A/42/PV.39 General Assembly

24.  THE SITUATION IN KAMPUCHEA (a) REPORT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (A/42/608) (b) DRAFT RESOLUTION (A/42/L.l) (c) REPORT OF THE FIFTH COMMIT'rEE (A/42/653) Mr. KIILU (Kenya): My delegation is speaking in this debate to address the important question of the situation in Kampuchea and underscore what Kenya has all along considered to be crucial in the efforts to find a solution to the ongoing conflict afflicting the people of Democratic Kampuchea. It is a tragic fact that Kampuchea was invaded by Viet Nam on 2S December 1978 and Viet Nam continues to occupy it to this very day. The invasion and occupation constitute a gross violation of the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, to which we all subscribe. The occupation forces, under the full direction of their mentors, installed a proxy Government of their own, thus depriving the people of Kampuchea of the right to determine their own affairs. It created a situation which, in essence, amounted to wiping out the existence of the free and sovereign State of Kampuchea. Ever since, Vietnamese troops have stayed illegally in Kampuchea despite the repeated calls by the General Assembly for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from that country. Our Organization should not tolerate such a situation and should continue to condemn it until those foreign occupation troops are withdrawn. We consider that intervention in and occupation of any State cannot be justified, for there can never be any just reason for one state to deny another state the right to independent existence. It cannot be said that there has been no search for a durable solution to the Kampuchean problem. Numerous united Nations resolutions and the Declaration of the International Conference on Kampuchea, in 1981, have set out all the elements of and defined the framework for a comprehensive, just and lasting solution. Furthermore, the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, on 17 March last year, put forward an eight-point proposal, embracing United Nations resolutions, as a basis for discussions leading to a political settlement of the Kampuchean problem. Despite all these endeavours, no solution has been found. Meanwhile, the people of Kampuchea continue to undergo untold suffering. This Assembly, on, 28 September 1987, was told the following by the Pr ime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea, Mr. Son Sann: "the Vietnamese divisions sent to Cambodia for its so-called liberation, in their blitZkrieg and later in their countless mopping-up operations, razed entire villages, looted and destroyed pUblic and private property, crops, fields and rice fields, and massacred or starved to death hundreds of thousands of Camhodians. With a view to eliminating any kind of resistance to their so-called liberation, the Vietnamese forces did not hesitate to use toxic chemical and bacteriological weapons to suppress all those whom they could not reach with their conventional weapons." (A/42/PV.15, pp. 3, 4) The current political situation in Kampuchea, is to us an extension of Viet Nam, in the sense that the Kampuchean people have been forcibly denied their right to choose their own Government and a de facto regime has been installed in their country and maintained by another State through the use of force. It is in this light that Kenya has all along held the strong view that the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampuchea is a cardinal condition that must be met if a comprehensive political settlement of the Kampuchean problem is to be found. Pending the realization of that objective, Kenya will continue to support the efforts of the member countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and of the United Nations as a whole, in the search for such a settlement. In view of the widespread hardships and sUffering arising from the conflict and hostilities in Kampuchea, the consequences of which have adversely affected the neighbouring countries of the region, Kenya will continue to support the call for international humanitarian assistance to Kampuchean refugees. We will continue to do so until such a time as the legitimate rights of the Kampuchean people are restored. It is our hope that all political factions which are currently locked in battle with the occupation forces will have the opportunity to participate in the shaping of a new, free and independent Kampuchea. In this connection, we welcome the initiative of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea in submitting the eight-point proposal for a comprehensive political settlement of the Kampuchean problem. In conclusion, let me state that Kenya will support draft resolution A/42!L,l, dated 2 Ocotober 1987, which is now before us. Mr. McDOW,ELL (New Zealand): Since Viet Nam occupied Kampuchea in December 1978, resolutions have been passed annually in the General Assembly, calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea and for a peaceful f settlement to be negotiated. These resolutions have not been heeded, despite the support of the overwhelming majority of the members of this Assembly, and the conflict persists today, with consequent and continuing loss of life and human sUffering. New Zealand is again this year sponsoring the draft resolution before the Assembly because we believe the principles it expounds are the key to the peaceful resolution of the situation in Kampuchea. We have consistently supported moves to achieve a comprehensive political settleme~t that will guarantee self-determination for the Kampuchean people and bring peace and stability to the South-East Asian region. Each year the international community witnesses new initiatives in the attempt to find a solution. Thus far none of them has been successful. During 1987 this pattern has been repeated. Despite some evidence of greater interest by influential external Powers, continuing efforts by the Secretary-ueneral and intensive contacts between the interested parties in the region, the situation as this debate proceeds is objectively no different frolR that 12 months ago. The need for a settlement in Kampuchea is obvious. The costs in terms of human life and suffering and of diversion of resources from development to military purposes are self-evident. The political cost of continued conflict in the region, year after year, must also be a consideration. This is not only a national tragedy for Kampuchea, it has detrimental effects on the security, stability and prosperity of the whole of South-East Asia. New Zealand continues to support the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in their stand on this issue. Largely through their efforts, a framework for a satisfactory settlement exists in the resolutions adopted by this Assembly and in the negotiating proposals by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea. What is needed now is consultation, co-operation and compromise between (Mr. McDowell, New Zealand) the parties to the conflict, among which Viet Nam must be numbered. There can be no denying Viet Nam's responsibility for the situation in Kampuchea or its ability to influence the outcome for the benefit of the whole region. New Zealand considers the role of Prince Norodom Sihanouk to be particularly important in the search for a settlement. He has been a pivotal figure throughout the modern history of Cambodia. We believe that he has a central role to play in reconciling the conflicting parties and arriving at a lasting settlement. I wish to reiterate here New Zealand's abhorrence of the atrocities perpetrated in Kampuchea by the Pol Pot regime between 1975 and 1979. It is our belief that Pol Pot and his associates would not be acceptable in a Government freely chosen by the Kampuchean people and should be held to account for their crimes. This draft resolution offers a framework for peace in Indo-China and for self-determination for the Kampuchean people. It reaffirms the rights and protection to which the people of Kampuchea are entitled under the Charter. This draft resolution deserves the support of all Members of the United Nations. , Mr. KANE (Mauritania) (interpretation from French): Next 25 December will mark the ninth anniversary of the occupation of Kampuchea by foreign troops. Nine years of suffering, of displaced people, of exoduses of refugees, will thus have passed without the Khmer people being any tne less resolved in their struggle, thereby demonstrating that no power, however strong, can overcome the fierce desire of a people resolved to preserve their freedom and independence. The prolonged war cannot leave my country indifferent, for we have always advocated settlement of conflicts and problems through dialogue, as is, incidentally, recommended in the Charter of the Organization. In order that this dialogue can be held under the best possible conditions for its success, it is essential that all foreign troops be withdrawn so that the Kampuchean people can exercise freely their inalienable right to self-determination and to independence without outside interference. Faced with this ongoing tragedy, the international community has mobilized to support that people in its just struggle and to ease its suffering. Forced into exile under difficult circumstances, or constantly displaced within the frontiers of the country, the people have demonstrated their courage, but they have also had to undergo, and continue to undergo, circumstances in which they are not in control of their future. The international community as a whole has rejected and continues to reject this situation. In resolutions adopted since the thirty-fourth session the Assembly has constantly called for the withdrawal of foreign troops and for a halt to the occupation in all its forms. Going beyond regular sessions, the international communitY,in 1981 organized an international Conference which dealt exclusively with the situation in Kampuchea and outlined ways and means to arrive at a just and honourable settlement of the conflict, the basic and paramount condition for which would still be the withdrawal of foreign troops. Moreover, wishing not to compromise relations between two peoples of the same region that are obliged by geography to work together and to co-operate, the Coalition Government of Kampuchea, under the leadership of the great patriot Prince Norodom Sihanouk, proposed an eight-point solution for a political settlement of the problem in accordance with many United Nations resolutions and the Declaration of the international Conference. This proposal was put forward on 17 March 1986. It was proof of the greatness and political perceptiveness of the leaders of the Government. The countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), which are also greatly concerned, have offered their good offices, and the Secretary-General is continuing his discreet and jUdicious efforts to try to restore peace and harmony to that martyred part of the world. Mauritania, like the other States of the international community, is concerned at the continuation of the conflict between peoples that would normally be living in harmony. We would thus once again appeal to all the protagonists to act so that a peaceful, just and lasting settlement in accordance with the resolutions and the Charter of the United Nations can quickly be found. Kampuchea, which has suffered so much, needs peace so that its people can freely return home and work to develop their country. This people, which has endured so much suffering, many of whose young persons have grown up in a state of war with its retinue of miseries, must be able to count on the solidarity of other countries. Accordingly, the international community must redouble its efforts, its perseverance and its vigilance so that the sacrifices made by this nation will not be in vain. Mauritania, loyal to its friends, believes that a free, independent, united, peaceful, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea can only strengthen regional cohesion and stimulate the harmonious development of all the countries of South-East Asia. It thus reaffirms its support for the just struggle of the Kampuchean people. We believe that there, as elsewhere in the third world, the only fight worth fighting is that against underdevelopment, deprivation and malnutrition. Like all peace- and justice-loving peoples, the people of Kampuchea too are entitled to peace, full and complete sovereignty in their territory and territorial integrity so that they can devote their energies to the fight for development. Mr. VRAALSEN (Norway): For the ninth consecutive year, the General Assembly is called upon to consider the continuing Vietnamese occupation of Kampuchea. Despite the many efforts that have been made to bring about a peaceful, just and comprehensive political solution, and despite the overwhelming and increasing majority in the General Assembly in support of the united Nations resolutions, the vietnamese forces remain in Kampuchea in clear violation of the United Nations Charter. This reflects a truly sad state of affairs for the international community, for the region of South-East Asia, and, most of all, for the people of Kampuchea who have suffered so much in the past. The Norwegian delegation has repeatedly stressed that the main responsibility for the present situation rests with the occupying Power. Foreign interventions violate the fundamental principles of international law and constitute a grave threat to international peace and security. Just as the world could not condone the former regime in Kampuchea, whose gross violations of human rights caused innumerable deaths and untold suffering, so it cannot acquiesce in a foreign Power's invading and occupying another country. The violations of human rights by the former re9ime in no way give legitimacy to the new regime or to the. way in wnich it was installed in Phnom Penh. My delegation shares the view that an essential first step towards a comprehensive solution to the current situation in Kampuchea must be a firm commitment by the occupying Power to cease all hostilities and to withdraw its forces, thus paving the way for the restoration and preservation of Kampuchea's independence, sovereignty and territorial int~grity. (Mr. Vraalsen, Norway) In our view, the draft resolution which is now before the Assembly, and of which Norway is a sponsor, incorporates the elements of a comprehensive political settlement: first, the total withdrawal of all foreign forces and, secondly, respect for the right of the Kampuchean people freely to choose their own Government. My delegation is confident that the General Assembly will once again strongly reaffirm these basic principles for a solution to the question of Kampuchea. The need for an early political settlement. seems to be recognized by all the parties concerned. OVer the past months the world has witnessed some signs of movement which we hope will develop in the right direction. A political settlement can, however, be achieved only through a process of genuine negotiations without any pre-conditions. In this connection, my Government would like to express support for the efforts undertaken by the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). We also commend the Secretary-General and his Special Representative for their tireless efforts to bring about a negotiated settlement and express our support for their continuing efforts. It is a sad fact that more than a quarter of a million Kampucheans still remain in the evacuation sites on the Thai-Kampucnean border. Though the relative calm in the area last year enabled the various organizations and agencies involved in assisting the border population to consolidate their work and achieve improvements in the fields of pUblic health, nutrition and social welfare, my delegation notes with deep concern the difficulties in creating a secure and humane environment for the Kampuchean population at the border. For as long as the search for a political solution to the problems of Kampuchea goes on there will be a need for assistance to the refugees in the border area. My Government has supported those efforts and we shall continue to do so. We shall continue to assume our fair share of the costs involved in this humanitarian effort. Mr. ONONAIYE (Nigeria): The General Assembly is once again having to consider, as it has at its last eight sessions, the painful, tragic drama of Kampuchea, a country whose people are traumatized by a seemingly endless conflict. The immediate victims of the conflict are the thousands of women and children who have had to bear the brunt of a war they never wanted and from which they could not escape. Driven away from their homes by war, those hapless people have been forced to exist in shelters and refugee camps which, though serving as a temporary refuge, none the less provide no secure future. We are saddened by the situation. Since the inception of the consideration of the question of Kampuchea by the Assembly valiant efforts have been made to cope with the human tragedy attendant on the presence of foreign troops in that historic country. Nigeria warmly lauds the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Special Representative in co-ordinating humanitarian relief assistance to the people of Kampuchea. We note in particular the work of the United Nations Border Relief Operation and of other United Nations and voluntary agencies which, through their services, have assisted in mitigating the disaster visited on the people of Kampuchea. The commendable work of the agencies apart, the Nigerian delegation wishes to put on record its appreciation of the pledges and donations of the many donors at the two multilateral donors' meetings held this year. Their contributions have brightened for a while the seemingly hopeless situation of the 270,000 Kampucheans at the border and the many others inside Kampuchea and Thailand. The refugee problem is closely linked to the presence of foreign occupation forces in Kampuchea. The presence of foreign troops is foremost among the many issues that make the attainment of peace elusive. The presence of foreign troops constitutes clear and gross disregard of the Charter principles regarding sovereign equality, independence and non-interference in the internal affairs of other Member States of the United Nations. Those principles were freely evoKed during the resistance struggle in lnde-China two decades ago. We are baffled and taken aback that a victim of aggression and foreign occupation could itself become an occupying force. We see no reason for the presence of foreign troops in Kampuchea. Their presence not only offends our Charter but taints the heroic image and history of the occupying force. My country, Nigeria, is again calling for the speedy and prompt withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea to enable the people of Karnpuchea to settle their differences uninfluenced by foreign forces and unintimidated by occupation troops. We appreciate the efforts of the Secretary-General and the Ad Hoc Committee of the International Conference on Kampuchea in their quest for peace. We welcome the initiatives taken by States in the region of the conflict to bring together informally Kampucheans and other interested parties. We ask that all parties to the Kampuchean conflict demonstrate the necessary qualities of compassion and determined political will to ensure the success of the informal talks, and speedily work out a peace package that guarantees territorial integrity, independence, sovereignty and self-determination for the people of Kampuchea. A peaceful, free, sovereign and non-aligned Kampuchea is attainable if foreign occupying forces leave Kampuchea to solve its problems and devote itself to development issues. Nigeria lends its support to the majority asking for peace in Kampuchea now. Mr. TSVETKOV (Bulgaria) (interpretation from French): My Minister has already had occasion to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the important post of President of this forty-second session of the General Assembly, but I wish personally to extend my warmest congratulations. I am particularly pleased to do so since I am paying tribute to you not only because you are an experienced diplomat but also because you are a friend and the distinguished representative of a country with which Bulgaria has close and friendly ties. I am convinced that you will successfully carry out your noble tasks as President of the General Assembly. The item now before the General Assembly is of great importance to the establishment of a lasting peace and the strengthening of international security in South-East Asia. A just and positive solution would improve the international climate and serve the interest of peace and security throughout the world. That is why the People's Republic of BUlgaria would welcome the removal of current obstacles to a just settlement of the problem of Kampuchea through negotiation and open dialogue. Accordingly we support any step, any initiative along those lines. The BUlgarian delegation is pleased to note the many positive developments of the last few months that offer good prospects for a just and lasting solution to existing problems in the interest of the Kampuchean people and the other peoples and countries of the region. The policy of national reconciliation proclaimed by the Government of the People's RepUblic of Kampuchea on 27 August last is one of these developments. It provides all the necessary conditions for the reunification of all Kampucheans with a view to establishing a peaceful, independent and non-aligned Kampuchea by developing and maintaining peaceful relations with its neighbours. We hail and support this important and constructive initiative by the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. The People's Republic of Bulgaria also fully appreciates the sincere wish of Kampuchea to do everything in its power to prevent a repetition of the tragedy the Kampuchean people suffered as a result of the genocide to which they were sUbjected in the not too distant past, and this is why we offer them our full sympathy. It goes without saying that any just and lasting solution to the Kampuchean problem presupposes the necessary guarantees in this respect. The Declaration of the People's Republic of Kampuchea of 8 October last on a political solution to the Kampuchean problem is an important document deserving attention from all the interested parties. Its proposals cover the whole range of matters relating to the situation in Kampuchea and outline a realistic path towards their solution, taking into account the interests of all the parties. Bulgaria fully shares the conviction of the People's Republic of Kampuchea expressed in that Declaration that it is on this basis, and with the efforts and good will of all interested parties, that a satisfactory political solution can be found to the Kampuchean problem, in accordance with the highest interests of the nation, and that peace and stability will soon be established in Kampuchea, Indo-China and South-East Asia, thus promoting the cause of world peace. The Bulgarian delegation wishes to emphasize in particular the importance in this respect of the meeting between the Foreign Ministers of Indonesia and the Socialist RepUblic of Viet Nam last July. We highly value the agreements concluded at the end of that meeting, including that on the convening of an informal meeting, on an equal footing and without any pre-conditions, of the two parties, in which other interested countries, including the Socialist RepUblic of Viet Nam, would later participate, on the initiative of Indonesia. These agreements are in keeping with the resolutions on South-East Asia adopted at the Summit Meetings of the Non-Aligned Movement at New Delhi and Harare. The favourable reaction they received within the international community shows that good use should be made of the potential of these meetings. To this end it is necessary that all parties demonstrate greater political responsibility and good will. It is extremely important now not to squander what has been achieved. The People's Republic of Bulgaria welcomes and supports the joint efforts of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic to find to the problems relating to Kampuchea a political solution acceptable to everyone, so that South-East Asia may become a zone of peace, stability and co-operation. The willingness of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to enter into negotiations with the People's Republic of China and with the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), on the basis of equal rights and mutual respect • for the independence, sovereignty and interests of each of those countries, is an important step in this regard. Here I would point out that a further withdrawal of Vietnamese troops is scheduled within the framework of the policy agreed on between the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam on the normalization of the political situation, a policy which has already been demonstrated by the five annual withdrawals of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea. Responding to the proposal of the Indonesian Foreign Minister, and following consultation with the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has indicated that for the first time the withdrawal of a contingent of Vietnamese troops will be carried out in the presence of international observers. The Bulgarian delegation believes that it is extremely important that present opportunities for a just solution of the problems relating to the situation in Kampuchea not be lost. Any simplistic consideration of these problems or any retreat from the positive initial results that have been achieved can be extremely harmful to the Karnpuchean people and to the cause of peace and security in South-East Asia and indeed throughout the world. We must not let this happen. I should like to believe - and here I express the hope of my delegation - that in view of encouraging trends at the global level and certain positive processes that have been seen recently in that part of the world, the General Assembly will be in a position to adopt decisions that will strengthen those trends ana processes and promote a just solution to the problems relating to the situation in Kampuchea. Unfortunately draft resolution A/42/L.l, which has been introduced at this session, does not seem to move along those lines. My delegation will thus not be in a position to support it.* *Mr. Caftete (Paraguay), Vice-President, took the Chair. Mr. ABDOUN (Sudan): Once again the General Assembly is debating the situation in Kampuchea. This in itself is clear recognition of an ongoing important issue that still negatively affects international peace and security and is thus attracting increasing debate in regional and international forums. As we have in previous years, we are addressing ourselves today to a case in which the Charter has clearly been violated. The Charter unequivocally guarantees the inalienable right of all peoples to self-determination, to national sovereignty and to live in peace without the threat of foreign intervention, no matter how well argued its justification or objective. The Sudan has followed the situation in Kampuchea very closely. It contributed to the work of the International Conference on Kampuchea in 1981. It enjoys membership of the Ad Hoc Committee and takes part in its work and activities with the most serious and objective attitude. The unfortunate strife which has continued to plague Kampuchea for many years now has failed to produce any lasting solution for any of the belligerent parties to the conflict. On the contrary, it has resulted in untold misery and destruction, which has affected the entire region and obstructed the social and economic development of its peoples. Kampuchea continues to be subjected to foreign occupation and the presence of foreign troops has in turn created grave humanitarian problems that give r!seta increasing concern. Hundreds of thousands of Kampucheans are displaced, homeless, and forced to take refuge in neighbouring countries, mainly Thailand. Sudan, as one of the largest recipients of refugees in Africa, fully understands the implications of the presence of Kampuchean refugees in Thailand. We share the legitimate concerns of the Thai Government and call upon all Members of this Organization ta rally to the aid and support of the Kingdom of Thailand. J We share .the view that no just and lasting solution of the Kampuchean conflict can be achieved without the total withdrawal of the foreign troops, after which national reconciliation, the restoration of the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea and the exercise of their right to self-determination, without any foreign interference, can be achieved. We appreciate all the efforts being exerted by the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). We commend the Secretary-General of our Organization and the President of the International Conference on Rampuchea for their tireless efforts. We hold the view that the eight-point peace proposal announced by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, which has already received commendable international support, still represents a reasonable and practical framework for a possible solution to the problem. This would necessitate genuine, positive political will on the part of all the parties concerned. It is our conviction that the proposal contains the practical steps necessary for an overall solution: for example, a cease-fire, the phased withdrawal of foreign troops, and elections under united Nations auspices. The proposal also calls for the establishment of an independent, democratic, united and non-aligned Kampuchea, and, further, call on the entire international community to contribute to the reconstruction of the country as a first and necessary step towards future constructive co-operation among all the States of the region. Prince Nbrodom Sihanouk deserves to be commended for this positive attitude. We have examined with interest the Secretary-GenerAl's report on the situation in Kampuchea (A/42/608), in which he again confirms our convictions concerning a just and durable solution of the problem. He has rightly projected the chronic human SUffering of the Kampuchean people in their search for security under (Mr. Abdoun, Sudan) difficult conditions, which, most regrettably, do not attract the attention of some of the parties directly involved in the dispute. We are glad to note that in his report the Secretary-General states: 11 ••• I have discerned some signs of movement that I hope will develop in the right direction. This impression has been confirmed by the consultations I have recently had in New York." (A/42/60B, para. 11) He also informs us that he has been exploring some ideas recently with a view to elaborating a scenario for the eventual implementation of the elements that seem to be generally acceptable that would be consistent with the Charter and the legitimate interests of all concerned. Those few lines should not escape us. They in particular encourage the minds and hearts of men to entertain certain hopes and feelings of optimism. Our concern continues to be serious. We believe that any further delay in resolving the Kampuchean question will place the peace and security of the whole South-East Asia region in a very explosive situation, thus jeopardizing the interests of all the parties concerned. In this context, we commend the report of the Ad Hoc Committee of the International Conference on Kampuchea (A/CONF.I09/12), dated 10 September 1987. We pay a special tribute to the Chairman of that Committee, Ambassador Massamba Sarre of Senegal, for his wisdom, patience and farsightedness in successfully guiding that Committee's work. The Committee has maintained an active spirit of dialogue and a public awareness of the grave situation in Kampuchea. Its objective has always been the reconvening of the International Conference, with the full participation of all the parties to the conflict. Mr. GUTIERREZ (Costa Rica) (interpretation from ~panish): If one wished to summarize what is happening in South-East Asia one could do so by quoting the famous Mexican poet and essayist, Octavio Paz, who in a general commentary on third-world conflicts said the. following; liThe saddest and most terrible case has been that of Indo-China. The defeat of the united States and its allies immediately gave way to the establishment of a bureaucratic military regime in Viet Nam. The communist government, violently nationalistic, revived the ancient hegemonic claims of Viet Nam and, supported and armed by the Soviet Union, it imposed its domination on Laos and Cambodia by force of arms.· Of course, the item on the situation in Kampuchea is not included on the General Assembly's agenda for the purpose of discussing history. What matters in South-East Asia, as in other parts of the world, is to resolve conflicts, to improve situations, to alleviate the social problems created by conflicts, to make peace, to place international relations under the aegis of international law. Tnus I think that rather than delve into causes I should affirm that I consider the course outlined in draft resolution A/42/L.l, of which we are a sponsor, to be correct. Its goal is not to create polemics, but rather to achieve peace through the withdrawal of foreign occupation forces and to restore respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and neutral and non-aligned status of Kampuchea, as well as the right of the Kampuchean people to self-deterlnination free from outside interference, all of which are rights possessed by all Member States of the United Nations. In a similar resolution, the Assembly expeditiously and by consensus recognized all those rights for the countries of our own region, Central America. I therefore feel the need to appeal for Kampuchea to be given the same treatment: I cannot help but think that in South-East Asia there exists the same yearning for peace as in our region. Difficult as it may be to compare two very dissimilar regions, I believe that the Secretary-General is fulfilling the resolutions of the Assembly and acting in keeping with their basic significance when, before detailing the efforts that have been made, he states: "Since the beginning of 1987, I have continued, in the framework .of my good offices, to seek a peaceful resolution of the problem." (A/42/608, p. 2) On the basis of personal experience, I feel that the Secretary-~eneralis right in saying that the task of creating a secure environment for the border camps remains one of the most difficult issues. Having experienced a flow of refugees towards my own country throughout the Central American conflict, I can say how very difficult it is for any country to receive a large number of refugees from neigbbouring countries when its resources are already inadequate to meet the needs of its own population. I therefore want to pay tribute to Thailand for the generous asylum it has given Kampuchean refugees, making many sacrifices of all types. I believe that, as the draft resolution states, as long as the present conditions persist in South-East Asia, the United Nations must continue to demonstrate its concern at what is happening there. International public opinion is very important for all the peoples of the world. Hence the great efforts that are made to keep a given problem unaer consideration by making repeated reference to it over the years at every session of the General Assembly. That is why we support the report of the Secretary-General and tbe statements of groups of countries and organizations to the effect that all mankind is duty-bound to prevent the continuation of situations such as that described by the Secretary-General. It suffices to emphasize statistics such as the 270,000 Kampucheans under the care of the United Nations Border Relief Operation, and the 24,000 Kanlpucheans mainly in the Khao-I-Dang holding centre, to see the need for the international community to remain concerned so that all those persons may be duly cared for and so that sane day they may return to their homes. Our view is that in Kampuchea, as in Central America, the solution needs to be sought through the peaceful means of negotiation provided under international law. The initiatives of the members of the Association of South East Asian Nations and the Secretary-General must continue~ In respect of the latter I believe that the Assembly should make special note of the words with which the Secretary-General completes his report: "Since early this year, I have been exploring some ideas, with a view to elaborating a scenario for the eventual implementation of these elements. Such a scenario would, of necessity, have to be consistent with the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and enable the Kampuchean people to determine their own destiny. It Should also take into account the legitimate interests of all concerned and provide for reciprocal steps, in an even-handed and balanced manner. I am determined to pursue this process, once the implications of the recent initiatives and diplomatic exchanges have been clarified. These developments indicate a more active interest in achieving a settlement of this issue through dialogue and negotiations. I sincerely hope that concrete progress will soon be made in this direction, thus opening the way to the restoration of peace and stability in a region that has endured such long suffenng." (A/42!60l:l, p. 5) We share the Secretary-GeneralIs hope that through negotiation it will be possible to resolve this problem. We believe that a massive vote in favour of the (Mr. Gutierrez, Costa Rica) Mr. KOUASSI (Togo) (interpretation from French): The continuing armed intervention in Cambodia and the foreign occupation of Kampuchea are matters of serious concern to the people of Toqo. Accordingly, my country actively supports and is co-sponsoring, as it has in the past, the draft resolution in document A/42/L.I, on the situation in Kampuchea. In so doing, the Government of my country is demonstrating once again the consistency and stability of its positions on the matters of this tormented world, so fraught with tension and riddled with violence. In the past, from this very rostrum, we have dwelt at some length on the reasons for our strong support of the people of Kampuchea in their just struggle against arbitrary actions, faits accompli and the law ot the strongest. I need hardly to recall that those reasons are based on resolute defence of the principles of the Charter of the united Nations, the norms of international law and international relations, respect for national independence, sovereignty, and the territorial integrity of States, non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of States, refraining from the threat or use of force, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. We have observed that the systematic violation of those principles and sacred norms in Kampuchea presents a serious threat to peace and security in the region and the rest of the world, because one thing leads to another and the war might at any moment be extended beyond the borders of Kampuchea and, because of alliances, involve other countries of the region and perhaps the rest of the world in a broader conflict with unforeseeable consequences. My delegation will not dwell any further on the reasons and justifications for the solidarity of the international community as a whole with occupied and invaded Cambodia. We should simply like to draw a few lessons from the situation today in Kampuchea with respect to draft resolution A/42/L.I. The invasion and occupation of Kampuchea, a small, peaceful and peaceable country, by a more militarily powerful neighbour gave r~se to real outrage and apprehension among all the small nations of the world and caused them to wonder about their own future and to consider about the purposes and goals of the United Nations. In this case, as always, they turned to this universal Organization to make a complaint and to seek protection and assistance. The big Powers have their own means of individual and collective defence1 perhaps that is what makes them big Powers. The small nations have to place their trust in the United Nations and have faith that it will guarantee their independence and dignity, their survival and security, their freedom and equality. That is why the situation in Kampuchea highlights with particular clarity the role of the United Nations in this troubled world, so full of insecurity for the small States. And that is the significance of draft resolution A/42/L.l, which is to be put to the vote in the Assembly this afternoon. Now is the time for all nations that express a sincere desire to bring to the United Nations greater prestige, importance and consistency to shoulder their responsibility and ensure that the weaker and smaller nations will not forever have to SUbmit to the whims, caprices and blackmail of those who hold positions of privilege, or to enslavement imposed by brute force and the power of arms. It is reassuring and indeed inspiring to see the brave Khmer people refusing to lay down their arms, to give up, to fall to their knees before injustice. For nine years they have been fighting for their right to live as a free nation, for their own identity, for their honour in survival, for their civilization, their customs and history. The most ardent hope of all justice- and peace-loving peoples, particularly those of the small nations, is that the patriotic war being waged in Cambodia will end in triumph, with Kampuchea freed from the embrace and the implacable iron grip of the forces of invasion and occupation. At the third session of the International Conference on Kampuchea, Mrs. Hedda Ekerwald of the Swedish delegation stated the following: "We in Sweden, a small, neutral, non-aligned country, understand the importance of respect for national independence. We are deeply grateful for your struggle in support of independence~ If you win your freedom, our freedom will be safe and stronger, but ~f you lose your freedom, our freedom and the freedom of all the other countries will be threatened." Nine years of war and of harsh trials have made the Khmer people stronger as they continue their difficult but patient search for unity. The establishment in 1982 of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea was a decisive milestone on this noble path. The increasingly active and massive support that the international community has given that Government is an inexhaustible source of comfort and encouragement not only to the patriots and fighters in Kampuchea but also to all the small countries of the world. The General Assembly regUlarly expresses its support by adopting a resolution calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea. It does so by an increasingly large majority every year. From 91 in 1979, that majority rose to 115 in 1986, and this year we are counting on the Assembly's generous support to raise the number still higher, so as to discourage and deter the conqueror, the invader, the aggressor. But the real solution to the tragedy of Kampuchea will he a political one, ~nd it will necessarily involve the unconditional withdrawal without any pre-conditions of the forces of invasion and occupation. My delegation supports the eight-point proposal put forward on 17 March 1986 by the Government of Democratic Rampuchea for a political settlement of the problem of Rampuchea because it is in acco~dance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the Declaration of the International Conference on Kampuchea, which was held in July 1981. That proposal provides, inter alia, for negotiations between the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam with a view to the total withdrawal of foreign troops, followed hy agreement on a cease-fire under the supervision of united Nations observers; the estahlishment of a quadripartite coalition government of Kampuchea with a view to free elections under the supervision of the United Nations to enable the people of Kampuchea freely to choose their political and social system and their government without outside interference, and the signing of an international agreement to guarantee the existence, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea. I wish to pay a tribute to Prince Norodom Sihanouk who was kind enough to inform us of the new proposals within the framework of the many initiatives he has taken in a spirit of good faith and of goodwill, despite all the outside attempts to divide the Coalition which he leads. Those initiatives, which are in keeping with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly, the eight-point statement of 1986 and the principles of the Non-Aligned Movement, are, in the view of my delegation, a real contribution to the negotiations now under way in this overheated region of South-East Asia. I call upon the Vietnamese authorities to accompany the proposals for a political solution which they have been putting forward for a year now with proof of the good faith that must characterize all serious international negotiations. We believe that such proof would consist in their terminating their military occupation of Kampuchea, withdrawing their occupying troops immediately and unconditionally and ceasing their interference in the internal affairs of that country, as they are called upon to do in all the relevant resolutions of the united Nations. In any event, 1990 seems to us to be too far in the future. It is time for peace, the ultimate goal of our Organization, to return to this sorely tried region of South-East Asia. Democratic Kampuchea needs this peace to face up to the many social and economic development and reconstruction problems. Viet Nam needs this peace to make use of its resources and the assistance provided by its allies and friends for development and improvement of the economic well- being of its people. Finally, all the countries of the region need this peace so that the war strategies imposed on them by the present atmosphere of conflict may be turned into strategies for social and economic development. All the countries of the region are tired of bearing the hurden of refugees. My delegation takes this opportunity to extend warm and sincere congratulations to the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and to express to the secretary-General of the United Nations our respectful thanks for the tireless and sustained efforts he has made both personally and through his Special Representative in the interest of Kampuchea, with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the tragic conflict. We believe that a final settlement of the problem of Kampuchea depends also to a large extent on increased unity among the patriotic forces in their heroic struggle against the invader. That is the key to the final victory. But we very much hope that the Governments of all countries will continue to exert pressure on Viet Nam to compel it to withdraw its troops from Kampuchea. This is in keeping with an extremely relevant comment by Professor Jan Myrdal at the end of the third session of the International Conference on Kampuchea. He said: "While it is true that it is the armed struggle that has determined the support for and international solidarity with Kampuchea, it is also true that that same support and international solidarity has become even more necessary today to force the Vietnamese occupiers to leave Kampuchea." This is the message of peace contained in draft resolution A/42/L.l on the situation in Kampuchea. Supporting that draft resolution means helping to ensure the necessary conditions for the restoration of peace to the troubled region of South-East Asia. Because we believe in law and justice, we cherish the hope that the people of Kampuchea, under the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk and with the strong support of the international community, will be the final victors so that Kampuchea may once again become a prosperous, independent, peaceful, democratic, neutral and non-aligned country. Mr. ROSHAN-RAWAAN (Afghanistan): Signs pointing to a general easing of the situation in the world have been emerging slowly hut steadily for quite some time. This has raised high hopes for peace, security and co-operation in the world and for the peaceful resolution of international and regional conflicts and problems. Fully grasping the meaning of this emerging trend and eager to contribute positively to it, a number of Governments in different parts of the world have taken bold steps towards dialogue, accommodation and reconciliation to relieve regional tensions. These are courageous steps that this world Organization must not fail to encourage, support and assist. In South-East Asia, such a positive and constructive disposition is clearly evident in the efforts of the three Indo-Chinese States - the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the socialist Republic of Viet Nam - towards peace, stability and co-operation in that part of the ~orld. Among these developments, the policy of national reconciliation announced by the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea on 27 August of this year is perhaps the most outstanding. This is a right step in the right direction which deserves every encouragement and support from the world community. We commend this peaceful, constructive and realistic initiative of the People's Repuhlic of Kampuchea aimed at ensuring the unity of all Kampucheans in building a peaceful, independent and non-aligned Kampuchea and at contributing to peace, stahi1ity and co-operation in South-East Asia. In this connection, the constructive trend towards dialogue and reconciliation made public by Prince Norodom Sihanouk is also encouraging. It is our earnest hope that the Kampuchean people will soon succeed in resolving their differences and join in working towards the reconstruction of their land, which has suffered so much in recent times. It is regrettable that this General Assembly is discussing the question of Kampuchea without the legitimate representatives of the Kampuchean people being present, their seat having been occupied by so-called Democratic Karnpuchea. It is our firm belief that the prestige, efficacy and influence of this truly world body, the United Nations, will be well served if it is seen to it that every nation is represented here, by its authentic representatives, wnicn in the case of the Kampuchean nation is the People's Republic of Kampuchea. Ensuring such true representation will also prove to be deserving encou~agement by this body for the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in its noble efforts to bring national reconciliation and peace to the entire people of that country. The question of Kampuchea falls within the larger context of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia. AS in any other region, it is in the natIonal interest of countries to abandon intransigent positions in the interest of peace, stability and co-operation in their region. Such a policy will serve them better than any consideration of interests pursued by Powers outside the region. This is precisely why the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has always supported the efforts of the three Indo-Chinese countries towards dialogue and understanding with the group of countries of the Association of South-~ast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In this connection, I should like to welcome toe recent progress made in the talks between Viet Nam and Indonesia. Their agreement to convene at a mutually agreed time the working group to discuss the question of Karnpuchea and the problems of South-East Asia as a whole is a positive development, which, we hope, will lead to a full understanding between the Inde-Chinese and the AS£AN countr~es. We also welcome the agreement of the two countries concerning the holding of an informal meeting by Indonesia of the two sides of Kampuchea without any pre-conditions. We are conviced that such a meeting will pave the way for the realization of national reconciliation in Kampuchea. We also attach great importance to the decision taken independently by the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam concerning annual partial withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteer troops from Kampuchea, with total withdrawal effected in 1990. Support for the successful realization of the policy of national reconciliation in Kampuchea by all countries, particularly by neighbouring States, is the only logical and constructive response to such a move. We also welcome the readiness of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to talk with China towards resolving their differences. The only practical path which can lead to the normalization of relations between neighbouring countries, and thus to ensuring peace, security and co-operation, is readiness to negotiate in good faith and with political goodwill and determination. The draft resolutions submitted in this Assembly for the past eight years concerning the question of Kampuchea have not served the cause of resolving this question. The reason behind this failure, we are convinced, lies in their one-sided nature. Any resolution which is intended to help bring about a political solution must he realistic, constructive and well-balanced, taking into consideration the valid concerns of all the parties concerned. Only such an approach can lead to a resolution that will not remain a piece of paper to be resubmitted year in and year out. We could then have a resolution that could have a significant impact on a peaceful, political solution of the auestion at hand. That is why my delegation intends to cast a negative vote on the draft resolution before us, a draft resolution which, in our opinion, is one-sided and politically motivated and, therefore, impractical. In conclusion, it is our earnest hope that the international community and this world body will not fail to encourage and support the positive trend towards dialogue and political solution which is manifested in South-East Asia, particularly the process of national reconciliation in Kampuchea. The people of this land have suffered much, and we must do everything within our capahilities to assist them in resolving their differences with each other and thereby join hands in constructing together a free, independent and non-aligned Kampuchea Which, along ... with the other two Indo-Chinese countries, will live in peace and co-operate with other neighbouring South-East Asian countries. Thus they will contribute to peace and security in the region and the world over. Mr. VELAZCO SAN JOSE (Cuba) (interpretation from spanish): The Secretary-General in his report on the situation in Kampuchea, dated 6 October 1987, states: " I have discerned some signs of movement that I hope will develop in the right direction." (A/42/608, para. 11) We completely share that optimism. It is a reflection of recent events in South-East Asia in general and in Kampuchea in particular. These events should lead to a political settlement of the situation in Kampuchea, and it is the duty of the international community to help by being moderate in its acts and declarations so that that settlement can take place as soon as possible, and so that no solutions that do not take into account the realities of today's Kampuchea are imposed. It is clear that in recent months steps have been taken towards the relaxation of tension in South-East Asia and that the words "dialogue", "goodwill" and "national reconciliation" are taking shape and will in the end replace the v~abulary of war that has thus far been used. (Mr. Roshan-Rawaan, Afghanistan) On 27 August the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea announced its policy of national reconciliation and its readiness to meet with opposing groups and their allies, with the exception of Po1 Pot and his associates. I should like at this point to make a brief comment. No one in Kampuchea and outside it is fond of Po1 Pot. We know that his very presence is repelling even in the case of countries that are openly against the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. Accepting Pol Pot as an interlocutor would be like having demanded that the Allies negotiate with Hitler's henchmen on the Government in Germany at the end of the Second World War. The blood that has been shed by the long-suffering Kampuchean people is still fresh, and it is not only history that must condemn genocide. The solution to the problem of Kampuchea is in the hands of the Kampucheans themselves, and political pressure, be it exerted through declarations or through resolutions of the General Assembly, cannot exactly contribute to having the process of dialogue, now begun, take shape and lead to a government of national reconciliation in Kampuchea. The talks held on 29 July 1987 between Viet Nam, representing the countries of Indo-China, and Indonesia, representing the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), were an important step and opened up real possibilities for negotiated solutions without pre-conditions. Lastly, the recent declaration by the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in which it shows its willingness to meet the leaders of several opposition groups and its offer to give one of them a high position in the state administration is also a step that allows us to look to the future with optimism. When we say that it is impossible to impose solutions that do not take into account the realities of today's Kampuchea, we have in mind those wno want to ignore the fact that today there is a Government in control of Kampuchean territory that has taken concrete steps towards the reconstruction of the country and the existence of a contingent of Vietnamese troops who went to Kampuchea precisely to stop the Pol Pot genocide and to restore to the Kampuchean people the peace and stability that they so much desired. To try to ignore those two facts will result only in setting back the negotiating process. The Vietnamese troops will withdraw from Kampuchea only when aggression and intervention against the People's Republic of Kampuchea cease, as has been stated by that Government, and not as a result of pressure or resolutions. The cessation of aggression is, theref~re, a key element in the solution of the conflict, and only a process of negotiation, such as the one now taking shape, will make it possible to replace weapons with dialogue and hostility with national reconciliation. The holding of general elections in Kampuchea and the formation of a national coalition government should be the natural outcome of talks, of the cessation of aggression, and of the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops. To try to reverse these terms without guarantees of any type is almost like asking for a surrender of those who have never surrendered. For all these reasons my delegation consiaers that the draft resolution submitted to this Assembly for its consideration does not take into account the new climate in South-East Asia and does not contribute to a prompt solution to this (Mr. Velazco San Jose, Cuba) In the report to which I referred at the beginning of my statement, the Secretary-General states: "These developments indicate a more active interest in achieving a settlement of this issue through dialogue and negotiations." (A/42/608, para. 22) he concludes by saying 1I I sincerely hope that concrete progress w111 soon be made in this direction, thus opening the way to the restoration of peace and stability in a region that has endured such long suffering." (A/42/60a, eara. 22) The time has come to promote this process of negotiation, which will be the only way to build a peaceful, independent, democratic, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea - everyone l s goal and dream. Mr. SLAOUI (Morocco) (interpretation from French): Since 1~79 the United Nations has been considering the conflict in Kampuchea and has been recommending the bases and modalities for a peaceful and definitive settlement. The lack of decisive progress in the search for a just and satisfactory solution to this problem has prompted the General Assembly to reaffirm over the years the basic elements of that settlement, which are: first, the restoration of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea, secondly, the right of the Kampuchean people to decide its own futureJ thirdly, the obligation of all States to refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of that country, and, fourthly, the withdrawal of all foreign forces. Since the adoption of resolution 41/6 of 21 October 1986, encouraging signs allow us to hope that a solution to this problem will emerge taking into account all the interests at stake. We all welcomed the results of the meeting. on 29 July between Mr. Mochtar Kusumaatmadja, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia, spokesman for the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), and his Vietnamese counterpart, a meeting during which Indonesia proposed tnat an informal meeting should be held by the two parties in Kampuchea on an equal footing, without pre-conditions, without protocol, and to which Viet Nam would be invited together with the other countries concerned. The favourable reaction of the Coalition Government of Kalnpuchea and of the Vietnamese Government might have pushed the peace process forward in the region if differences of interpretation had not arisen over basic elements such as national reconciliation, the formation of the quadripartite government and modalities for the withdrawal of foreign troops. The Kingdom of Morocco understands full well how difficult and complex the problem of Kampuchea is. It believes none the less that all the parties concerned should show the necessary political will to give this initiative every chance of success. In this respect, we are delighted at the commitment expressed before this Assembly by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia to continue with the Vietnamese leaders a discussion on the moaalities for lmplementing the 29 July proposal. We hope that the optimism inspired by that initiative will open the way to constructive dialogue Which will at last make,it possible to put an end to the sUffering and tragedy of the Kampuchean people. The establishment of that dialogue is also at the core of the good offices mission begun by the Secretary-General of the united Nations when he took office. In his most recent report (A/42/608) devoted to the situation in Kampuchea, Mr. Perez de Cuellar expressed his firm determination to continue his efforts to elaborate a scenario which takes into account the legitimate interests of all those concerned and which is in keeping with the basic principles of the United Nations Charter and the right of the Kampuchean people to decide its own future. (Mr. Slaoui, Morocco) The General Assembly must, in the appropriate manner, support these initiatives to stop the cycle of violence in that sensitive part of the world and to restore the right of the people of Kampuchea to national unity, territorial integrity and to the 'choice of its political system without any foreign interference. The Kingdom of Morocco, which greatly values the shared and persistent efforts that the neutral countries of ASEAN continue to make to hasten an overall political settlement of the Kampuchean question, will continue, as in the past, to lend its support to the draft resolution submitted to the Assembly.* *The President returned to the Chair. It is reassuring to know of the existence, in many parts of t.he world where there are conflicts or tension, of regional initiatives aimed at elimJ.nating them and their underlying causes. Those initiatives, based on a thorough analysis of each specific situation and an optimistic vision of a shared and united future, deserve our appreciation and our support, and what better tribute could be paid to such efforts than yesterday's awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Mr. Oscar Arias, President of the Republic of Costa Rica, for his role in the conclusion of the accord of 7 August 1987 for peace in Central America. My country's unswerving position on the question of I<ampuchea reflects our dedication to the principles of the United Nations Charter and, in particular, our respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, the non-use of force or the threat of force in inter-State relations and the peaceful settlement of disputes. We hope that the adoption of draft resolution A/42/L. 2 wi~l promote the resumption of the process now begun to arrive at a politica~ compromise settlement which will be a prelude to the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia. Mr. GUERRA TUL£NA (Colombia) (interpretation from Spanish): Almost nine years after its occurrence, the invasion of Kampuchea is still being rejected by the international community. The il~egal occupation of Ka,npuchea violates the Charter of the United Nations and the basic principles of international law. The obstinate and constant refusal of the occupiers to heed the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations makes the situation of the l.ong-suffering Kampuchean people increasingly disturbing and distressing, and increases the danger to international peace and security. It is also of concern because, if the resolutions and dec isions adopted by the General Assembly of the united Nations are not heeded, there may be a steady loss of credibility in a world Organization such as the United Nations, which is a basis for understanding among all the nations of the world and a natural forum for dialogue, for agreements and decisions to maintain peace and the rights of mankind and balance among unequal societies. The United Nations was established also to avoid or act to correct injustices committed against peoples, and to seek mechanisms for the implementation of the norms adopted by all the nations Members of this Organization, so that they may be heeded and respected. That is why we have all been admitted to this world Organization, and not to violate thp. universal principles that govern it. Efforts to find a political solution have continued without interruption since the International Conference on Kampuchea in 1981. Various imaginative proposals have been put forward, but unfortunately thus far they have not succeeded in resolving the problem. The efforts of the member countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) deserve praise and special recognition. The role that they are playing in the search for a solution to the Kampuchean dispute is of primary importance, but the international community also has the obligation and the responsibility to promote the political will that can enable a peaceful settlement to the problem to be found. The active work accomplished by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, by his Special Representative and by the Ad Hoc Committee of the International Conference on Kampuchea deserve universal support, whicn should be reflected in an unequivocal message: the world will no longer tolerate the present situation in Kampuchea. The occupation must come to an end, and the prompt withdrawal of all foreign troops is the sine qua non for a comprehensive political settlement of the problem. The occupiers must move from words to deeds to prove that tney are We cannot fail to mention the grave problem of refugees, which is one of the most serious consequences of Viet Nam's policy towards its neighbours. The selfless work of the Government of Thailand which, with the aid of other Governments, international agencies and humanitarian associations, has been giving relief and encouragement to the homeless population of Kampuchea, deserves our recognition. As is well stated by the Secretary-General in his report, thanks to the generosity of Thailand and the donor countries, the material well-being of the refugees has been ensured for another year, though secur~ty in the border camps remains very difficult. It is the duty of all to contribute to the extent possible to alleviating those problems. Colombia's position on the problem of Kampuchea stems from its con,~liance with the principles of international law, the provisions of the United Nations Charter and the principles for which the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries was established. Colombia cannot fail to speak out whenever there arises a situation such as that afflicting Kampuchea, a situation that harms a country and a regi.on and jeopardizes international peace and security. My country again reiterates its resolute support for peace initiatives to ensure the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampuchea, to restore and preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country, to guarantee the right of its people to determine its own destiny without external interference, and to make possible the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Karnpuchea and its neighbouring countries. My delegation wishes in particular to highlight the contribution to the process of dialogue and the search for an appropriate solution that has been made by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea headed by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. (Mr. Guerra Tulena, Colombia) The recent initiatives and diplomatic steps taken in the region, with the consent of the Coalition Government, make it possible to look to the future with a measure of hope. However, we should not lose sight of the fact that agreements should he based on the principles of the United Nations Charter and that it is a prerequisite that the occupiers completely withdraw their troops. Foreign troops must leave Kampuchea, as they must leave those parts of the world where they jeopardize the self-determination of peoples. Colombia is pleased to co-sponsor draft resolution A/42/t.l, which advocates a peaceful solution to the Kampuchean conflict and at the same time appeals to Member States to support it. In this way they will contribute to a process that will subsequently lead to a comprehensive political settlement of the question of Kampuchea and, finally, to the restoration of peace in that tormented country of South-East Asia. Mr. MAKSIMOV (Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian): The Byelorussian SSR has always advocated a political settlement of the issues relating to Kampuchea in the interests of the Kampuchean people and of peace and stability in South-East Asia. Accordingly we welcome the statement of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, dated 27 August 1987, on a policy of national reconciliation. That document reflects good will and a high level of responsibility for the future of the country and the Kampuchean people. The policy of national reconciliation is one of sincere and effective unity of all patriots of Kampuchea so that together they can build a progressive, just and democratic society. The policy is designed to ensure a peaceful future for the Kampuchean people with a view to further advances on the road to economic and social progress. (Mr. Guerra Tulena, Colombia) The statement from the People's Republ.ic of Kampuchea states, in particular, "The People's Republic of Kampuchea is prepared to meet with the other groups of Kmers and their leaders, except the er iminal Pol Pot and his close associates, in order to conduct discussions on national reconciliation based on the non-recurrence, for ever, of the danger of genocide, and to join hands with the whole people to defend and reconstruct the country in peace and stability." (A/42/534, pp. 2-3) The Byelorussian SSR sees this new construct ive· initiative by the Kampuchean Government as a continuation of its inter na~ and external policy in the interests of its people and the establishment of good-ne ighbourly relations with all its neighbours. This is a real contribution by Kampuchea to the overall struggle of peace-loving forces to eliminate regional conflicts and establish in this large Asian and Pacific region relations of friendsh ip and co-operation. The Byelorussian SSR is deeply convinced that implementation of this initiative will create favourable conditions for a political settlement of the Kampuchean question. In so doing, account will. be taken of the realities that have developed on the Inde-Chinese peninsula and agreement will be reached among the national and truly patriotic forces. There is only one way out of the conflict situation, and that is a political settlement. We express our full solidarity with the position of Kampuchea and its Government. That country, together with the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic, has constantly made, and will continue to make, real efforts to seek a way out, a solution that is mutually acceptable to all the parties involved. The Kampuchean problem has to be settled by the Kampuchean people themselves without any intervention or pressure from outside at all. (Mr. Maksimov, Byelorussian SSR) We should also regard as a positive step the agreement of 29 July 1987 between Viet Nam, speaking as representative of the three countries of Indo-China, and Indonesia, representing the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN),on a meeting between the parties to discuss the problems of Kampuchea and other probl~ms of South-East Asia. Further proof of the good will of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea was the willingness reflected in the 29 September 19B7 statement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kampuchea to participate in the meeting of representatives of the opposing Kampuchean parties. We support the appeal by the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea for broad support for organizing such a meeting. Further proof of the Kampuchean's desire for a peaceful settlement of the situation was the statement of the Karnpuchean Government on ij October 1987. That statement once again emphasized that, pursuing a policy of national reconciliation, it was willing to meet with Prince Sihanouk and the leaaers of opposition groups in order to discuss questions relating to a peaceful solution of the Kampuchean problem. After a halt has been put to all forms of intervention from outside, there will be a full withdrawal of the Vietnamese volunteers from Kampuchea, general elections will be held and a coalition government will be formed whose goal will be to build a peaceful, independent, democratic, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea that maintains good-neighbourly relations with all its neighburs and with all countries of the world. In order to prepare safeguards and guarantees for such agreements that have been reached and for the independence of Kampuchea and peace in South-East Asia, the Declaration of Kampuchea proposes to convene an international conference. Thus with good will and efforts on all sides, a satisfactory political solution to the Kampuchean problem can be found. There can be peace and stability in Kampuchea, Indo-China and South-East Asia as a whole, and that will be a contribution to world peace as a whole. It is the duty of the United Nations to do everything possible to promote the attainment of those goals. Confrontational approacnes will not help a settlement. It is time to abandon tnat kind of tning now. The Byelorussian SSR believes that ~he United Nations should be used to promote a settlement, not to exacerbate the situation or to create new obstacles to tne aspirations of tne people of Kampuchea to solve their own internal problems witnout outside intervention. (Mr. Maksimov, Byelorussian SSK) Mr. LOHIA (Papua New Guinea): May I congratulate you sincerely, Mr. President, on the efficient and effective manner in which you have been guiding our work in the Assembly. Papua New Guinea is speaking to voice its serious concern regarding the situation in Kampuchea. The state of constant insecurity, displacement, misery, death and destruction imposed on the Kampuchean people has lasted far too long. It is a situation in which the international community must spare no effort to bring about an early, peaceful solution of the multifaceted problems that confront Kampuchea. There is an urgent need to seek ways and means whereby the parties concerned can enter into a meaningful dialogue which would improve the prospects of a political solution of the problems that beset Kampuchea. My delegation believes that the proposal for a "cocktail party" on Kampuchea is a useful stepping-stone which could promote the goodwill and understanding necessary for solving Kampuchea's complex problems. The patience, goodwill and hospitality shown by the Thai people towards the refugees from Kampuchea are commendable. The burden borne by Thailand and its goodwill must not encourage the international community to fall into complacency. The intensity of the problem is too serious for the world community to be complacent. The United Nations Secretary-General, the united Nations system and the non-governmental organizations have vital roles to play in alleviating the ' miseries of the Kampuchean people and facilitating the creation of an environment conducive to solution of the problems that are the causes of such miseries. The situation in Kampuchea continues to pose a threat to regional peace and security. It is further exacerbated by the continuing presence of foreign forces in Kampuchea, against the wishes of the Kampuchean people. We cannot but condemn the continuing occupation of Kampuchea by foreign forces. The presence of foreign forces in Kampuchea against the wishes of the people is a serious violation of the The total withdrawal of foreign troops must take place to enable the people of Kampuchea to choose their own Government and destiny democratically, without outside interference, subversion or coercion. We appeal to the various political factions in Kampuchea to remain united in the interest of the common objective of regaining Kampuchea's sovereignty. My Government commends the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) for their abiding interest and dedication in trying to promote a peaceful solution of the problems faced by Kampuchea. The draft resolution on Kampuchea which is now before the united Nations General Assembly is worthy of our unanimous and total support. Papua New Guinea is a sponsor of the draft resolution and our affirmative vote will be a vote for the right to self-determination, the preservation of fundamental freedoms and human rights, and the dignity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Kampuchea people. Mr. VONGSAY (Lao People's Democratic Republic) (interpretation from French): This is the ninth consecutive year, to the month, that the General Assembly has considered the situation around Kampuchea. What is deplorable is that this year, as in past years, the legitimate, authentic representative of the Kampuchean people, the People's Republic of Kampuchea, has not been able, because he has wrongly been prevented from doing so, to express in person his views on this issue of paramount significance to him. The Assembly will recall that for the past three years a number of delegations, inclUding my own, have not participated in the debate on this item. Representatives are aware of the reasons. It will also be recalled that, throughout eight years and after all the debates on the problems of peace, stability and co-operation and the problem relating to Karnpuchea, the international community's efforts, however comendable, to resolve those problems have been fruitless. The reason for the deadlock with which the international community has been and still is faced is well known. It is that one group of countries has sought to impose its viewpoints on another group of countries, to the detriment of the legitimate aspirations and interests of the martyred Kampuchean people and other peoples of Inde-China which, as everyone is aware, have been victims of long imperialist wars of aggression. The resolutions adopted to date, auite apart from the fact that they have been rejected by a number of countries as unjust and wrong, have only aggravated the tension and confrontation among the countries of the region. We must break the deadlock. In this connection, we are glad that the two groups of countries, namely, these of Inde-China and those of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), have taken a new step forward in the process of dialogue and negotiation. I refer to the agreement reached on 29 July last in Ho Chi Minh City between the Indonesian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Mochtar Kusumaatmadja, representing the ASEAN countries, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, Mr. Nguyen Co Thach, representing the countries of Inde-China, which reads as follows: "During an exchange of views on the idea of a cocktail party hosted by Indonesia, an understanding was reached that an informal meeting of the two sides of Kampuchea would be held on the basis of equal footing, without preconditions and with no political label, to which, at a later stage, Indonesia would invite other concerned countries, inclUding Viet Nam, to participate." (A/42/432, annex, para. 4) (Mr. Vongsay, Lao People's Democratic Republic) The Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea welcomed this very ;mportant agreement. T' . ... 0 g~ve more we~ght to this agreement, and in keeping with its spirit and letter, the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea issued a Declaration on 27 August last on its policy of national reconciliation whereby all Kampucheans - with the exception of Pol Pot and his close associates - without any distinction as to ethnic origin or social origin, political opinion or religious belief, would be called upon to join in building a progressive, egalitarian and just society in an independent and a peaceful and non-aligned Kampuchea maintaining friendly relations with all countries, primarily its neighbours. It should be emphasized that this historic proposal was welcomed by the seven eminent Khmers liVing in France who, in turn, on 28 August last, invited the leaders of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, Prince Sihanouk, and the leaders of the other two Khmer opposition groups to meet as soon as possible in order to restore peace and bring about national reconciliation in Kampuchea. The international cOlnmunity is glad that Prince Sihanouk, as can be seen from his response of 18 September, and the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, as is indicated in its statement of 28 September, are willing to participate in such an historic meeting. Moreover, desirous of speeding up the national reconciliation process in Kampuchea and restoring peace, stability and co-operation to South-East Asia, the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea on 8 October issued another five-point declaration elaborating on the political solution to the Kampuchean problem. Those are new developments and positive signs reflecting the ardent wishes of the various Kampuchean parties - except, of course, for Pol Pot and his close (Mr. Vongsay, Lao People's Democratic Republic) associates - to meet and to talk to one another, in short, to begin the process of national reconciliation in keeping with the letter and the spirit of the 8 October statement of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. A reading of that Declaration is indeed impressive because of the frankness and the clemency demonstrated by the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in its willingness to give an important role and position to leaders and individuals in the Khmer opposition who wish to participate in the work of national reconstruction in the country. The Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is also in favour of a complete withdrawal of the volunteer Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea provided that the withdrawal - and this is perfectly legitirRate - is accom~anied by a termination of all aid and assistance and the use of foreign territories for hostile purposes, as well as termination of any kind of intervention against the People's Republic of Kampuchea. However, pending a definitive, just and lasting political solution to the Kampuchean problem, the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea - sincerely desiring to speed up the process of peace and national reconciliation and taking into account the significant successes in carrying out this noble work of national rebirth and rehabilitation and the progressive development and strengthening of the potential for national defence - endorses a further partial withdrawal of the volunteer Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea. Representatives of a number of Governments, eminent personalities and the mass media will be invited to witness this operation as observe~s. It is the duty of the international community to support and strongly encourage this policy which is in accord with the general trend of our age and the needs of all Ka~ucheans who are anxious to advance their homeland. No one has the right to oppose the ardent and legitimate aspirations of such a courageous people as the Kampuchean people to live in peace, friendship and co-operation with all their neighbours and free from any threat of genocide. We deeply regret that during this debate a number of delegations while pUblicly endorsing the idea of a meeting between the different Kampuchean parties should have chosen deliberately and openly to torpedo that happy prospect. The draft resolution they are submitting to this session, like earlier such documents, contains negative elements that run counter to the legitimate aspirations and the sacred rights of the Kampuchean people. The spirit and the letter of this draft resolution are such as would Serve the unlawful and immoral interests of those who are working to re-establish Pol Pot and his genocidal regime in Phnom Pehn, as well as those who are seeking to aggravate tension, confrontation and crisis in South- East Asia and in the rest of the world. However, we trust that this Assembly, which in the past has supported such a draft resolution, will not this time venture flagrantly to disavow Prince Sihanouk, who stated on 8 September last: (Spoke in English) "Anyone who rejects such an invitation would have to bear the heaviest responsibility before history and the Khmer nation for the non-settlement of the tragedy of Kampuchea and for the death sooner or later of a Kampuchea of Kampucheans" • (continued in French) It was also out of a desire to prevent any inappropriate action on the part of this General Assembly session, and out of a desire to invite it to demonstrate wisdom and realism, that Mr. Hun Sen, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the (Mr. Vongsay, Lao People's Democratic Republic) People's Republic of Kampuchea, very recently addressed a message to the Secretary-General, from which I should like t.o quote a few relevant passages: "We hereby express our hope, Sir, that you will use your gooO offices to help promote this policy of national reconstruction in Kampuchea. with your sympathy and kind support, we are sure that our appeal will be more closely heeded and safer from tbe manipulations of certain foreign Powers that intend to use the forum of the United Nations to maintain, though morally compromising themselves, the legal fiction that is the sham coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea in exile, just as they have used the Kampuchean refugees in Thailand as hostages for their political and military purposes. That is why each year we categorically reject the misguided resolutions submitted by ASEAN and adopted mechanically by the united Nations in the absence of the authentic and legitimate representative of the Kampuchean people, the People's Republic of Kampuchea. These misguided resolutions only make the confrontation more acrimonious and provide the Pol Pot clique with a legal front, thereby blocking the way to a political settlement of the Kampuchean problem. For our part, we believe that, for the Khmer nation to survive, it is time for the Kampuchean problem to be settled by the Kampucheans themselves and for them to be able to meet to decide the fate of their homeland without outside interference or the threat of a return of the genocidal reg'ime." (A/42/626, pp. 2 and 3) My delegation hopes that this appeal will meet with a favourable response from the Assembly. For the valid reasons already stated that back up this appeal, we will vote as we have in preceding years - against the draft resolution now before the Assembly. Mr. MAHBUBANI (Singapore): Time is pressing upon us. I am tempted not to speak because the vote we are about to take will speak more eloquently than any words that I can express here, yet as the last Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) speaker in the debate, I do have an obligation to dispel some of the misleading suggestions that we have heClrd so far, especially the rather dangerous and insidious suggestion that a vote for a United Nations resolution can be harmful to dialogue or a peace process. We began the Kampuchean debate this year with an historic accomplishment. Since 1982 Viet Nam has boycotted the annual United Nations debate on Kampuchea. This year Viet Nam has decided to participate in the debate, proving emphatically that all efforts to bypass the United Nations are doomed to failure. This is an important victory, not just for the Kampuchean people but also for the United Nations. We note also that Viet Nam's decision to participate in the United Nations debate coincides with a statement made by Mr. Gorbachev recently when he said that a decisive increase is required in the authority and role of the United Nations. And he is not alone in emphasizing the importance of the United Nations. At the last non-aligned summit meeting, held in Harare, the Heads of State or Government urged all non-aligned countries to adhere to and implement the decisions of the United Nations Security Council and General Assembly. It is a tragedy that Viet Nam, which is a member of the Non-Aligned Movement and proclaims its commitment to the Movement's principles, refuses to abide by the decision of the summit meeting. The appearance of a lack of any fundamental change 1n the Kampuchean situation would seem to suggest that the Kampuchean problem is condemned to a perpetual stalemate. But as the ancient Greek philospher Heraclitus reminded us, one can never step into the same river twice. It is constantly changing. Yet we know that in some respects some fundamental features of the river remain the same. And this duality of nature is equally true of the Kampuchean issue. Let me look at the changes first. In January 1980 the Vietnamese Foreign Minister said that the situation in Kampuchea was irreversible and that efforts to find a political solution for Kampuchea were in vain and useless. Six-and-a-half years later he acknowledged that Viet Nam had to work with other countries to reach a political solution on the Kampuchean question. This is a significant change. It would not have happened without pressure from the United Nations, and it also coincided with a statement made by Mr. Gorbachev in his interview with Merdeka, in which he said of the Kampuchean problem that it was now understood that it could only be solved by political means. Unfortunately, having admitted that the Kampuchean problem requires a political solution, Viet Nam nas released a rapid spate of proposals, allot them carefully timed to be released just before this debate, all of them creating confusion. And the confusion, we believe, was intentional. In my quicK remarks today, I hope to dispel the fog a little in the hope that a clearer picture will emerge. First, many of the proposals for a political settlement have been put forward in the name of the so-called People's Republic of Kampuchea, a puppet regime installed by the Vietnamese forces and not recognized by the United Nations. Many of these proposals sound eminently reasonable. Yet acceptance of them would imply recognition of the People's Republic of Kampucnea as the legitimate Government of Kampuchea. In short, each reasonable proposal is a sugar-coated poison pill. And we should understand why the Kampucheans refuse to swallow them. Secondly, only last week, Viet Nam announced its sixth partial withdrawal of forces from Kampuchea. Remarkably enough, after six partial withdrawals the number of forces inside Kampuchea has remained constant. Thirdly, in the most sophisticated attempt that we have seen yet on the part of Viet Nam to mislead the international community, it has said that there are "two sides" in South-East Asia, adding: "The wish to impose the position of one side on the other side is hardly fair or realistic". (A!42/PV.l7, p. 57) By creating this concept of "two sides", Viet Nam would like to appeal to the deeply engrained desire of the international community to be fair and just, and Viet Nam is asking the international community not to take sides in the vote on the draft resolution before us. We therefore need to explain why a vote for it does not amount to "taking sides". Let us see what the two sides are. Viet Nam has said: -the other side demands that Viet Nam withdraw its forces from KampucheaN• Well, if Viet Nam had not boycotted the united Nations debates in previous years, it would have realized that this demand for the withdrawal of its forces comes not from the ·other side" but from the entire international cOl~unity. Referring to its Nside- of the argument, Viet Nam has said that it insists on "the removal of the genocidal Pol Pot clique". It is true that the Kampucheans suffered a great deal under Pol Pot from 1975 to 1978. Yet Viet Nam's own record in this rather painful chapter suggests that it should not try to pass moral jUdgement on this difficult issue. Pol Pot came into power in 1975 primarily because of Viet Nam's military support. (Mr. Mahbubani, Singapore) As late as March 1978, when the Unite~ Nations Commission on Human Rights met in Geneva to examine Pol Pot's record, Viet Nam an~ its friends ~efende~ Pol Pot and his deeds. Most remarkably of all, when Vietnamese forces invade~ Kampuchea in 1979, instea~ of removing all Pol-Potist elements from power, Viet Nam installed some of Pol Pot's ex-lieutenants in power a~ they still hold key positions in Phnom Penh. Their human rights record in Phnom Penh, if one wants to stu~y it, can be found in the latest Amnesty International report, which says: "Vietnamese troops and advisory 'experts' now operate within Kampuchea, and evidence of arbitrary arrest and torture compiled by Amnesty International since 1979 implicates Vietnamese officials, as well as PRK civil and military authorities." When we have dispelled the fog that Viet Nam has tried to create around the Kampuchean issue, we will also get a clear perspective of the significant diplomatic activity that is now taking place on the Kampuchean issue. Indeed, we are puzzled by Viet Nam's continued attempts to mislead the international community with false portrayals of the Kampuchean situation when in fact it could enhance its own creoihility by reporting accurately the efforts that it is actually undertaking in private to find a solution. If it would only say in public what it has been saying in private its credibility would be greatly enhanced. In private, the Vietnamese have implicitly acknowledged that their invasion of Kampuchea was a mistake, that they do need to withdraw their forces from Kampuchea, and that they do need a political settlement of the issue. Through various intermediaries, which for ~iplomatic reasons I cannot mention here, obviously, Viet Nam has been sending private signals to Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the President of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, that it would like to co-operate with him in finding a solution. Prince Sihanouk has reacted graciously to these private signals. He has taken a leave of absence for one year to enable him to receive emissaries from Viet Nam and other countries which have hitherto been embarrassed to call on him. It is our understanding that some significant discussions are taking place behind the scenes. Mr. Mochtar Kusumaatmadja has made an important contribution with his concept of the "cocktail party". However, even though we may have taken the first few steps towards a political ,settlement, we should be aware that there is a long and arduous road ahead of us because, as the Permanent Representative of Indonesia reminded us yesterday, "widely divergent interpretations still persist on certain basic aspects of an eventual solution of the conflict, such as the auestions of national reconciliation, the formation of a auadripartite Government, the modalities of troop withdrawals and so on". (A/42/PV.37,p. 67) At the same time, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Rafeeudin Ahmed, has visited Hanoi and informally put forward some ideas and proposals for a Kampuchean settlement. Regrettably, it is our understanding that no response has been given to these proposals. We hope that there will he one soon, because we firmly believe that the united Nations Secretary-General has an important role to play on this critical issue, and a vote for the draft resolution will indeed enable him to play a more important role. Pinally, we in the international community have an obligation to the Kampuchean people and to ourselves to help the peace processes that have begun in the search for a political solution of the Kampuchean problem. The record so far shows that the annual vote for the Kampuchean resolution is not an empty ritualistic exercise. It has gradually persuaded Viet Nam to be more reasonable on the issue of a political settlement. If we persevere we will ultimately succeed (Mr. Mahbubani, Singapore) in bringing about a comprehensive, peaceful settlement that takes into account the interests of both the Kampucheans and the Vietnamese. When that happens, as a result of the united Nations hard work, it will certainly help to rebuild international confidence in the ability of the United Nations to solve major political disputes and enhance the moral authority of the United Nations to speak out on other political issues. We stand here on the eve of the twenty-first century witnessing some rapid changes in the international political environment. As the super-Powers and other major Powers make some massive recalculations about where their long-term interests lie, the other States of the world, especially the small States, must remind themselves of the uniaue contribution that the United Nations Charter and its principles have made towards enhancing the security of small and medium-sized states. We all share a common interest in keeping this Organization alive and well in the coming century. To save it from an early demise, let us work hard together to find a political success story for the united Nations. We are confident that with a little perseverance and dedication Viet Nam can be persuaded that its co-operation in the implementation of the draft resolution on the Kampuchean question which we are about to adopt will help to rebuild confidence in the united Nations.