A/42/PV.63 General Assembly
27. Zone of Peace and Co-Operation of the South Atlantic (A) Report of the Secretary-General (A/42/557 and Corr.L) (B) Draft Resolution (A/42/L.22)
I should like to remind
representatives that, in accordance with the decision taken this morning, the list
of speakers in the debate will be closed today at 4 p.m. I therefore request those
representatives wishing to participate in the debate to inscribe themselves as soon
as possible.
I now call upon the representative of Brazil, who wishes to introduce the
draft resolution on this item.
Mr. NOGUEIRA-BATIS'rA (Brazil): The forty-f irst session of the General
Assembly, by adopting resolution 41/11, solemnly declared the Atlantic Ocean, in
the region situated between Africa and South America, to be the zone of peace and
co-operation of the South Atlantic.
The overwhelming support received by that resolution is proof that the
international community recognizes the specific identity of the South Atlantic
region and the legitimacy of the concerns and aspirations of the countries in the
area.
As the Brazilian Minister of External Relations, Roberto de Abreu Sodre,
stated at the opening of the general debate at the current session of the General
Assembly:
"The establishment of a zone of peace and co-operation of the South
Atlantic signified the international community's recognition of the
determination of the South American and African countries of the region to
maintain their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and to
promote co-operation for economic and social development in conditions of
peace and freedom." (A/42/PV. 4, p. 12)
Our common approach, with this initiative, was intended to spur the progress
of our countries within a safer and sounder environment. The establishment of the
zone of peace and co-operation of the South Atlantic gave a renewed impetus to the
promotion and strengthening of existing ties of co-operation among the countries of
the region. The attainment of its goals is our primary objective, to be achieved
by the countries of the region themselves with, we hope, the increasing support of
the international community.
I have the honour to introduce,on behalf of Angola, Argentina, Benin,
Cameroon, Cape Verde, Congo, Cote dllvoire, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Gambia,
Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal,
Sierra Leone, Togo, Uruguay, Zaire and Brazil, draft resolution A/42/L.22. This
text, like its predecessor, is the result of a joint drafting effort by the
countries concerned. I am pleased to inform the Assembly also that Nepal has taken
the initiative of associating itself with the draft resolution as one of its
sponsors.
Allow me to say a few words on the main features of the text and the ideas
contained therein.
Our approach this year was to build on what was achieved by the countries of
the region with the adoption of resolution 41/11. The main thrust of the present
draft is to provide for concrete actions with a view to fulfilling the aims and
purposes of the zone. Accordingly, the text has only one preambular paragraph, in
which resolution 41/11 is recalled. Then operative paragraph 1 refers to the
efforts undertaken by the States of the zone to promote peace and regional
co-operation, as reflected in the report of the Secretary-General (A/42/557 and
Corr.l). That document well illustrates the interest of the international
community in the zone and the work of the countries of the region to solve problems
through international co-operation among developing countries. At this juncture, I
should like to express the sponsors' gratitude to the Secretary-General for the
preparation of that valuable document.
Operative paragraph 2 of draft resolution A/42/L.22 exhorts those same States
to persevere in their efforts towards fulfilment of the goals of the declaration,
especially through the adoption and implementation of practical measures. The
intention of the authors is to encourage the States concerned to further their
joint endeavours, particularly by translating into concrete actions their political
commitment to the zone of peace and co-operation of the South Atlantic.
In this connection, I have pleasure in announcing that the Brazilian
Government intends to hold consultations with a view to hosting a meeting of the
African and Latin American countries of the region. The purpose of this meeting is
to examine concrete aspects of regional co-operation in order to create a framework
that will provide structure, method and stimulus for the implementation of the
declaration of the zone of peace and co-operation of the South Atlantic.
The attainment of the goals of the declaration depends, however, to a great
extent, on the support of the international community. This view is developed in
operative paragraphs 4 and 5, which call upon all States - both within and outside
the zone - to co-operate in the promotion of its objectives. One important manner
of doing so is to refrain from any action inconsistent with the Charter and
pertinent United Nations resolutions, in order to avoid hampering efforts to solve
disputes and ease tensions in the region.
In the spirit of the declaration of the zone of peace and co-operation of the
South Atlantic, the countries of the region, as reflected in the draft before us,
are willing to intensify regional co-operation for economic and social development,
whether through bilateral efforts or in the context or with the support of existing
global, regional and subregional organizations. As indicated in operative
paragraph 6, the relevant organs and bodies of the United Nations system could be
of invaluable help in assisting, by means of their expertise and existing
programmes of co-operation, the joint initiatives of the countries of the region.
Draft resolution A/42/L.22 is clear and portrays the transparent intention of
its sponsors: the establishment of a framework for economic and social
co-operation among the peoples in the area, free from rivalries and conflicts that
are alien to the region and under conditions of peace and security. In this
context, it is the hope of the Brazilian Government that in the not too distant
future it will be possible to welcome into the community of South Atlantic States
the legitimate Government of a free and independent Namibia, as well as a South
Africa free from the apartheid regime.
The text of the draft resolution is, we think, simple, straightforward and
uncontroversial. It is our sincere hope that the General Assembly, as a whole,
will understand our motives and be supportive of the legitimate aspirations of the
peoples of the South Atlantic region.
land-locked country situated far from the waters of the South Atlantic. Why, then,
one might ask, should the delegation of Nepal accord such importance to the item
under discussion.
The reasons for this are clear and compelling. Nepal has, as a matter of
principle, always supported the establishment of zones of peace and similar other
initiatives as useful additions to the existing body of confidence-building and
conflict-limiting measures. Beginning with its forthright support for the
Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, in this very Hall in 1971,
Nepal has consistently lent its support to similar peace initiatives. They include
proposals for the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in
South-East Asia and for a Mediterranean peace zone. Nepal has, similarly, endorsed
the proposal for a denuclearized Africa and for nuclear-weapon-free zones in South
Asia and the South Pacific. It has also supported the establishment of a
nuclear-weapon-free zone in Latin America and the demilitarization and
denuclearization of the Antarctic.
Furthermore, as far back as 1975, my august Sovereign, His Majesty King
Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev, formally proposed that Nepal be declared a zone of
peace. This proposal, I am pleased to inform the Assembly, has already received
the valuable support of 86 United Nations Member States, for which my delegation is
deeply grateful.
In this context, I should also recall that Nepal has promoted studies on the
legal status of peace zones in international law - including that of a
single-nation peace zone - under the aegis of the Asian-African Legal Consultative
Committee (AALCC), which enjoys permanent observer status with the United Nations.
On this occasion I wish to recall with appreciation the role of the AALCC in the
progressive codification of international law, in particular as it
relates to the concept of zones of peace. My delegation believes that such efforts
could be usefully emulated by similar legal bodies representing other regions of
the world.
It was against that background that Nepal was honoured to co-sponsor at the
forty-first session of the General Assembly the draft resolution declaring the
South Atlantic a zone of peace and co-operation. It may be recalled that Nepal was
one of only two countries not belonging to the South Atlantic region that chose
thus to indicate support for the South Atlantic as a zone of peace and
co-operation. Nepal was therefore greatly pleased that the General Assembly
adopted that important resolution by an overwhelming majority last year. We
believe its adoption reflects an enhanced and timely awareness of the intimate
relationship between peace and development - the very nexus, indeed the very core,
of Nepal's own peace-zone proposal.
My delegation is convinced that scrupulous implementation of the Declaration
of the Zone of Peace and Co-operation of the South Atlantic would make a major
contribution to peace in the vast ocean expanse between South America and Africa -
a region of undoubted strategic significance. We share the view that faithful
adherence to the provisions of the Declaration - including that concerning
non-introduction of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction and
non-extension into the region of rivalries and conflicts that are foreign to it -
would not only help to prevent the geographic proliferation of nuclear weapons but
also to avert threats to regional and international security. Such threats could
as easily emanate from the troubled region of southern Africa - owing, in very large
measure, to the policy of apartheid of the racist Pretoria regime and its continued
illegal occupation of Namibia - as it could by the transfer to the South Atlantic
from the North Atlantic of East-West rivalries.
My delegation would like to express its appreciation to the Secretary-General
for his report entitled, 11 Zone of peace and co-operation of the South Atlantic",
contained in document A/42/557 and Corr.l and submitted pursuant to General
Assembly resolution 41/11. As is clear from that report, many far-reaching
projects of co-operation among South Atlantic countries have been undertaken since
that important Declaration was adopted. My delegation views that as very
encouraging and would support any move that promoted full implementation of the
Declaration. We are also encouraged to learn, from the Secretary-General's report,
that the Ad-Hoc Committee of the Comprehensive Progra~ne for Disarmament of the
Conference on Disarmament, at a meeting in Geneva last April, accepted by consensuS
a proposal to include in the progralnme an expression of support of General Assembly
resolution 41/11. That proposal states, among other things, that:
"The declaration of the zone of peace and co-operation of the South
Atlantic constitutes a concrete step towards the goals set forth by the
international community to be achieved through the establishment of zones of
peace in various regions of the world for the benefit of all mankind, thereby
contributing significantly to the strengthening of international peace and
security and to the promotion of the principles and purposes of the United
Nations. In this context, it is recognized that the States of the region have
a special interest and responsibility to promote regional co-operation for
economic development and peace." (A/42/557, para. 12)
On this occasion, my delegation would strongly urge that the third special
session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, slated for next year,
should, inter alia, look into ways and means further to promote the peace-zone
concept in the context of regional disarmament. In this connection my delegation
welcomes the resolution approved last April in Montevideo by the General Conference
of the Organization of States Parties to the Tlatelolco Treaty in which it
expressed satisfaction at the adoption of General Assembly resolution 41/11 and
requested the preparation of a study on the relationship between the
nuclear-weapon-free zone of Latin America and the zone of peace and co-operation of
the South Atlantic.
While my delegation is heartened by the efforts undertaken by States of the
zone to promote peace and regional co-operation pursuant to resolution 41/11, we
strongly urge continuing efforts for promotion of the objectives of the zone. As
such, my delegation wishes to join the sponsors of draft resolution A/42/L.22, just
introduced by Brazil, and hopes it will be adopted by consensuS further to promote
the cause of peace and co-operation in the South Atlantic region.
Mr. PAOLILLO (Uruguay) (interpretation from Spanish): The Government of
Uruguay, together with the Governments of other countries of the South Atlantic, is
endeavouring to establish stable structures of peace in the region, with the
support of the international community, through the adoption of draft resolution
A/42/L.22, which brings up to date and develops at this session the central purpose
contained in resolution 41/11 of last year.
The concept of a zone of peace is a broad one which pursues the legal and
political reaffirmation of the right of peoples in an area fully to exercise their
independence and sovereignty, to strengthen their security, peacefully to enjoy the
benefits deriving from the use and exploitation of the region, and freely to
develop their mutual relations particularly ruling out the establishment of any
kind of guardianship from within or from outside the region.
The concept of a zone of peace is also a dynamic concept. Its acceptance as
the basis of the future status of the region constitutes only a general framework
which requires the elaboration of legal and political formulas to give it real
content. These legal and political formulas in turn will be the subject of further
adjustments in response to constantly changing realities.
Since zones of peace are not yet a precise and definite concept under
international law, it is Uruguay's understanding that resolution 41/11 and the
draft resolution it is co-sponsoring today before the Assembly, provide only an
outline of the beginning of a process designed to establish more precisely its
specific elements and features and the rights and duties it implies, both for the
States of those zones and for third States, in particular those of military
influence and significance.
Accordingly, Uruguay will support, and urges other States of the region to do
likewise, future multilateral initiatives to give more specific shape to these
legal obligations and to define programmes of co-operation. It is our firm hope
that this process in future might culminate in the conclusion of multilateral
agreements.
Among the important points that need to be clarified in the process of giving
specific content to the zone of peace and co-operation of the South Atlantic is its
relationship with the Treaty of Tlatelolco banning nuclear weapons in Latin
America. The area of application of that Treaty overlaps the South Atlantic zone.
Accordingly, Uruguay, together with Mexico, saw fit to co-sponsor a draft
resolution which was adopted at the Tenth General Conference of the Agency for the
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America, held in Montevideo in April 1987,
a draft resolution which provides for a study to be conducted on the relationship
between the two zones in order to determine exactly the scope and implications of
the legal status of each.
In order to dispel any vestige of misgiving about the elaboration of the
content of the zone of peace we should emphasize - although it hardly seems
necessary - that the applicability of the rules to be applied in the zone of peace
does not in the least mean any undermining of the fundamental principles and
standards of international law regulating the use of spaces that are not subject to
national jurisdiction; in particular, the rules of the law of the sea as embodied
in the 1982 Convention on the Law of the Sea. Much less would they mean any
infringement of the sovereignty of riparian States of the spaces under their
jurisdiction.
In the present situation and in the light of developments in the international
arena as a whole, it has become imperative to avoid the South Atlantic gradually or
suddenly becoming a new regional focus of strategic confrontation of the great
blocs as has been occurring in other areas of the planet.
By its own dynamic, which today has not been confined, that global
confrontation tends to spread its disputes and differences world wide, and it thus
becomes in the interest of our peoples to avoid becoming involved in a
confrontation that is alien to our peace and security interests. It is thus
necessary to increase the legal and political guarantees that will preserve the
long-standing peace in the region, guarantees that result from the concerted
efforts of the Governments concerned and from unilateral policies designed to
reduce and discourage local and regional arms races.
The establishment of the zone of peace should also lead to the gradual
elimination of military bases of States that do not border on the South Atlantic.
As my Government has been indicating, responsibility for the maintenance of peace
in the region, the preservation of the region from arms competition, and the
creation of effective conditions for international security, falls to the States of
the region and also to States outside the region.
The States of the South Atlantic also view our region as a zone of
co-operation, an element that is a characteristic feature when compared with other
zones of peace.
The draft resolution now before the Assembly emphasizes that actions should
continue to promote and carry out concrete programmes of co-operation between the
nations of the region, giving specific meaning to South-South co-operation.
Accordingly, it is important to point out that in recent months Uruguay has
intensified its policy of regional co-operation for economic and social development
by means of agreements with Argentina and Brazil. We hope that in the near future
specific ways will be found for efforts of co-operation to include African StateS
on the South Atlantic in the framework of a policy of diversification and
intensification of our relations with those States.
Naturally, a zone of peace in the South Atlantic cannot be worked out so long
as there remain areas of confrontation and tension in the region. Consequently, in
order fully to comply with the purposes of resolution 41/11 and the draft
resolution before us, it is essential to put an end to the remaining conflict
situations in the zone, using the many procedures for peaceful settlement provided
for under international law. We must at any cost avoid repeating confrontations or
conflicts in the region, whatever interests may be involved.
It is important emphatically to state that the persistence of colonial
situations is also a potential threat to peace and security in the region. In
southern Africa there prevails a situation that is in flagrant violation of the
rights of peoples, of an unequivocal ruling of the International Court of Justice
and of repeated resolutions of the Security Council. Indeed that situation also
violates principles strongly held by the international community and embodied in
the Charter and resolutions of United Nations organs.
Uruguay trusts that the draft resolution proposed will rally the kind of
massive support that the Assembly last year gave resolution 41/11. If it does;
we shall have taken a decisive step towards actually establishing a zone of peace
in the Atlantic region, which, in the final analysis, would be a step towards the
achievement of world peace.
Mr. TIMERBAEV (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (interpretation from
Russian): Putting forward the idea of creating a zone of peace and co-operation in
the South Atlantic testifies to that new political thinking that is in harmony with
the realities of the world today and is increasingly being confirmed in the
international arena. It conclusively demonstrates the desire of the States of that
vast region to base their relations on constructive interaction with a view to
reliably ensuring, through multilateral guarantees, their own security as well as
regional and international security, using political rather than military means,
such as creative peaceful co-operation and the strengthening of multilateral
machinery to eliminate the threat of war. That is precisely why the Soviet union
supported General Assembly resolution 41/11 on this question, which was adopted
last year by an overwhelming majority of the Member States of the United Nations.
The Soviet Union's support for the creation of a zone of peace and
co-operation in the South Atlantic flows logically from a principle of our foreign
policy: an inter linked and interdependent world in which the task of eliminating
the nuclear threat, curbing the arms race and laying the foundations for
comprehensive security is considered absolutely vital and urgent. That principle
and our firm policy for peace have found their reflection in concrete deeds and
have already begun to bear their first fruits. A striking example of this is the
agreement on a Soviet-American summit meeting at which, for the first time in
history, an agreement will be signed on the elimination of a whole class of nuclear
weapons and at which the key question of Soviet-American relations and nuclear
disarmament will be considered, namely, the reduction of strategic offensive
weapons and concurrent observance of the provisions of the anti-ballistic-missile
Treaty.
The creation of zones of peace and co-operation in various parts of the world
is something we view as an important element of the construction of a comprehensive
system of international peace and security. The Soviet Union has put forward major
initiatives to ensure peace and security in the vast region of Asia and the
Pacific, and actively supports the proposal concerning a zone of peace in the
Indian Ocean and a zone of peace, security, good-neighbourliness and co-operation
in the Mediterranean. It is g ivin'::l concrete assistance to the Latin American
countries and the countries of the South Pacific in their efforts to prohibit
nuclear weapons. The Assembly is familiar with our support for proposals to create
nuclear-free zones in various parts of the world: in northern Europe, in the
Balkans, in the Korean peninsula and in South-East Asia, as well as a nuclear-free
corridor in central Europe and an agreement on confidence-building measures in the
Arctic.
The Soviet Union favours a comprehensive approach to ensuring security in the
South Atlantic, and we believe there is a need for serious measures in the
military, political, economic and social fields.
It is very important to give effect to the appeal made by the General Assembly
at the last session for the zone to be kept free of nuclear weapons and other
weapons of mass destruction. It is also important that its appeal be buttressed by
practical steps on the part of States to fulfil the obligations assumed under the
Tlatelolco Treaty.
Essential conditions of the creation of a zone of peace in the South Atlantic
are the elimination of the criminal policy and practice of apartheid; the granting
of independence to the people of Namibia in accordance with the demands of the
international community; and the ending of South Africa's efforts to utilize
nuclear energy for non-productive purposes, which represents a threat to regional
and international security.
The Soviet Union shares the concern of the South Atlantic States about the
failure to resolve the problem of the Falkland (Malvinas) Islands. The colonial
nature and the militarization of the islands contravene the principles of a zone of
peace. In this regard we support the appeal that an early start be made on
negotiations between Argentina and Britain to resolve the dispute on the basis of
the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and also the Secretary-General's
mission of good offices.
Of great importance for a zone of peace and co-operation in the South Atlantic
region are the provision of guarantees of maritime communication, practical action
to limit the naval arms race and the beginning of substantive talks on
confidence-building measures, the non-use of force on the seas, and the elimination
of foreign military bases.
The USSR once again declares its readiness to discuss with the United States
and other major naval Powers, as well as States of the South Atlantic region, the
question of appropriate measures to respond to the General Assembly's appeal at
last year's session for the reduction of the military presence in this region and
the exclusion from it of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction.
For both African and Latin American countries of the South Atlantic region the
problem of development, the ensuring of economic security and the elimination of
crisis phenomena in the economy are questions of vital importance. The development
of mutually advantageous economic, scientific and technological co-operation within
the zone, particularly joint exploitation of the ocean's resources, could play a
positive role in improving the well-being of the peoples of the countries of the
region. We have noted with satisfaction and interest the information on this
question provided by Brazil and included in the report of the Secretary-General.
The Soviet delegation believes that the effective implementation of the
General Assembly resolution on the creation of a zone of peace and co-operation of
the South Atlantic would be a major contribution to ensuring reliable security in
the region. In circumstances of the increasing interdependence of countries and
the absence in the world of today of any sensible alternative to the policy of
co-operation and interraction, the creation of a zone of peace becomes a major step
towards the shaping of comprehensive security and the restructuring of
international relations in accordance with the interests of all members of the
international community. The United Nations, which is the world mechanism
authorized to discuss and ensure the success of the collective search for a balance
of the interests of all States, has a big part to play in the practical
implementation of this initiative.
The Soviet delegation will support draft resolution A/42/L.22, introduced by
Brazil on behalf of a group of sponsors.
Mr. ADEYEMI (Nigeria): As will be recalled, the item on a zone of peace
and co-operation in the South Atlantic came up for discussion by the General
Assembly for the first time last year, during the forty-first session. Under
resolution 41/11, of 27 October 1986, the General Assembly thus declared the
Atlantic Ocean within the region between Africa and Latin America a zone of peace
and co-operation. It is on record that my country, Nigeria, not only supported but
was one of the sponsors of this important resolution, together with the delegations
of Angola, Argentina, Brazil, Cape Verde, the Congo, Cote d'Ivoire, Equatorial
Guinea, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Nepal, Saint Lucia, Sao Tome and
Principe and Uruguay. It is also on record that the resolution was approved by 124
votes in favour, and 1 against, with 8 abstentions. However, the countries that
abstained later advised the Seccetariat that they had intended to vote in favour,
which meant that 132 States voted in favour, with only 1 State against.
My delegation has taken these facts from the Secretary-General's report on the
zone of peace and co-operation of the South Atlantic (A/42/557 and CorLl) , of
21 September 1987, to buttress the widespread popular support for this issue and
the importance which the States in the region of the South Atlantic attach to the
declaration of the zone as one of peace and co-operation.
The Nigerian Government is resolutely committed to the maintenance and
safeguarding of the South Atlantic in accordance with resolution 41/11,
overwhelmingly endorsed by the international community on 27 October of last year.
My Government's views on this issue, which were transmitted to the
Secretary-General on 28 July 1987, are contained in the Secretary-General's report
mentioned earlier. The reasons for our commitment need no emphasis.
Firstly, the South Atlantic represents a vital historic link between
continental Africa and Latin America, two continents populated by developing but
peaceful States intent on keeping their inter-connecting ocean free from
unnecessary tensions, external conflicts, and Power-bloc military rivalries.
Secondly, the African sector of this zone is the area of primary environment
for my country in terms of national security and economic development, containing
Nigeria's entire territorial waters and its exclusive economic zone, the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), as well as the majority of the littoral
and hinterland States of the African continent whose well-being individually and
collectively depend on the South Atlantic.
Thirdly, all the independent African States in the sector of this zone are
active supporters of the denuclearization of Africa and frown at the threat posed
to regional and international peace and security by the abhorrent and obnoxious
policies of apartheid South Africa and its illegal occupation of Namibia in
contravention of the norms of international law and in brazen defiance of the
United Nations.
The United Nations study on the question of the naval arms race and
disarmament, as well as the consideration by the First Committee in 1986 and the
Disarmament Commission in 1987 of the dangers posed by naval arms and systems to
the security of littoral States, are ample but shocking revelations of the
recurrent trends of naval build-up, especially by the world Powers and other
militarily significant States, with possible dangerous consequences to the peace
and security of States in the South Atlantic. Thus Nigeria, as a peace-loving
coastal State, within the zone like many others, cannot but feel concerned at these
frightening developments. Safeguarding the territorial integrity and hard-won
independence of the States in the zone, as well as enjoyment of the full rights to
peaceful maritime shipping and fledgling commercial transactions with other States
on the other side of the zone in Latin America, are considered our legitimate
entitlement. This is also conducive to the spirit of international understanding,
co-operation and economic development of countries, as promoted under the united
Nations Charter.
Furthermore, the creation of the zone of peace and co-operation of the South
Atlantic is an inseparable chain in the consistent effort by the Organization of
African Unity with respect to the 1964 Declaration on the Denuclearization of
Africa, as well as a logical sequence to the Latin American countries' initiatives
on the 1967 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America - Treaty
of Tlatelolco. Together with the declaration of the zone of peace and co-operation
of the South Atlantic, these three initiatives are mutually reinforcing and serve
to enhance not only regional peace, security and meaningful co-operation, but also
advance the goals of international peace and security.
Last but not least, the zone of the South Atlantic has abundant natural and
marine resources, which need to be conserved and harnessed under conditions of
peace and co-operation among the States of the area. Hence, it is paramount to
note that these objectives can only be achieved if there is no outside
interference, and in the absence of the threat or use of force, an external
military presence, nuclear weapons installations and other impediments to the peace
and liberty of States in the zone.
While Nigeria welcomed the declaration of the South Atlantic as a zone of
peace and co-operation, we are aware that appropriate means of giving practical
effect to the objectives of this declaration need to be worked out. In this
connection, we hope that the same overwhelming support given to resolution 41/11
will enable all States to give their unqualified approval to ways and means of
As a first step, Nigeria urges all States, particularly the nuclear-weapon
States, scrupulously to respect the region of the South Atlantic as a zone of peace
and co-operation through the elimination of their military presence in the area.
This will be further enhanced by not stationing nuclear or other weapons of mass
destruction in the zone, as well as not introducing military rivalries, tensions
and confrontation into the South Atlantic area. In this connection, an early
resolution of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) dispute, as well as other colonial
questions in the area, by the relevant parties through peaceful means will help
immensely to facilitate the objectives of the zone.
Nigeria believes that the total eradication of the apartheid system in South
Africa and the termination of South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia are
indispensable to the total realization of the goals of the South Atlantic.
Considecing that two important States lie on the African sector of the South
Atlantic, Nigeria eagerly looks forward to the day when an independent Namibia and
a free, democratic South Africa, without its apartheid manacles, will be welcomed
as respected, full, sovereign members of the South Atlantic zone, and indeed
Members of the United Nations system.
That the international community gave its solid backing to the establishment
of the South Atlantic zone at the time of its first consideration in 1986 showed
the deep conviction of Member States of the potential for regional co-operation,
socio-economic development, protection of the environment, conservation of the
living resources, and the peace and security which the South Atlantic zone offered,
and will continue to offer, for the States of the region, in particular, and the
entire globe in general.
As stated by the Nigerian Minister for External Affairs, Mr. Bolaji Akinyemi
in his statement to the General Assembly at its forty-second session on
"
is prepared to co-operate with all nations bordering the South Atlantic
in efforts to guarantee freedom of navigation, weather-forecasting and all
plans favourable to environmental protection, thereby ensuring that the
interests of all humanity are adequately protected. To our South American
friends we offer the vision of the South Atlantic Ocean as an ocean that
unites rather than separates us." (A/42/PV.14, p. 59)
My delegation will endeavour to co-operate with any country to make this noble
objective a practical reality.
To this end, the Nigerian delegation commends to the General Assembly draft
resolution A/42/L.22, entitled "Zone of peace and co-operation of the South
Atlantic", for unanimous adoption by representatives to the current session of the
General Assembly.
We have heard the last
speaker in the debate on this item.
The Assembly will take a decision on draft resolution A/42/L.22.
A recorded vote has been requested.
In favour: Albania, Algeria, Angola, Argentina, Austr~lia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, BurlDa, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cameroon, Canada, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo, Cote d'Ivoire, Cuba, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Democratic Kampuchea, Democratic Yemen, Denmark, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Finland, Gambia, German Democratic Republic, Greece, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea~Bissau, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Ireland, Israel, Jamaica, Jordan, Kenya, Ku~ait, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Mauritius, Mexico, Mongolia, Morocco, Nepal, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Pan~ma, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Qatar, Romania, Samoa, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Solomon Islands, Somalia, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Swaziland, Sweden, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, united Republic of Tanzania, Uruguay, Vanuatu, Venezuela, Viet Nam, Yemen, Yugoslavia, Zaire, Zambia, zimbabwe
Against: United States of America
Abstaining: Belgium, France, Germany, Federal Republic of, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal
Draft resolution A/42/L.22 was adopted by 122 votes to l,with 8 abstentions (resolution 42/16).*
* Subsequently the delegations of Benin, Ghana and Saint Lucia advised the Secretariat that they had intended to vote in favour.
representatives who wish to explain their vote.
Mr. SILJANDER (United States of America): Once again the United States
felt compelled to vote against the draft resolution on the zone of peace and
co-operation of the South Atlantic. When the United States voted against
resolution 41/11 on this subject at last year's session of the General Assembly my
delegation explained that there were what we regarded as serious defects in the
text which required our opposition. Those views are well known and need not be
repeated here. I will confine my remarks to the observation that the united States
does not accept the premise that an internationally recognized zone of peace can be
created by means of a resolution of the United Nations General Assembly, rather
than as the result of multilateral negotiations.
Mrs. GAZEAU-SECRET (France) (interpretation from French): As we
indicated last year, France favours efforts to promote co-operation between States
at the regional level and would have liked to be able to support the initiative
taken in this direction by the States of the South Atlantic, with which we have so
many long-standing ties of friendship and trade.
However, last year my country had to abstain in the vote on resolution 41/11
because of the ambiguities in the text, especially as regards the limits of the
zone in question, the obligations of the States concerned and the application of
rules of international law. My delegation notes that those ambiguities have not
been removed from the draft resolution this year, which contains a reference to
resolution 41/11. Not being able to take a clear position on this text, we had to
abstain once again.
We have thus concluded
consideration of agenda item 27.
Vote:
A/RES/42/16
Consensus
Show country votes
— Abstain
(8)
✗ No
(1)
Absent
(28)
-
Bangladesh
-
Afghanistan
-
Benin
-
Comoros
-
Syrian Arab Republic
-
Costa Rica
-
Dominican Republic
-
Fiji
-
Gabon
-
Ghana
-
Grenada
-
Guyana
-
Mauritania
-
Niger
-
Rwanda
-
Tunisia
-
Uganda
-
Mozambique
-
Haiti
-
Djibouti
-
Suriname
-
Dominica
-
Saint Lucia
-
Belize
-
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
-
Antigua and Barbuda
-
Saint Kitts and Nevis
-
South Africa
✓ Yes
(122)
-
China
-
Malawi
-
Bhutan
-
El Salvador
-
Iceland
-
Yemen
-
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
-
Mauritius
-
Singapore
-
Ireland
-
Indonesia
-
Saudi Arabia
-
Israel
-
Ethiopia
-
Finland
-
Sudan
-
Egypt
-
Algeria
-
Argentina
-
Australia
-
Austria
-
Bahamas
-
Bahrain
-
Barbados
-
Plurinational State of Bolivia
-
Botswana
-
Brazil
-
Bulgaria
-
Burundi
-
Canada
-
Chile
-
Colombia
-
Congo
-
Czechoslovakia
-
Democratic Yemen
-
Denmark
-
Ecuador
-
Equatorial Guinea
-
German Democratic Republic
-
Greece
-
Guatemala
-
Guinea
-
Guinea-Bissau
-
Hungary
-
Islamic Republic of Iran
-
Iraq
-
Côte d'Ivoire
-
Jamaica
-
Jordan
-
Lao People's Democratic Republic
-
Liberia
-
Madagascar
-
Malaysia
-
Mali
-
Malta
-
Mexico
-
Mongolia
-
Morocco
-
Nepal
-
New Zealand
-
Nigeria
-
Norway
-
Oman
-
Panama
-
Papua New Guinea
-
Paraguay
-
Peru
-
Philippines
-
Poland
-
Qatar
-
Romania
-
Sao Tome and Principe
-
Senegal
-
Sierra Leone
-
Somalia
-
Spain
-
Sri Lanka
-
Eswatini
-
Sweden
-
Thailand
-
Trinidad and Tobago
-
Türkiye
-
Ukraine
-
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
-
United Arab Emirates
-
Myanmar
-
India
-
Kenya
-
Lebanon
-
Maldives
-
Pakistan
-
Cuba
-
Cyprus
-
Kuwait
-
Togo
-
United Republic of Tanzania
-
Uruguay
-
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela
-
Yugoslavia
-
Democratic Republic of the Congo
-
Zambia
-
Albania
-
Cambodia
-
Chad
-
Central African Republic
-
Lesotho
-
Gambia
-
Nicaragua
-
Cabo Verde
-
Honduras
-
Angola
-
Seychelles
-
Libya
-
Viet Nam
-
Samoa
-
Zimbabwe
-
Solomon Islands
-
Vanuatu
-
Brunei Darussalam
-
Burkina Faso
-
Cameroon
-
Belarus
I should like to propose
that the list of speakers in the debate on agenda item 29, "Question of the
Cornorian island of Mayotte", be closed tomorrow, 11 November, at 11 a.rn.
It was so decided.
I therefore request
representatives who wish to take part in the debate to put their names on the list
as soon as possible.
I have to inform members of changes in the tentative programme of work
announced on 9 October. The Assembly will begin its consideration of item 33,
"Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa", on the morning of
Monday, 16 November, and will take up item 32, "Law of the sea", on the morning of
Wednesday, 18 November.
The meeting rose at 4.25 p.m.