa, they can preserve or promote the advan- tages and privileges they have acquired and which serve both their global strategic needs and those of the balance of power throughout the world and East-West relations. Thus posed, apart from the fact that it perverts the very nature of the question, the problem uselessly complicates the urgent search for an appropriate solution. But such an approach destroys itself. Furthermore, this approach shows that a number of leaders and modem-day Govern- ments, particularly in the developed world, are still pos- sessed by archetypal demons and that decolonization has not succeeded in exorcising them. 242. The real reply to that approach is that given by AI- bert Luthuli in his appeal of 1963 and in his autobiogra- phy. in which he declared: . "To nations and governments of the world I say: abandon your hypocrisy and your double-dealing; do not think that we can be taken in by your pious pro- testations as long as you are prepared actively to sup- port tyranny in our country. The test is action against oppression. We are not anti-white-South Africans; we are against white supremacy. We do not conspire with for- eign Powers. but we are particularly aware of the fact that the disavowal of the Pretoria regime and its isola- tion by other nations would. if correctly done, have the effect of curtailing these bloody days, these days of servitude. " 243. I cannot conclude without paying a tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid and to its successive Chairmen, Mr. Clark and Mr. Maitama-Sule, for the efforts they have expended in order to eliminate the inhu- man policy in South Africa and for the effective action they have been taking throughout the world to sensitize world opinion. 244. My delegation totally agrees with the recommenda- tions contained in the report of the Special Committee [A/36/22 and Corr.l and Add.l and 2]. In particular we agree with the idea that the General Assembly should proclaim 1982 the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. 245. The delegation of Zaire would like to reaffirm its total support for ·the legitimate struggle being waged by the national liberation movement of Sou~h Africa. We are

The question of apartheid in South Africa and the ways and means of eradicating its evils has remained before the United Na- tions, as a matter of priority, for a very long time. Each year since the recognition of the blight of the apartheid system, the existing state of exploitation, the violation of human rights, oppression and humiliation of the black majority in South Africa have become a permanent source of serious international concern. 247.' Through _our experience we have become fullv aware that the tension and acute confrontation emanating as a result in southern Africa cannot be eliminated nor peace established until the dismantling of the structure of apartheid in South Africa and the liberation of Namibia from the illegal occupation of South Africa are com- pletely achieved. 248. Throughout the years the international community has. in the United Nations and other international forums, eloquently voiced its outrage against the apartheid 5ystem. The international consensus is that the apartheid system and its implications should be condemned outright through active support of the ongoing struggle against it and through extending the bestpossible means of moral, material, political and diplomatic support to the liberation fronts. 249. The practice of apartheid. which has unanimously been branded by the United Nations as a crime against humanity and against the conscience and dignity of man- kind, greatly aggravates the situation in South Africa and seriously disturbs its internal peace and security, and if not wisely checked it will inevitably lead to violence and racial conflagration and develop into serious international turmoil. 250. It is very regrettable that South Africa has chosen to perpetrate its racist domination by the application of violence, repression and oppression against the black Af- rican majority to subjugate it under the apartheid system. It is also regrettable that, in spite of the repeated appeals by the international community, South Africa refuses to deviate from its indulgence in the practice of apartheid in defiance and flagrant violation of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. th~t they are inflicted on human beings by human beings. The bitter fact. however. is that the minority racist re- gime of South Africa is dominated by an aberrant group of degenerate riffraff who have lost their mental and moral bearings the same way that they have long lost their true origin. Otherwise. how could we think that in the apartheid regime of South Africa there exists a state of savagery and, barbaric treatment which is only reserved' for the weak and helpless and which has surpassed aU proportionate norms in the scale of inhuman treatment: Who could imagine the detention, imprisonment.and savage 252. In this regard we commend the Special Committee and debasing treatment against children and pupils whose,' against Apartheid for the active role it has been playing to only crime was their courageous struggle for equality in bring about major successes in the international ongoing education and against the humiliation of apartheid. The 251. Perhaps the only language that the racist ~gime of South Africa can understand is that of negative persua- sion. In this context it has become clear that any reason- able and positive approach intended to persuade the South African regime to desist from its practice of apartheid h~s proved impossible. Thereafter it has become imperative to intensify all international campaigns. whether potential or active in nature, to isolate the South African racist re- gime. 253. We are encouraged that the Conference expressed its deep conviction that the situation in South Africa and southern Africa as a whole concerned all Governments, organizations and humanity as a whole, and in this regard called for concerted action in the mobilization of full sup- port for the people of South Africa to enhance and accel- erate their legitimate struggle for self-determination, free- dom and national independence. My delegation declares its full support for the Conference in its reaffirmation of the international recognition that the struggle of the South African people for the elimination of apartheid and for the establishment of an independent democratic State, ir- respective of race, colour or creed, is their God-given right. We are very pleased to associate ourselves with the Conference's adoption of the Paris Declaration on Sanc- tions against South Africa and the Special Declaration on Namibiall and we declare our support for their speedy im- plementation. 254. We express our complete support and solidarity to the people of South Africa, in their long and bitter strug- gle for their freedom and independence. The Republic of Djibouti vehemently denounces the policy of grouping the South African people in the programme of bantustaniza- tion and condemns the creation of the so-called constella- tion of South African States, which should be rejected and dismantled completely before they lead to systematic subjugation of those people. We deplore and condemn the criminal acts of terrorism. subversion and aggression by the racist regime of South Africa against neighbouring in- dependent sovereign States; we also condemn the mas- sacres of refugee women and children and the kidnapping of other refugees from those States; and we declare that those States have the legitimate right to protection against the repeated acts of intimidation. armed attacks and ag- gression by the South African racist regime. 255. We have now become accustomed to hearing that South Africa has ruthlessly committed every crime under the sun against the innocent people of South Africa. The acts of injustice and the atrocities committed in that part of Africa are so incalculable that one would not believe 257. South Africa's uncompromising state of aggression has been expressed by its ongoing and increasing collab- oration with Israel in political, military, nuclear, eco- nomic and cultural activities. That is a very dangerous precedent which should be collectively condemned by the whole peace-loving community of the world. 258. Accordingly, while my delegation condemns such collaboration, we are pleased to register our appreciation that the Special Committee against Apartheid has kept the matter under constant review and has reported it to the General Assembly and the Security Council for action. We are disappointed, however, with the past failures of the Security Council to impose effective mandatory eco- nomic sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter to force the South African regime to terminate its acts of aggres- sion against the black African majority in South Africa. Such failure emanating from the Security Council has added an impetus to the stubborn arrogance of South Af- rica and has encouraged it to intensify its policy and style of repression and suppression of the black African. If this passive action on the part of the Security Council had any positive purpose, it did not in any way bring any change in the indiscriminate violence being perpetrated against peaceful demonstrators resisting apartheid. in the political trials followed by imprisonment, in the torture of political prisoners, in the murders in detention and the massacres of innocent children asking for equal rights in education, or in the horrors perpetrated against the black African majority under the Pretoria regime. 259. Under these circumstances, we strongly believe that any peaceful change in South Africa can be brought about only by the international imposition of comprehen- sive and mandatory economic sanctions on South Africa. We also believe that it is high time that all nations- including the big Powers-come to agree on the modalities of imposing on South Africa the appropriate sanctions as provided for under Chapter VII of the Char- ter, since that is the most appropriate and effective means to ensure that South Africa abandon its lawlessness and comply with the decisions of the United Nations.

The General Assembly has been discussing th" item under consideration today for decades, but that has not served to lessen the attention paid by the United Na- tions, the OAU, the non-aligned movement and many other international forums to the abominable policy of apartheid. which has been institutionalized by the South African regime, or their repugnance of that heinous prac- tice. 262. Hence, along with the question of Namibia, which we have just considered, the policies of apartheid of South Africa deserve to be given high priority on the agenda of this session of the General Assembly. 263. In disregard of the repeated resolutions of the Gen- eral Assembly, the Security Council and other United Na- tions bodies, this redoubt of the Nazi-Fascist spirit that persists in southern Africa has recently seen an upsurge of activity. The intensification of repression-the waves of detentions, summary trials, political assassinations, killings and genocide-goes hand in hand with the accel- eration of the fraudulent system of bantustanization, which seeks to split the people of South Africa into tribal enclaves, with the declared intention of perpetrating the supremacy and control of the racist regime over the over- whelming majority of the South African population. 264. Freedom, peace, security and progress in South Africa and throughout southern Africa will not be attained until the system of apartheid has been crushed and re- placed. by a democratic State in which the fundamental rights and the full dignity of man are guaranteed. These just aspirations of the people of South Africa, of all the peoples of that continent and of the international commu- nity as a whole daily encounter the obstacles which are persistently set up by the same interests that gave rise to that diabolical system of exploitation, repression and ra- cial oppression. . 265. The apartheid system' established in South Africa and extended to the Territory of Namibia, which is il- legally occupied by the Pretoria racists, has not only made it easier for transnationat corporations to control, exploit and plunder both peoples and their natural re- sources but also converted South Africa into a strategic bulwark of the global policy of imperialism. In this con- text, it is necessary to denounce the well-known plans and attempts of imperialism to bind South Africa, along with some of the most reactionary and Fascist-like re- gimes of South America, into an aggressive military al- liance pitted against the national liberation struggle of the peoples of both continents, and to install imperialism throughout the South Atlantic region. 266. The continued political, diplomatic, economic and military support of certain Western Powers, known to all, and particularly of the United States, has made it possible for the Pretoria regime not only to maintain the system of apartheid and to perfect its repressive machinery, but also, in disregard of Security Council resolution 418 (1977), to increase its war potential, including its plans for nuclear development, an area in which the Zionist re- gime of Israel, the counterpart of the South African rac- ists in the Middle East, is playing a' primary role. 267. The development of the nuclear weapon by the apartheid regime is a parti~ularly serious danger, pre- cisely when the repeated vetoes of the Western States permanent members of the Security Council have permit- ted the frequent breaches of the peace committed.tq the South African racists and their systematic aggression against the front-line States to be carried out with im- 269. My delegation pays a well-deserved tribute to the front-line States, the reliable rearguard of the southern African liberation movements, for their valiant contribu- tion to the cause of African freedom and independence, and reiterates its unswerving support for ANC and for the Sou~h West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] of Namibia. 270. . The oppressed people of South Africa, despite the massive and brutal repression they are confronting, have won major victories in their heroic struggle to eradicate the inhuman system of apartheid in their country and to create a new society based on freedom, equality and full respect for human dignity. In this difficult task, the na- tional liberation movement of the South African people has also, at enormous cost, been helping to eliminate once and for all the last vestiges of colonialism from Af- rican soil and to wipe out one of the most dangerous hotbeds of tension in the world. 271. The cause of the South African people has become the cause of all humanity. The ignominious policy of apartheid. both internally and in its aggressive and ex- pansionist manifestations towards the other African coun- ~es, is an unbearable affront to mankind. 272.. The General Assembly-in keeping with the dec'" larations of the eighteenth session of the OAU Assembly and of the non-aligned movement, in particular the agree- ments reached at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana in 1979, the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in 1981. and the special ministerial meeting of the Co-ordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Countries, held at Algiers in April of this year-must energetically condemn the com- plicity of the Western Powers and Israel with the apartheid regime. Secondly, it must call upon the Se- curity Council to adopt, without further delay, compre- hensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter, in order to isolate it and force it to abandon its present course of conduct. Thirdly, it must endorse the resolutions and recommendations of the International Conference on Sanctions against South Af- rica. Fourthly, it must reiterate the solidarity and support of the international ccmmunity for the struggle being waged by the heroic people of South Africa and their national liberation movement, ANC, together with the front-line States, in particular the People's RepCIblic of Angola, which is now a victim of large-scale aggression by the South African racists. 2~/9. Apartheid is a social policy which has been completely rejected by the international community. It has been condemned in almost every international organiza- tion, at every international meeting an.i conference. Pub- lic opinion has been mobilized very broadly against it, even within the borders of the main allies of South Af- 273. Consistent application of the decisions and resolu- rica. All these efforts are both a factor and a result of the tions of the United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned fact that, as far as the situation in South Africa is con- movement will make an unquestionable contribution to cerned, there is· a most solid consensus on the need to the final eradication of the policy of apartheid from change the prevailing situation. Whereas it took more than South Africa, assist the liberation movement's struggle, 200 years to arrive at almost general acceptance of the reduce the sufferings and sacrifices of that country's he- decolonization process. it has taken only a few decades roic people, and necessarily serve to strengthen interna- for most Governments to agree that apartheid cannot con- 275. Finally, I wish, on behalf of my delegation, most sincerely to congratulate the Special Committee ag"inst Apartheid on its resolute endeavours to further the just cause of the people of South Africa and I must express our deep conviction in the final victory of the patriots of ANC.

I wish to pay a tribute, on behalf of -my delegation, to the Special Committee against Apartheid for its untiring efforts to eradicate the racist policies and practices of Pretoria. The problem of apartheid is one of the cruelest manifestations of domination and exploitation of our time. Most of the population of the territory is condemned to separation and gradual annihilation, to the denial of their fundamental human rights and to the sys- tematic blocking of any prospect of change or genuine improvement. 277. South Africa, since its inception, has been con- ceived of by it allies and by itself as an extension and enclave of the Western Powers. Similarly, its own exis- tence depends o.n the support, material and political, that it receives from its allies. The strategic importance and the economic potential of southern Africa have been of primary interest since the arrival of the early colonizers. Situated on the most important shipping routes and being rich in minerals, it constitutes a fundamental complement for countries alien to the region, with whose objectives it fully concurs. This situation of mutual complementarity tends to be strengthened as time goes on and the interests of both sides grow stronger-an interaction which conse- quently has been disproportionately strengthening the Pre- toria regime. 278. The South African regime, with the support of its allies, has managed to establish a high level of technical autonomy and, what is most dangerous for the neigh- bouring States, military autonomy. At present the military capacity of South Africa is already excessive, not only in terms of defence but also by comparison with all the other countries of the region. The existing military im- balance and the constant threats and acts of aggression against neighbouring States have made the region one where an attempt is being made to impose forms of inter- national coexistence tile rejection ef which constitutes one of the basic principles of the Organization. 28I. Who today. where, why alld on the basis of what interests, defends the apartheid regime? The apartheid regime, that new version of feudal systems designed to keep the best lands and guarantee cheap captive labour, is today still defended with blood and fire, by minorities that advocate the superiority and natural eminence of one race over another. But this is happening not only in one corner of southern Africa but also in various places throughout the world-some not so far from here-as a reminder and a proof of an opprobrious past, which still persists in the form of aberrant prejudices and actions. In a world which calls itself civilized. in a society which claims to be democratic, this regressive manifestation can be explained only by irresponsible tolerance or by deliber- ate complicity, which in reality can reflect only an inten- tion to perpetuate privilege. 182. No alleged legality, no so-called respect for free- dom of expression or for political organization. can be invoked either in the international community or within the borders of a State, whatever it may be. as being above the principles of equality, justice and human dignity. which history has confirmed in the conscience of modern man as irreducible and universal values. 283. The ideology of apartheid is still the worst form of barbarism, the most serious moral crime and the most ominous social threat hanging over the precarious peace of our time. In truth. it reflects overt or covert aspirations to military supremacy and world hegemonism. Apartheid is an open door to the ideology of ·'final solutions". to militaristic elitism. the discrediting of reason and the praise of force, and to attempts to legitimize war econo- mies. the arms race and war itself. 284. We cannot be deceived. The survival of a regime such as that of apartheid in a country like South Africa is possible today only because its roots and ramifications still subsist in the main centres of power and in the last bastions of the colonial culture of the West. 285. How long will the international community con- tinue to be incapable of dealing with this potentially im- mense threat to world peace, namely the existence of apartheid with its fearsome network of multinational al- liances ranging from the economic and ideological fields to the strategic and military fields. including nuclear weaponry'? 292. Today. almost two decades after the Special Com- mittee was established. the need for concerted action by 286. Three quarters of the population of Mexico ~ is the world community to eradicate apartheid has never "mestizo", or of mixed origin. That explains why my been more apparent. It is clear that the racist policies of delegation, whose Government promotes racial and na- the minority regime are being brought to bear more heav- tional integration within the framework of a proud and ily. with each succeeding year. on the lives of the non- ancient mixed-race culture, remains firmly convinced that whitf: majority. Repression and terrorism against all who the international community must act decisively and reso- oppm.e apartheid escahte daily. We learn from press re- lutely to put an end to apartheid. Firm and increasing ports of the continuing intimidation by banning. imprison- rational and sustained pressure, joint concerted effec.tive ment and even murder of trade unionists. students. re- action is what is being demanded with an urgen~y that ligious' aders and other supporters of a just and open cannot be put off not only by the immense majority of the society.n South' Africa. At the same time. the gross in- . ~~::::.:::an penple bntal::b~:I::~=-::n,:~aj=:I~O~:=~~S:C:.:f::~ .b:nIUSlanSCh.e:e..o~crates..~ith.:~:r ·more : 288. Although the United Nations has not yet been able to take substantive action in support of the oppressed peo- ples of South Africa to break free from the brutal grip of apartheid, there has been noticeable progress in recent years, and particularly over the past 12 months, in estab- lishing and shaping international mechanisms to combat the racial policies of South Africa. Through a wide variety of conferences and by regular contacts. significant pro- gress has been made in mobilizing international support for the campaign to eradicate apartheid. That support has been particularly evident at the grass-roots level of non- governmental organizations and concerned individuals, but it has also been shown in the constructive attitudes of States towards United Nations resolutions on apartheid. 289. My delegation heartily welcomed the strong sup- port given during the past year to initiatives of the Special Committee on questions such as reinforcement of the mandatory arms embargo against South Africa, ending fi- nancial and econom~c support for the racist regime and enlarging the role of the mass media in the international mobilization against apartheid. The International Con- ference on Sanctions against South Africa held in Paris last May was particularly significant since it elicited important support and publicity for a central aspect of the international campaign. 290. There has indeed been a world-wide stirring of the public conscience about the situations in South Africa and Namibia, along with a growing understanding of the rea- .sons behind United ~ations efforts to persuade Govern- ments to discourage all trade, financial, military, tech- nological, nuclear, diplomatil: and cultural and sports contacts with South Africa until it ends its racial policies. 291 . All these activities and trends reflect the interna- tional consensus that the policy and practice of apartheid in South Africa confronts humanity with a challenge that is without parallel. No Member State can claim to be ig- norant of the inhumanity, degrading nature and injustice of the racist system imposed on South Africa's non-white majority by its ruling minority regime. 293. The tyrannical apartheid structure is being fran- tically shored up by a repressive police-State apparatus, by a massive military machine and by a nuclear-weapon capability acquired to suppress and intimidate the libera- tion struggle in the Republic and in Namibia, and to ter- rorize neighbouring States. 294. The internal policies of the apartheid regime were considered by the Security Council to be a threat to re- gional and international peace and security long before they had reached their present state of implementation. Today, when the blueprint for apartheid has been trans- lated into grim reality, when South Africa continues its illegal occupation of Namibia in flagrant violation of in- ternational law, and when it wages a war of aggression against the people of Namibia. and against the neighbour- ing States which support their legitimate struggle, the Se- curity Council has an inescapable responsibility to deal with South Africa's dangerous breaches of the peace in the region and its serious threat to international peace and security. 295. In view of this situation, the steadily increasing co- operation South Africa has received from its main trading partners over the past two decades, and continues to re- ceive in the economic, financial, military, technological and nuclear fields, constitutes a shameful record. The col- laboration of these States and of certain transnational cor- porations with South Africa in precisely those areas where .the entrenchment of apartheid can be affected is, of course, the major obstacle to the elimination of this evil system. This collaboration is particularly dismaying when it is expressed in vetoes by permanent members of the Security Council of anti-apartheid resolutions which have been adopted by overwhelming majorities of the General Assembly. 296. The International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa rightly emphasized the gravity of the situa- tion caused by South Africa's repressive internal policies, by the escalation of its military aggressions against the people of Namibia and neighbouring States, and by the encouragement South Africa receives in its aggressive policies through the wide-ranging assistance of its trading partners. 297. My delegation gives its unqualified support to the call of the Conference for the imposition on South Africa of comprehensive economic sanctions under Chapter VU of the Charter, including an oil embargo. In our view, these measures constitute the minimum response com- mensurate with the responsibility of the United Nations towards the oppressed peoples of South Africa a.nd with its special responsibility in leading the people of Namibia to independence. Comprehen!'ive economic sanctions would be an essential complement to the struggle of the people of South Africa and of Namibia for freedom and a means of shortening and minimizing the dangers and suf- fering inherent in that struggle. 298. It is pertinent to recall that as far back as 1964 the Group of Experts established in pursuance of Security Council resolution 182 (1963)9 was of the opinion that economic sanctions were not only a legitimate response to ._: SO'llh AfriCa'S_I:I=~IgenCe~ov~~~s_._~:d_'~~'t:o:les but 299. My delegation calls urgently on those States, as we have done in the past, to meet and to consider amongst themselves what mutual arrangements they could make to enable them to respond to the call of the world commu- nity for the imposition of sanctions against South Africa. 300. We note with satisfaction the unilateral action al- ready taken by individual States and by groups of States to carry out selective sanctions pending action by the Se- curity Council. We hope that in the year ahead, which will undoubtedly be proclaimed as the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa, this trend will continue. However, the major responsibility for peaceful but firm and effective action remains with the Western and other States which continue to give moral and material support to the apartheid regime. They should have no doubt that the alternative to concerted in- ternational action under Chapter VU of the Charter is an escalation of the conflict, with incalculable consequences for S~''Jth Africa and for the world.

At the thirty-sixth session of the General As- sembly, Member States are again considering the problem of apartheid, on which the Government of Argentina has expressed its opinion both here and in other international bodies. 302. On this occasion, the Republic of Argentina wishes once again to express its complete and utter rejection of the apartheid regime and all forms of racial discrimina- tion. This is not the first time in history that the interna- tional community has had to face such a situation, and we are clearly convinced that all the regimes of discrimina- tion, regardless of the reason for which they came into being, are <jystems of injustice and political and social oppression. They not only adversely affect the coexistence and morale of the entire international community but also generate lasting conflicts and suffering, thereby posing a threat to international peace and security. 303. In the face of this situation, which we denounce year after year and which is hardly unfamiliar to the in- ternational community, we consider it of importance for the United Nations, basing itself on the purposes and prin- ciples of the Charter, to consider the most appropriate and urgent measures that could be adopted in order finally to eliminate the apartheid regime. ·the existence of which thus far has proved to be a source of conflicts which have extended beyond the borders of the nations directly in- volved and which is merely a prelude to the aggravation of an already painful and unjust situation. 304. In the light of the foregoing. the.eradication of the apartheid regime and of all forms of racial discrimination has become a moral and political imperative. Hence the international community must not spare its efforts Oi' shun its responsibiliti~s. 305. In this regard, we feel that an effective contribu- tion has been made in the adoption of decisions by the International Conference on Sanctions against South Af- rica, organized by the United Nations in co-operation with the OAU. The Republic of Argentina attended that 306. Similarly, in a further demonstration of our con- tinual support for the legitimate interests and aspirations of the peoples of Africa to promote the elimination of racial discrimination and achieve genuine independence for Namibia, the Government of Argentina was pleased last May in Buenos Aires to receive, in response to our invitation, a consultative mission of the United Nations Council for Namibia. At that time the Republic of Argen- tina had the opportunity of expressing its genuine support for the independence plan for Namibia, in accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). 307. The Republic of Argentina, as we have said be- fore, has made clear within the framework of the United Nations and other international bodies its lasting support for international thinking and activities opposed to the apartheid regime of South Africa, not only in statements or rhetoric or by applying decisions adopted by interna- tional organizations but also through provis:ons adopted within our domestic legislation, such as those announced before the General Assembly at its thirty-fifth session in 1980. Hence we deeply regret that the Special Committee against Ap.artheid in its report to the General Assembly [A/36/22 and Corr.l], made no mention, following para- graphs 62 to 65, of the letter dated 22 June 1981 which the Permanent Representative of Argentina addressed to the Secretary-General [A/36/340] , on the subject of the meeting organized by private organizations and held in Buenos Aires in May of this year, to which were annexed the letter of 15 June 1981 addressed by the Charge d'af- faires, a.i. of the Republic of Argentina to Mr. Akporode Clark, then Chairman of the Speci~l Committee against Apartheid, and the press release of 14 May 1981 issued by the Pennanent Mission of Argentina, which reads as follows: "With regard to press release GAlAP/1212 of 12 May 1981, reproducing a statement by the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid. Ambassador Akporode Clark, the issuance and content of which was not known about in advance, the Permanent Mission of the Argentine Republic to the United Nations is obliged to state the following: ..I . The Argentine Government has no connection whatever with the meeting referred to in the above- mentioned statement, which was to be held at Buenos Aires and, according to some news media. was to be called a ·Symposium on Christianity in the Light of the Social Objectives of Western Religions and of the En- ergy Supply and Strategic Security of the Americas', while according to the sources mentioned by the Chair- man of the Special Committee against Apartheid it was to be a 'Conference on Military Strategy'. "2. In view of the appeal made by the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, and in order to prevent any confusion, it is appropriate to recall the stand constantly taken by Argentina of resolutely and clearly opposing the conclusion of any military pact with South Africa relating to the South Atlantic. "3. Although it does not believe this to be neces- sary in view of its well-known position, the Argentine Government reaffirms once again its condemnation of "4. Lastly, the full and sincere collaboration which the Permanent Mission of the Argentine Repuhlic to the United Nations has always extended and will continue to extend to the work of the Special Committee against Apartheid is well known." 308. The Republic of Argentina will continue to co- operate with the United Nations, and in particular with the Special Committee against Apartheid, in its positive and valuable action to eradicate the unjust apartheid regime. We are convinced that there will be no repetition of the omissions from this year's report, because that would be at variance with the real sentiments and policies which the Government of Argentina has traditionally supported. 309. I wish to conclude my statement by inviting the South African Government to give the matter some thought so that, in accordance with the purposes and prin- ciples of the Charter, it could assume a position which would make it possible to eliminate a situation of blatant violence and injustice in contradiction with the cardinal pr,inciples of peace and development of the international community.

Virtually from the time of its inception; the United Nations h,s maintained an un- swerving commitment to the struggle against apartheid and all forms of racial discrimination, as demonstrated by the efforts of the General Assembly at the first session if} 1946, when the racial discrimination was denounced as a violation of the purposes and principles of the Charter. At that session the AssemQly, in its resolution 103 (I), called for "an immediate end to ... racial persecution and dis- crimination, and ... the most prompt and energetic steps to that end". 311. From that moment, and to this day, the question of racial discrimination as practised by South Africa thmugh its State policy of apartheid has reverberated throughout the world. Apartheid has been condemned by the interna- tional community and has been written about and dis- cussed possibly more than any other anachronistic policy that is still in effect. However, despite all these efforts, South Africa continues to cling to its apartheid policies. Furthermore, it is no less incredible that there continues to exist an opinion in some quarters that the Pretoria re- gime can be persuaded to abandon apartheid without the imposition of mandatory sanctions under the Charter. 312. As the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid indicates, the international community must act against the greatest moral challenge to humanity to- day: to destroy apartheid, and thereby avert a massive threat to international p.;;ace and security. The Special Committee has ~ompiled an impressive record ,. of ini- tiatives undertaken, particularly since the thirty-fifth ses- sion of the General Assembly. These include the Intema- 313. President Soeharto of Indonesia stated in his mes- sage to the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa: "It is important . . . to undertake a new and stronger concerted drive aimed at eradicating apartheid, including the use of comprehensive mandatory sanctions. "10 Indonesia's position has always been to abide by the decisions of the United Nations with regard to sanctions against South Africa and to encourage the Security Council to impose mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of- the Charter. 314. As a member of the" Special Committee against Apartheid. my delegation is. aware that the Pretoria regime has continued its policy of bantustanization, which in ef- fect is a mass revocation of citizenship of the African ma- jority in their own country. It has created fictitious home- lands such as Transkei, Venda and Bophuthatswana as the final solution to the question of majority rule. In ~mple­ menting this policy the regime has forced over 3 million inhabitants to leave their homes. H continues to take op- pressive measures against freedom fighters and all who speak out for their rights. The racist regime refuses to relinquish its control over Namibia and uses its illegal oc- cupation of that Territory as a launching pad for military strikes against the neighbouring States, particularly An- gola, Zambia and Mozambique, because of their support for SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. These acts of aggression are made pos- sible through the ever-expanding military apparatus of South Africa. 315. The Paris Conference on Sanctions agam::;1 South Africa, which was attended by 122 Governments, adopted several declarations that again stress the need for man- datory sanctions. Furthermore, the report of the Special Committee has warned us that without an intensification of pressure on South Africa, the intolerable situation in South Africa will continue unabated. Therefore, my dele- gation fully supports the conclusions reached by the Spe- cial Committee, particularly the recommendation to pro- claim 1982 as the International.Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. In this regard, it should be noted that the most important action of the interna- tional community to date has been Security Council reso- lution 418 (1977), which provided for the arms embargo against South Africa. However, the Special Committee has also concluded that military collaboration between South Africa and certain States and multinational corpora- tions continues, which accounts for a large portion of South Africa's military expenditures that have reached 2,465 million rand in the current year. My delegation feels that additional measures are necessary to ensure ap- propriate implementation of resolution 4 i 8 (1977). 316. A second primary target of the international Year of Mobilization should be to sever all economic and fi- nancial relations with South Africa. While the termination of military, economic and financial relations _is the_most effective means for bringing pressure on South Africa, my delegation believes that the sports, cultural and aca- 318. In conclusion, it is the firm conviction of my dele- gation that the United Nations is in duty bound by the Charter to preserve the integrity of the Organization and totally to eradicate apartheid. We should intensify our efforts to compel the Pretoria regime to abandon the pol- icies of apartheid and aggression and continue in our firm support for the _people of South Mrica until they achieve victory by ending the era of apartheid and racism. In this connection, I should like to reiterate that, for its. part, Indonesia is prepared to co-operate fully with the interna- tional community to adopt effective measures, including mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter.

South Africa's policy of ra- cism has been the concern of the General Assembly since its very first session when the delegation of India brought it to the attention of the Ur.ited Nations in 1946. Since then the United Nations has been involved in a most frus- trating endeavour to secure justice for all citizens in South Africa. The international community has also very rightly recognized apartheid as a crime against humanity. 320. Recognizing the gravity of the situation caused by such a policy of institutionalized segregation, oppression and exploitation, the United Nations has passed over 100 resolutions in connection with apartheid. In 1962" the General Assembly, in its resolution 1761 (XVII), estab- lished the Special Committee against Apartheid constantly to review the practice and policies of apartheid in South Africa and its international repercussions. In 1977, the Security Council, in its resolution 418 (1977), called for an arms embargo against South Africa and, in resolution 421 (1977), established the Security Council Committee to re','i<;;W tiie implementation of resolution 418 (1977) and to recommend measures to make it more effective. An- other landmark in the struggle against apartheid was the International Convention on the Suppression and Punish- ment of the Crime of Apartheid adopted by the General Assembly it1 1973. 321. In spite of these and all other laudable efforts, South Africa tries to circumvent criticism and perpetuate the situation prevalent in its society by the process of ban- tustanization. The apartheid regime in South Africa is setting up independent homelands in the poorest and most underdeveloped areas of the country, to which blacks are then banished. This creates a sil..lation where blacks are being made foreigners in their own country and are de- nied legitimate claims to their inalienable economic and political rights. Furthermore, under this policy, South Af- rica can exploit the black labour force and may conve- niently expel them to their own so-called homelands at any time. 322. In November this year, the Special Committee is- sued a statement noting that South Africa is proceeding with its plan to proclaim the so-called independence of Ciskei on 4 December this year [see A/36170B, annex /1. In this respect, my delegation will heed the appeal of the Special Committee against Apartheid to oppose such a move. This action by South Africa once again reveals its intransigence and its defiance of United Nations resolu- tions as well as of international public opinion. This ac- 323. Bhutan supported the holding of the International Conference on Sanctions against ~out.h Africa. We be- lieve that sanctions, properly applied, will be an effective means to ensure South Africa's compliance with the deci- sions of the United Nations. At the same time, my dele- gation also expresses its regret over the Security Council's inability to take any concrete action against South Africa. So long as South Africa is assured that it will be shielded from Security Council action, it will continue to defy the decisions of the international community. 324. This year, in its report, the Special Committee rec- ommended to the thirty-sixth session of the General As- sembly that I~82 be declared the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. The Spe- cial Committee in its second special report considers that: ". . . the main purpose of the International Year is to make world public opinion aware of the grave situation in South Africa and in southern Africa as a whole and of the declarations of the International Conference so as to mobilize maximum support for comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chap- ter VII of the Charter of the United Nations". [A/36/22/ Add.2, para. 4.] This serves as a succinct statement regarding the purpose of the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa, and it is our hope that the pro- gramme in 1982 will be an effective mechanism for pro- moting the establishment of a just society in South Af- rica. My delegation supports the programme as proposed by the Special Committee [A/36/22 Add.2, annex]. 325. My delegation would like to commend the Special Conmittee for its noteworthy efforts and comprehensive repCirt£ which underscore the threat to international peace and security resulting from South Africa's belligerent at- tituCe and policies of apartheid. 326. In conclusion, I should like to quote an excerpt from the Declamtion adopted at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which states: "Freedom, peace, security and progress cannot be achieved in southem Africa unless the apartheid system of institutionalized racial discrimination, exploitation and oppression is crushed and is replaced by a demo- cratic state whose policy will conform to the principles of the OAU, the non-aligned movement and the United Nations·'.11 327. It is only through joint and individual action on the part of the international community. particularly that of the key Western cuntries. that South Africa can be co- erced into abandoning its policy of apartheid. ,

New Zealand soci- ety is firmly established on the principle of racial equal- ity. Tt.at is the very essence of our existence as a people. Our hiStory is a record of the search for a genuine and creative partnership among the different races which have come to live in our country. New Zealanders-Maori. Pakeha, Polynesians, Asians, all of us-'are a people to- tally committed to~a multi-racial society based on mutual respect, partnership and equality. Our laws do not just 330. It is tragic that South Africa should have rejected the calls by the international community and by the ma- jority of its citizens to dismantle the system of apartheid. The South African response has been derisory. Its first tentative moves towards relaxation of some of the petty apartheid policies have come to a halt, it has persisted in its pursuit of policies, such as the creation of bantustans, which have been utterly rejected by the international com- munity, and in its determination to uphold the apartheid system, the South African Government has engaged in acts of aggression against its neighbours which carry with them the danger of wider conflict. 331. South Africa cannot for long keep the majority of its people in subjugation. Apartheid will eventually be swept away in South Africa. It is a question of how. South Africa has two options-a steady dismantling of the apartheid system law by law, or an inevitable descent into violent conflict. The seeds of conflict ha\Ze been sown. Violence continues to erupt, despite the arbitrary and oppressive measures which the South African Gov- e.rnment has taken to suppress opposition. There will be more violence as long as the apartheid system persists. Time is not on the side of the South African Government. The determination of those who claim their freedom is growing. If there is to be an evolutionary and relatively peaceful solution, the South African Government must begin now to bring about genuine change. 332. New Zealand is "Committed to work with the inter- national community to cnd the apartheid system. We rec- ognize and understand the frustration felt over the gener- ally slow progress towards genuine change in South Africa. We continue to believe, nevertheless, that the efforts of the international community should be directed towards achieving a peaceful solution to the South Af- rican problem. Any other approach will bring great suffer- ing to all the people of South Africa. We believe accord- ingly that the task of the United Nations is to devise ways in which the international community can bring about peaceful but early change in South Africa. 333. For its part. the New Zealand Government has demonstrated its opposition to the apartheid policies of the South African Government in many ways. New Zea- land has no diplomatic representation in South Africa. Our trade with that country is negligible. We co-spon- sored the resolution calling for the end of new investment in that country. New Zealand, has supported and will con- tinue to support the various funds. including the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa and the United Na- tions Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa, which are- directed towards helping the victims of apartheid and promoting their welfare. Long before. the 334. It is against this background that I want to com- ment in detail on the question of sporting contacts with South Africa. The New Zealand Government's policy on this matter is in every way consistent with the Gleneagles Agreement adopted by the Commonwealth Heads of Gov- ernment in 1977. 12 Under that Agreement Commonwealth Governments agreed that they would seek to discourage sporting contacts with South Africa by means consistent with their respective domestic laws and practices. The New Zealand Government has fulfilled that commitm~nt just as it has opserved the basic principles of United Nation., res- olutions on sporting contacts. As the policy was put into practice, it became evident that there was widespread sup- port among sports bodies and individual sportsmen and sportswomen in New Zealand for the principles embodied in Gleneagles. The list of contacts between New Zealand and South Africa since 1917 is, therefore, very short in- deed. Until the recent Springbok rugby tour of New Zea- land there was no contact between national teams of the two countries. 335. The register of sports activities with South Africa, whatever else it purports to do, demonstrates that signifi- cant fact. Only three New Zealand names-two tennis professionals and one golfing professional-appear on the list of those individuals who have had contacts with South ,< Africa in the sporting field. That result was achieved pre- cisely because sporting organizations and people in New Zealand, by their own decisions or in response to the ad- vice of the New Zealand Government, concluded that sporting contacts with South Africa should end. And sporting bodies continue to respond to the New Zealand Government's persuasion. The New Zealand Golf Asso- ciation, the New Zealand Cricket Council and the New Zealand Swimming Association have all in the past few weeks chosen to turn down invitations to play against South African teams. Regrettably, the persistence of one sports body, the New Zealand Rugby Football Union, has obscured a record which few other countries can match. 336. It will be no surprise therefore when I say that my delegation takes exception to paragraphs 149 and 352 of the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/36/22 and Carr.I], which allege that the New Zealand Government did not take firm action to stop the Spring- bok rugby tour. The fact is that the Rugby Union per- sisted with its mistaken policies despite endeavours by the New Zealand Parliament, the New Zealand Government and a majority of the New Zealand people to persuade it to recognize its obligations to New Zealand and to the international community. 337. The Minister for Foreign Affairs repeatedly urged the New Zealand Rugby Union not to proceed with the tour. The Government made it clear that it did not want the Springboks to come. It withdrew its financial grant to the New Zealand Rughy Football Union. Parliament, in an unprecedented move, addressed an appeal to the Rugby Union. It was in the face of these appeals and these actions that the Rugby Union went ahead with its plan to invite the South African Springbok team to come to New Zealand. The New Zealand Government made it 338. The New Zealand Government's policy on the in- dependence of sporting bodies is clear. So too is its pol- icy on the question of visas. These policies go hand in hand. They rest on two principles. The first is the Govern- ment's belief in the responsibility and autonomy of sport- ing bodies. It is l:>oth an expression of faith in the ability, integrity and sense of responsibility of New Zealand's sports administrators and an assurance that decisions on sporting matters will be left to sportsmen and sports- women themselves. In other words, it is a principle based .)0 a commitment to freedom of choice. 339. The second principle is a clear statement that there should be no political interference in sport in any form. In conformity with that principle, it is not~he practice of the New Zealand Government to withhold passports from New Zealand sportsmen and women who intend to travel overseas or to refuse visas to overseas sportsmen and women who are invited to come to New Zealand. 340. In the light of those two principles the New Zea- land Government could not agree to deny visas to the South Africans. To have done so would have been to un- dermine tqe commitment to uphold the freedom of sport- ing bodies to make their own decisions. The Rugby Union clearly made the wrong decision. But that in itself was no justification for withdrawing that freedom to choose. It is, after all, precisely the concept of freedom which the international community, and rightly so, is de- termined that all South Africans should enjoy, whatever their race or colour-the freedom to choose their politicaf leaders, the freedom to decide whom they will marry, where they live, where and how their children should be educated, what jobs they wish to pursue and, if I may say so, freedom to choose with whom they want to play sports. It is another aspect of that freedom, upheld in New Zealand but denied to South Africans, that during the Springbok tour New Zealanders were free to protest and to demonstrate their disapproval of the Rugby Union's decision and their abhorrence at and rejection of the apartheid policies practised in the country which the Springboks represented. And they did so, in their tens of thousands. in what were the greatest demonstrations ev~r seen in New Zealand and surely among the greatest anti- apartheid protests held anywhere. 341. In conclusion I should simply like to quote from something the New Zealand Prime Minister said at the recent Commonwealth meeting. It was that H. •• the overwhelming majt?rity of New Zealand sports bodies have accepted the Government's advice against playing sports with South Africa and I believe that there is still great support in the New Zealand community at large for the voicing of our opposition to apartheid in this way. That is because New Zealand is a multiracial democracy in which full equality is guat- ant'~ed to all by law in line with the internationally ac- cepted conventions on human and civil rights." To suggest that New Zealand is soft on apartheid is to': tally at variance with the basic foundations of equality and justice on which our society is based. 343. The right 10 vote does not exist for the majority of the South African population. Although it is a fundamen- tal freedom of any citizen, that is certainly one of the least serious failings one can attribute to that inhuman regime. The forced separation of families and the tr;msfer of populations brought about by the cynical application of the policy of bantustanization constitute a challenge to the conscience of mankind. However, what is most revolting is that the situation has worsened in recent years. Repres- sion has been stepped up alarmingly, and unjustified ar- rests, and the torture of innocent victims-men, women and children-follow one another at an alarming rate. At the present time six patriots belonging to ANC are in dan- ger of capital punishment under the unjust laws of the apartheid regime. 344. The attitude of defiance of that minority regime to- wards the Organization and the international community asa whole is based on the simple fact that it is not completely isolated and to a certain extent feels that it is tolerated and consequently encouraged by influential Members of the Organization. 345. Haiti's position on this question has never faltered. It has always been clear and pr~cise, and whatever the circumstances Haiti will always support the just struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa. The Haitian peo- ple feel directly concerned by thiS'· problem not only be- cause of racial affiliation but also because the problem represents a direct attack on the dignity of man. 346. At the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa in Paris, a large consensus emerged regarding the need to impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions against that regime which, through its wanton and repeated attacks against neighbouring States, en- dangers international peace and security. It is in this con- text that its increased militarization must be interpreted. furthermore, the nuclear activities of that irresponsible re- gime are a cause of grave danger for mankind. 347. South Africa is not in a position to embark upon that outright militarization without outside support. How- .ver, we have difficulty in understanding that Govern- ments which claim to be devoted to the protection of human rights maintain such dangerous and reprehensible relations with a regime universally condemned for its re- pressive character and its irresponsibility. We must unfor- tunately note that those same States are reluctant to imple- ment the resolutions in the adoption of which they had played a large part. Notwithstanding the adoption of Se- curity Council resolution 418 (1977) providing for a man- datory embargo on arms to South Africa, the military ca- pabilities of the apartheid regime have since then increased at an alarming rate. My delegation would like once again to make an urgent appeal to the permanent members of the Security Council to act in accordance with the Charter and allow the sanctions envisaged in Chapter VII of the Charter to be applied against ·South Africa. That would be one of the most important factors 348. Resistance within South Africa is being in- creasingly organized on a determined basis and the brutal repression resorted to by the South African authorities only strengthens the resolve of those who are fighting. Many examples confirm this opinion and history will once again follow its inexorable course. However, unless all States redouble their efforts to deal the final blows to the iniquitous system of apartheid and put an end to the suffering of the oppressed people of South Africa, we fear that the parties concerned may resort to extreme measures and that the conflict may then spill over the borders of South Africa and extend to the whole of the African con- tinent and even beyond. The risk of a generalized con- flagration cannot be ruled out in view of the nuclear po- tential possessed by the irresponsible regime in South Africa. 349. There is no doubt about the legitimacy of tl:e struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa. That is why we call on all members of the international commu- nity to side with those who are struggling for justice and dignity. The unanimous adoption and the effective imple- mentation of the recommendations of the Special Commit- tee against Apartheid and of the draft resolutions submit- ted on this agenda item would constitute an important victory not only f(lf the oppressed people in South Africa but also for all mankind.

Once again, the Gen- eral Assembly is called upon to deal with the apartheid policies of the Government of South Africa. The resr'lnst:' of the international community is clear: the Uaited Na- tions firmly rejects those policies and requests an immedi- ate end to this institutionalized violation of human rights and human dignity. To single. out the policies of South Africa year after year is justified as long as the system of apartheid has not been dismantled. 351. The position of the Gu,-.;rnmen. and people of Finland on apartheid is clear and remains unchanged. We categorically denounce all forms of discrimination and segregation based on race, creed or colour. For us, apartheid is to be condemned for its total incompatability with our Nordic conception of justice, equality and dig- nity of the human being. 352. While respect for human rights is far from perfect in any country, apartheid constitutes the most systematic and massive violation of basic human rights anywhere. It stands in complete contradiction with the principles of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. On this, the whole international community is united. The system of apartheid practised by the South African Gov- ernment is a continuous challenge to these basic norms and therefore to the international community as a whole. 353. By clinging to its archaic policies of racial discrim- ination, South Africa. has made itself increasingly iso- lated. While the system of apartheid persists, its isolation will only deepen. The so-called reforms, for example, in the field of labour relations are but palliatives, as ineffec- tive as they an~· belated. Only one kind of change will work: the abolition of apartheid. 355. Apartheid stands at the root of most of the prob- lems in southern Africa. Yet, the international community cannot afford to despair in the face of the situation in the ;cgion. Colonialism and racism are anachronistic remnants of the past. The trend in southern Africa is towards free- dom, equality and independence. Angola and Mozam- bique are evidence of this. Zimbabwe has achieved its in- depend~nce and a stable multiracial society through free and fair elections after long years of violence. Namibia is no longer far from that goal. 356. So far the international community has responded to the challenge posed by apartheid by instituting a man- datory arms embargo against South Africa. Thus, for the first time in its history the. United Nations has applied mandatory sanctions against a Member State under Chap- ter VII of the Charter. It is evident, however, that further measures by the Security Council are needed. As one such measure my delegation, together with the other Nor- dic countries, has, since the thirty-first session of ,he General Assembly, sponsored a resolution aimed at pre- venting new foreign investments in South Africa. Such investments are particularly relevant in the context of the substantial increases in the military budget of South Af- rica. In the view of my Government, the Security Council should, as a first step, take decisions aimed at preventing new foreign investments in that country. 357. Internal oppression exercised by the South African Government has been graphically documented in the de- tailed report of the Special Committee against Apartheid. In this connection, I should like to pay a tribute to Mr. Clark of Nigeria for his invaluable services as Chairman of the Special Committee and welcome Mr. Maitama-Sule as his successor, who has already shown his ability to direct the work of the Committee. 358. In the annals of the United Nations the chapter of apartheid has remained open for too long. The sooner it will be closed the better. It will be better not only for the different races in South Africa, no~ only for South Africa itself, but for the world community as a whole.

The system of apartheid. described as a disgrace to hu- manity and a crime against mankind, is unfortunately still on the agenda of the General Assembly. In deciding to continue to take it up, the Assembly must surely be doing so with the intent of defending the noble purposes and principles of the Charter and the highly relevant provi- sions of the many international instruments conceming the defence and protection of basic human rights. 360. The remarkable report that the Special Committee against Apartheid has just submitted to the Assembly is an implacable catalogue of the racial folly of the retro- grade regime that has usurped power in South Africa. In pointing out once again the nature and dangerous ambi- tions behind the intolerable defiance of the supporters of apartheid, that document still manages to give a glimmer of hope, namely, that an ever-widening circle of well- meaning and sensible men are joining together to enable our society to develop in harmony and in peace. 362. The unspeakable acts of morbid racism practised by the Pretoria regime in South Africa are well known to all. The voices that rise up from the martyred cities of South Afric~, such as Soweto, the voices of the victims blindly cut down by the rabble army of the system of apartheid, the incarceration without trial of South African patriots, the systematic practice of bantustanization: all serve to remind us of them daily. 363. The leaders of Pretoria cultivate racial hatred. They undermine the very foundations of democracy and human civilization by depriving the black majority of its most elementary right, which is the recognition of the dignity of man. However, wonden:ul instruments, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Charter of the United Nations, have been adopted by international society to preserve that dignity. 364. Obviously, the South African regime is a master at violating the principles of the Charter. In Namibia, it has denied the people the exercise of their sovereignty; in Azania, it denies the black majority its fundamental rights. The racist regime of South Africa is thus in open conflict with the whole of the international community because it is guilty of deliberate violations of the Charter and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 365. Young people, trade-union organizations, religious and university organizations, as well as non-governmental organizations, have thus been mobilized throughout the world and even in South Africa to inform the world of the nature and seriousness of this conflict. It is in that context that the National Anti-Apartheid Committee of the Re- public of Mali has tirel~ssly been waging, both within and outside our country, a vigorous campaign against the odious system of apartheid. 366. The United Nations, for its part, has no other alter- native than to ensure respect for the Charter, and in par- ticular Article 39, through recourse to the application of sanctions against Pretoria. In order to do that, it is impor- . tant that all resolutions adopted against South Africa be implemented to the letter, particularly with regard to the supply of military materiel, the sale of oil products and the severing of political, economic, diplomatic, cultural and sporting relations. 367. Furthermore, the United Nations should ensure that effect be given to the recommendations of parliamentary organizations, as well as to the decisions adopted by the International Conference on Sanctions against South Af- rica. It is also extremely urgent that the Security Council consider the report that the Coun.;il Cummittee estab- lished by resolution 421 (1977) submitted to it in 1980. 13 ..>68. For their part, the patriots of Azania have valiantly taken up arms to honour their people and to free them from racist oppression in accordance with the sacred prin- ciples of the Charter of the United Nations and of the OAU.

We have heard the last speaker on the list for this eve- ning. 37I. I shall now call on those representatives who have asked to speak in exercise of their right of reply. I would remind members that, in accordance with General Assem- bly decision 34/40I, statements made in exercise of the right of reply are Hmited to a maximum of 10 minutes and must be delivered by speakers from their seats. 372. I now call upon the representative of Iraq. 373. Miss AL-TURAIHI (Iraq) (interpretatioll from Arabic): We all agree that the item under consideration is vital and serious, not only for the continent of Africa, to which we are bound by ties of friendship. fraternity and mutual interest, but for the rest of the world as well. 374. I have asked to speak in exercise of the right of reply in order to answer the observations made at the 77th meeting by the Khome!ni representative, which were a further evidence of his ignorance of the elementary prin- cip~es of debate and of 'lis disrespect for the rules govern- ing meetings, as evidenced by his attempt to divert atten- tion from such a vital and important question. His attempt showed him to be unrealistic and, as is his wont, out of context. 375. The representative of the Khomeini regime has once more spoken of my country in a manner that is inap- pr~priate and that would be unsuitable coming from any representative other than one from his own country. One need only refer to that country's so-called constitution, which states that the presidency of the Republic should be entrusted only to a citizen of Persian origin. out of all the nationalities living in Iran. to see only one of the many manifestations of the racist and chauvinist nature of the Khomeini regime. 376. As for his accusations against my country. every- one knows that such accusations are falsehoods and that even the representative of Iran himself does not believe them. He may be acting in ignorance lr deliberately cov- ering up their racism and the atrocious crimes perpetrated against people of other nationalities living in Iran. such as Arabs. Kurds. Turkomans and Belush. 377. As for the other acts committed by that regime which constitute flagrant violations of human rights. I ~e­ Iieve that everyone is aware of the odious acts committed and the trials staged every day. with capital sentences being imposed on dozens of Iranian citizens. including women and children: and there is thus the bloody liquida- tion of all progressive forces. The regime commits crimes against human rights in the name of Islam. a tolerant re- ligion which has never in its history witnessed such blind and racist fanaticism. It wishes to unke the society back to an era similar to that of the Inquisition. which has. never been known before in the history of Islam. 379. Finally, the representative of the Khomeini regime makes not one statement without making observations against my country which are mere falsehoods. These ideological falsehoods are part of the method adopted by the representative of Iran and by his own Government. Therefore it is not surprising that the representative of such a regime resorts to such falsehoods in order to cover up the plans of his aggressive regime, impelled by racist ambitions dating back in history and aimed mainly at Iraqi interests.

Regrettably, Saddam's re- gime is so deeply involved in the distortion of the truth inside Iraq for the prolongation of its shaky Fascist regime that it expects the whole international community also to buy these cheap and baseless fabrications. My delegation wishes that Saddam's henchmen would open their appar- ently deaf ears and listen. Who is the aggressor, and what is the definition of aggression? According to the Defini- tion of Aggression [see resolution 3314 (XXIX)!.. military occupation, even temporarily and for a short period of time, or the seizing of another's land or part of that land by the us~ of force, is aggression. 381 . The savage military m~chine of the criminal Sad- dam has been occupying Iranian territory from 22 Sep- tember 1980 up to this very moment. in clear violation of all international laws and the Charter. For more than 14 months Saddam's criminal hands have been stained with the blood of thousands of my people. Now that Saddam's demoralized army is ~rumbJing to pieces, by the use of 9-metre long-range rockets it does not even spare de- fenceless civilians, hospital patients or even school- children. 382. I should like briefly to shed some light on the true nature of Saddam's regime and the baseless allegations of its representatives. 383. First of all, in regard to racism. let us see who is racist. Today it is no longer a secret that, parallel with acts of aggression by Israel against P'dlestinians, the Gov- ernment of Iraq set out to expel from Iraq large groups of Iraqi citizens, after the confiscation of their belo'1gings, ~imply because of their racial and ancestral ties with Iran- Ians. 384. The highly insecure regime of Saddam. fearful of the slightest possibility of opposition. has continuously shipped thousands of innecent elderly and young Iraqi men. women and children to the Iranian borders and dumped those defenceless people in a manner very sim- ilar to the unloa~ing of bricks and masonry and .Ieft them unprotected in severe conditions. 386. With regard to the issue of arms sales, let us dis- cuss briefly who is buying from whom and for what rea- son. 387. Saddam's henchmen expect the whole world com- munity to believe this fiction fabricated by a single re- porter in a British newspaper heavily financed by the Ba'athist regime for the publication of news in favour of Saddam's regime and against the Islamic Revolution of Iran. I will not dignify this clownish allegation by Sad- dam's regime any further, since we have already published documented proof of this under-the-table deal between the two parties through a Swiss bank. I might also point to the recent statements made by the Palestine Liberation Organization's Ambassador in Teheran, who refuted that baseless allegation and considered that Ba'athist rumour to be nothing but another part of the continued conspir- acies of the imperialists against the Islamic Revolution of Iran. 388. According to undeniable documented facts, found in Israel's so-called Embassy in Teheran during the reign of ;y the deposed Shah, the Iraqi security and information organization has been co-operating deeply with the notori- ous Mossad of Israel and the vicious SAYAK of the de- posed Shah. 389. How shameless was Saddam when, in conformity with American and Zionist foreign policy, he said, at the beginning of 1980: "Now is not the time to put hand upon hand and witness the Revolution of Iran. Now is the time to take the most advantage possible of the weakened state of Iran and attack Iran in one fell swoop." For almost 14 months he has been trying to do that and he cannot do it. This comment becomes more meaningful when we hear the statement m"ade by the Zionist leader. the terrorist Menachem Begin, who said that he was very happy when Iraq attacked Iran. Quite expectedly, Ezer Wdzman of Is- rael said, "We could never have designed a better plan for Israel than Iraq's attack on Iran". 390. Since the Zionists and the United States imperi- alists cC"lld not attack Ira-n-directly, tfiey resorted to their savage indirect attack after all of their other conspiracies, whether economic sanctions, the partial invasion of Iran or the instigation of internal subversion, miserably failed. 39I. May I add one more statement, that of Brzezinski, the Security Adviser to the Carter Administration, who said: "America in a total way is out to change the direc- tion of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and in order to do this we must give complete support to Iraq." Also, the ex-Secretary of State under the Carter Administration, Ed- mund Muskie, said: "Iraq in the future will play an important role for the East and West of the region." No wonder the American and Zionist officials are so happy and so interested in the fact that Iraq attacked Iran. 393. Saddam's representative claims that the refugees in Iraq who were kicked out of the country were aliens, non- Arabs and non-Iraqis. 394. Miss AL-TURAIHI (Iraq) (interpretation from Arabic): I have asked to speak to say that the represen- tative of the Khomeini regime has raised point'i which have nothing to do with the item under consideration. As for the allegations he has been making, they are mere falsehoods, because Iraq has stated its case more than once before the organs of the United Nations since the begin- ning of the Iranian aggression against Iraq on 4 Sep- tember 1980. 395. As for the violations and aggression committed by them, there is a complete file and documents on those aggressions. Everyone knows how Iraq has responded positively to the efforts aimed at reaching a peaceful and just solution. It is a well-known fact that Iraq has co- operated positively with all those who have exerted such effo~:s. It was Iran which frustrated those efforts and con- tinues to frustrate them, because the followers of Kho- meini wish to perpetuate aggression in order to portray themselves as rulers of the area. 396. As for his allegations concerning those who were exiled from Iraq, those who were not Iraqis-this became clear from the statement of the Iranian representative, who said that they were sent out of the country due to the fact that they were of foreign origin-they were sent out of the country because they had entered Iraq on an illegal basis and in violation of all the laws recognized by all the world. 397. Finally, his attempts to cover up the collaboration of his regime with the Tel Aviv regime and the South African regime is no strange matter, because birds of a feather flock together.

First of all, in regard to the refugees from Iraq, which the representative of Iraq called of foreign origin, alien to Iraq, my question is: why all of a sudden did they realize there were tens of thousands of so-called illegal citizens who, according to Saddam's regime, were sometimes terrorists, sometimes aliens and sometimes given other names, who, by the way, interestingly enough could never speak one word of Persian? Why were they all dumped in an inhuman man- ner like masonry and dirt near the border and left to the severe climate without any protection? May I ask the Fas- cist regime of Saddam Hussein why innocent Iraqi cit- izens were sent towards Iran through heavily mined roads to their death? 399. In terms of Iraq's positive co-operation and Iran's frustration, may I remind the representative of Iraq that 400. Because of time limitations I cannot go further. I want to end my statement by saying that the Iraqi regime should abandon hypocrisy and face reality. 1 Ibid., Thirty-third Session, Plenary Meetings. 82nd meeting. .\ Ibid., Thirty-!"ifth Session. Plenary Meetings, 92nd meeting. paras. 184-186. ~ See AlAC.I09/672. para. 37. ~ The delegations of Botswana. Jordan and Lesotho subsequently j,.- fonned the Secretariat that they had intended to vote in favour of the draft resolution. It See Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid <United Nations publication. Sllles No. E.77.XIV.2 and Corrigendum), sect. X. III See A/CONE 107/8, annex VIII. I1 See A/34/542. annex. para. 78. 11 Commonwealth Statement on Apartheid in Sports. See Final Com- munique of the Commonwealth Heads of GOI'ermnelll Meeting ill London, 8-15 June 1977 (London. Commonwealth Secretariat. 1977). pp. 2'1-22.