A/43/PV.44 General Assembly

23.  THE SITUATION IN KAMPUCHEA (a) REPORT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (A/43/730) (b) DRA~~ RESOLUTION (A/43/t.12) (c) REPORT OF THE FIFTH (X)MMITTEE (A/43/766) ~~NNOUNA (Morocco) (interpretation from French): The present debate in the General Assembly on the situation in Kampuchea is taking place in an environment characterized by a new spirit of detente in international relations and a revitalization of the role of the United Nations in the peaceful settlement of disputes and the maintenance of international peace and security. The General Assembly, as has been the case for almost 10 yea~s, is once again addressing the question of the situation in Kampuchea in order to assess the results of the efforts undertaken since the previous session, take note of any progress made and envisage means that. might be used to hasten the peaceful settlement ~! the conflict. It may be recalled that, by resolution 42/3, the Assembly reaffirmed the basic principles which should serve as guidelines in the search for a comprehensive political solution of the problem and indicated ways and means that could contribute to such a solution. By voting overwhelmingly in favour of that resolution, the.international community has already indicated the need for the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea,the restoration of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country and respect for the right of the Kampuchean people fr;eely to decide its own future, without outside interference. ./.. Our Assembly, in addition, has called upon the Ad Hoc Committee of the International Conference on Kampuchea and the Secretary-General of the United Nations to continue their efforts to contribute to the comprehensive political settlement of this question. All the efforts undertaken since the forty-second session have certainly opened up some encouraging prospects of a comprehensive political solution of the problem. informal meeting has taken place involving all of the Kampuchean parties, Viet Nam, and other concerned countries from the region. This meeting, which took place in Bagor, Indonesia, from 25 to 28 July 1988, enabled the participants to discuss all aspects of the problem. Such a development, encouraging as it is, could certainly not have been successful without the firm and steadfast commitment of the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to a peaceful and honourable solution to the problem. The continuance and consolidation of this process could, we hope, lead to significant breakthroughs j,n the situation and deserves to be encouraged by the Assembly. The lagitimate struggle waged by the Kampuchean people to recover their freedom and independence is very much indebted to the m~lti-faceted activities of the United Nations, and particularly to the sustained efforts of our Secretary-General. His last report on the situation in Kampuchea tells us of the progress of his mission of good offices with regard to the formulation of a number of suggestions which have been submitted to the four Kampuchean parties, Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, and the countries of ASEAN. With regard to the humanitarian dimension - the most tragic of the problem - we have noted with satisfaction the impact of co-ordinated aid activities under the Secretary-General on the thousands of refugees in the Kingdom of Thailand. Thanks to the generous assistance of donor countries, United Nations agencies and humanitarian organizations, Kampuchea's neighbouring countries continue to come to the assistance of thousands of Kampuchean refugees pending the achivement of th~ necessary conditions for their definitive and voluntary repatriation. The Ad H~ Committee of the International Conference on Kampuchea, for its part, is successfully carrying out the mandate entrusted to it in order to facilitate dialogue amongst all the parties. We wish to pay an especially heartfelt tribute here to Ambassador Massamba Sarre for the dedication and sense of responsibility he has consistently shown during the period he was Chairman of the Ad Roc Committee. We are convinced that Ambassadc: Assa Claude Oiallo will prove herself eaually skillful and successful in the Chairmanship of the Ad Hoc Committee in the ye&rs to come~ The pouit~on of the Kingdom of Morocco on this question is very clear. It is a reflection of our dedication to the principles of the Charter, particularly those of respect for the territorial integrity of States, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the right of peoples to decide their future without external interference of any kind, of any origin, or for any purpose. My country favours the restoration of an independent, democratic and non-aligned Kampuchea. In this connection, we support every effort under way aimed at bringing the positions closer together, creating a climate of confidence in the region and fostering the development of all the peoples of the region within the framework of peaceful and harmonious relations. Mr. FLEMMING (Saint Lucia); As the Assembly considers the situation in Kampuchea, my delegation would like to recall what the Secretary-General has stated in his latest report (A/43/730). The Secretary-General mentioned that since his 1987 report on the situation in Kampuchea the Kampuchean parties and other concerned countries have initiated a process of dialogue that they seem determined to pursue until a framework for a comprehensive political settlement is agreed upon. Re said that this was an encouraging development, which confirms that there is an interest on all sides in abandoning the path of a protracted and sterile confrontation and seeking a political solution through genuine negotiations and accomodations. The Secretary-Gener.al also reported that while Rubstantive issues still remain to be resolved, te was convinced that with the good will and active co-operation of all the partios concerned, it should be possible to hring peace to Karnpuchea within a reasonable tim~-fram~. This will put an end to the intense suffering that has been the tragic lot of the peoples of SOuth-East Asia for so long, and thus enable them to look to a more stable and prosperous future. My delegation is most heartened by ~hat the Secretary-General has reported. It is our sincere hope that the Vietnamese Government will withdraw all its forces from Kampuchea in the quickest time possibl.e so that the long-suffering Kampuchean people can begin to start reconstructing their war-torn country. In this regard, Saint Lucia follows with great interest the announcements of Viet Ram concerning their withdrawal of troops from Kampuchea. We hope that these announcem~nts are not merely political propaganda designed to mislead international opinion. My delegation hastens to add that some form of independent supervision would be necessary to confirm that the troop withdrawal is carried out according to agreed arrangements. At the same time, my delegation maintains the view that the mere withdrawal of occupying forces is not enough. Among other things, the decade of foreign occupation has brought about many changes inaide Kampuchea, like, for example, the armed mohilization of most Kampuchean citizens, and as the foreign troops leave the country steps must he taken to minimize chaos and anarchy. Given the horrendous record of human rights violations and the p~esence of different armed groups of Kampucheans, adequate measures must he specified. Wbat is needed, therefore, is the basis of a workable and lasting peace framework. If we do not have this, there will be no peace and security in Kampucheac there will merely be more fighting and bloodshed. The historical experiences of the KaBPuchean people indicate that this is not pure speculation by cynics and pessimists. Even in Afghanistan bloodshed has not stopped following the conclusion of peace accords. The moral responsibility of the international cowsnunity should not fsil in the final countdown to peace negotiations in Kampuchea. Our beloved United Nations must therefore continue to lead the way in exercising international moral authority and exerting pressure on all parties concerned in the conflict to look for the most suitable arrangement to avoid further anarchy and bloodshed in Kampuchea. In this respect my delegation commends draft resolution A/43/L.12, on the situation in Kampuchea, to all peace-loving Member States of this Organization. The draft resolution reaffirms the unequivocal stand of the Assembly over the past nine years in calling on the Vietnamese to end their illegal occupation of Kampuchea. It demands the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from that war stricken country. This foremost principle has not been compromised. In addition, the second principle which the Assembly has always sought to uphold on behalf of the Kampuchean people - namely, the principle of self-determination - is firmly entrenched in this draft resolution. The preservation of these two primary principles in the draft resolution alone deserves the whole-hearted support of all Member States. At the same time the draft resolution also identifies the elements necessary for an enduring peaceful settlement in Kampuchea and for a favourable at~sphere that will allow the Kampuchean people to decide what kind of Government and new order they want in their country. (Mr. Flemming, Saint Lucia, The utility of this draft resolution thus goes beyond the simple restatement of noble principles and ideals enshrined in the United Nations Charter. It gives concrete expression to the steps required to effect genuine withdrawal ~f Vietnamese troops and self-determination in Kampuchea. The genocidal horrors inflicted on the Kampuchean people during the recent past are still vivid in the minds of the entire Kampuchean nation and the world at large. Just as this Assembly has consistently and persistently condemned hum&n rights violations in all corners of the world, so it must remain firmly committed to the prevention of a recurrence of such genocidal policies and practices, whether ca.mltted by an internal force or by an intervening Power. My delegation is most gratified that the constant calls of the international community in past years to protect the Kampuchean people from a recurrence of past genocide has not gone unnoticed. The international concern about past genocidal policies and practices cannot be ridiculed by those that claim that the references in the draft reaolution to such horrors are tantamount to interference in the internal aspect of the Kanpuchean conflict. This Assembly should whole-heartedly support the draft resolution and not permit such an argument to distract members from their moral obligation and responsibility. The loss of so many lives must not be in vain. Finally, my delegation urges Viet Nam, the Kampuchean parties and other countries concerned not to allow the opportunity offered by the new climate in international relations to pass without advancing the cause of peace in Kampuchea, in particular, an~ in the South-East Asian area in general. The process of change in dialogue has gained considerable momentum. United Nations peace-keeping operations have brought a truce to the armed conflicts in Afghanistan and in Iran and Iraq. Our Secretary-General is actively pursuing peace initiatives in Namibia and Western Sahara. It wo~~d not be a prudent pollCY for any country to maintain a (Mr. Flemming, Saint Lucia) ~onfrontational eou~se. This is a rare chance for global peace because of a unique confluence of interests and historical developments in our increasingly interdependent world. We owe it to our children and thair children to maximize these prospects of peace. Mrc KIRSCH (Canada): We have in past years approached the debate on the Cambodian question with a sense of pessimism. For Canada there has been no greater cause of concern within the South-East Asian region than Viet Nam's continued occupation of Cambodia. This year 8 howev~r, it is with a sense of hope that we address the General Assembly, even though circumstances in that broken and ravaged country of Cambodia have not changed greatly. Perceptible changes have occurred in the international area, p~rticularly with respect to peace and security. We have witnessed tangible and dramatic progress towards peaceful settlement in a number of regional conflicts. Some of these disputes, including that in Cambodia, continue to challenge our courage and imagination, but those successes already achieved give us the optimism to searoh for meaningful solutions. Against the background of this encouraging world climate, we are heartened by specific developments in the region over the past year. There are hopeful signs of Viet Ham's movemement on Cambodia, as evidenced in their announcement of the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops by 1990 and the first steps taken in that regard. We welcome the Jakarta Informal Meeting, which was held in July this year and &ttended by the main Cambodian parties, as well as the Foreign Ministers of the countries membeks of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Viet Nam and Laos. (Mr. Fl~~ng, Saint Lucia) We cO!1lJlend the oareful preparations which preceded this lIeeting, wi th the able support of the Indonesian Fot'eign Minister, Mr .. Abtas, and the positive direction that the ASEAN states gave towards a political settlement. As Canada's SOeretary of State for Exter na1 Affa ir s, Hr.. Joe Clar k, s aid after the Jakarta Informal Meeting: -The Canadian Gcvernment ia pleased that all the participants have agreed that the JIM process should be centinued.. we wel<:ome the for_tion of a senior official level working committee to examine specific aspects of a political solution and to prepare recommendations on the convening of a follow-up l'IlQetil1g. I believe that with political will and sincer it}' by all parties genuine progress is now possible.- The dialogue between Prince Norodom Sihanouk and Mr. Hun sen over the past year is another manifestation of the search for a lasting and just solution to the Cambodian question. I wish to take this opportunity to express Canada's strong support for the efforts made by Prince Sihanouk to break the impasse and to achieve demonstrable progress. Other interested parties outside the region have also indicated a willingness to assist and encourage the negotiating process with initiatives towards a real settlement for Cambodia .. In that regard we reooCJ\ize the vigcxous efforts of the united Nations Secretary-Genera1 and his Special Representative, Mr. Rafeeudin Ahmed, to use their good offices in the search for a comprehensive political solution to this problem. All of theRe factors give us a sense of optimism when measured against the past: the long years of Vietnamese occupation, their attempt to impose a military solution and the resulting political stalemate. Yet, looking at the situation today, we still see Cambodia occupied by foreign troops.. Canada finds this unacceptable. We are still awaiting the implementation of Viet Nam's intention (Mr. Kir &ch, Canada) to ",1 thdraw all troops, although we find the tint steps acCOftplished in that regard to be encouraging. We must also recognize that, notwithstanding the unique nature of the Jakarta Informal Meeting in July, it constituted only preliminary discussions and an initial fir st step. More detailed discussions at an official level such as those held in Jakarta bst month, and eventually another meeting at a senior polt tical level, are clearly prerequisites for further progress. Therefore, there are major obstacles still to be overcome before a political settlement in Cambodia can be assured. It is in the hope of overriding those obstacles that Canada has for many years supported the vigourous efforts of the 1SEAN countries directed towards a genuine peace process. We join them in seek ing the comprehensive political solution that the CanOodian problem so desperately needs.. The main elements of such a solution are clear. First and foremost is the withdrawal of all Vietnamese forces, which must be carr ied out in the context of that overall poli tical solution. This must be accompanied by the cessation of all foreign interference, a factor which we consider essential in bringing peace to Cambodia. We also strongly support the establishment of a Cambodian government of national reconciliation drawn from various Cambodian political groups. Finally, the international community must do ~yerythin9 possible to assure external support and to encourage and reinforce peace and stability in the region. Taken together, those steps should lead to a comprehensive and peaceful solution that would include the restoration and preservation of the independence of Cambodia, reaffirmation of the right of the Khmer people to decide their own future, and a guarantee on the part of all Member States of non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affair s of an independent Cc;mhodia. Canada hopes (Hr. Kir sch, Cai!.!~) that the different groups now in Cambodia will be capable of living together in harmony in a new Cambodia. I cannot leave the subject of the future of Cambodia without expressing Canadais strong support for a call made in the draft resolution before us ~ot to return to the universally condemned policies and practices of ~ recent past. Canadians remember with horror the chronicle of human misery to which Cambodia was a witness in the past. We abhor the crimes and atrocities committed under the Pol Pot regime. The ravages inflicted on Cambodia by those past policies remain on the collective conscience of the international community. It is thus our collective responsibility to p.nSllre that there is no return to the extreme violations of human rights witnessed in Cambodia. We have an obligation to ensute that fu~ure governments in Cambodia uphold the basic human rights of the people they govern, as enunciated in the United Nations Charter. This responsibility cannQt be ignored. It is a matter of genuine and legitimate international concern. It is also, in our view, a necessary part of any lasting settlement. In the short term, it is that same sense of responsibility that has led Canada to provide ongoing aid to Khmer refugees in Thailand. Our ASEAN friends continue to bear the brunt of the ongoing exodus, imposing significant burdens on their societies. We wish to thank the Royal Government of Thailand for having qiven asylum to many Khmer refugees and for having encouraged them to sustain their efforts. To show OUL support, Canada has given tens of millions of dollars to assist refugees in those countries of first asylum, as well as further humanitarian support for el~ments of the coalition government of Democratic Kampuchea. More than 117,000 refugees from that region have found a home in Canada since 1975. More are expected this year and aqair. in 1990. (Mr. Kirsch, Canada) Having said that, we recognize that the first choice for the iQ':",er people is not a peaceful refuCje in Canada or anywhere else. Their hope is to r~tut'n to their homl!s in a peaceful, just and free Canbodia. That is Canada's hope for the Cambodian people as well. It is to that: end that Canada supports ASFAN efforts to find a lasting political solution Which will bring to the Khmer people all that they so rightly deserve, peace, justice, prosper ity snd liberty, a solution that would avoid both foreign occupation or intervention and the atrocities of the pasto I n that spir it Canada has - as in the case of similar dr aft resolutions in previous years - had the honour of sponsoring, aloi19 wi th 63 others, the draft resolution now before the General Assembly. We have welcomed the new elemC!nts introduced by the ASEAN countries into the text this y~.1r since they serve to underline specifio concerns expressed by the international community. For Canada's part, .we see in this draft resolution the elements needed to secure a comprehensive solution for Cambodia if they are ir¥ their entirety. This statement opened with our expression of optimism and it is in that constructive spirit that I wish to end. We do agree with the conclusions of the secretary-General contained in his report on the situation in Kampuchea. The process of dialogue among the Kampuchean parties and other concerned countries is a most encouraging development. Canada joins others in supporting the draft resolution before us as a means to further that dialogue to build an independent Cambodia in the years to come. Hr. SIS ILO (Solomon Islands): The passage of time cannot quench the thirst of the Kampuchean people for freedom from foreign occupation. For over nine years its forces have denied the Kampuchean people the basic rights of self-determination and the dignity of walking as free men on their own soil. For nine years the leaders of the foreign forces have refused to recognize the repeated calls of the international community, as manifested in the increasing support for the United Nations resolution on Kampuchea, to grant the Kampuchean people their basic rights and freedoms. Finally there appears to be so~~ hope. My delegation is heartened by the recently released report of the secretary-General on the situation in KamPJchea. The secretary-General notes that there are some signs of movement which indicate that there is an interest on all sides to seek a political solution to the problem. Could this finally be the beginning of the end? It is the sincere hope of my Government that it i.s. But the road ahead still remains long and winding. Foreign forces stUl occuP'J Kaq>uchea. There is much to be done before the Kampuchean people can truthfully claim to be as fr£~ as most of the memers within the General Assembly Hall. My delegation is also heartened to note that the international community has not been slow in recognizing that there has been some movement on the issue. This has been reflected in this year's United Nations draft resolution on the situation in Kampuchea. Significantly, the main thrust of the draft resolution rerMins unchanged. It r 19htly deplores the continued presence of foreign forces in Kampuchea, calls for their wi thdrawal and reaffirms the need foe all States to adhere str ictly to. the pr inciples of the Charter of the United Nations. My delegation fully supports the draft resolution and the principles that it advocates and stands for. One such principle is the right of a peopl~ to self-determination. To exercise this right effectively the Kampuchean penple must be free from foreign occupation and control. But that is not enough. There is a genuine fear among the peoples of Kampuchea of a recurrence of the atrocities of the previous regime. Only by also removing this fear can the international community ensure that the Kampuchean people are able to exercise their right to self-deter.mination freely and without extraneous coercion. My delegation recognizes the need for the international community to address these conr:erns. This year's draft resolution recalls a statement from the 1985 report of the Secretary-General, which notes that the Nnon-return to the universally condemned policies and practices of a recent past" (A/40/759, para. 13) is one of the main elements of a comprehensive political settlement. My delegation supports the view that this element refers to all universally condemed policies and practices of the recent past in Kampuchea, including the atrocities committed between 1975 and 1978, and all other human rights violations committed since then. It is pertinent to note that it is also a universally condemned practice for a foreign Power to invade and occupy a smaller neighbouring countgry and to set up a puppet regime. My delegation also agrees that the "non-return" element in this year's draft resolution should be seen as a moral statement protesting the past human rights violations of the previous regime. It is not a political statement that seeks to prevent any leg! tilllate party from shar ing power in Karrpuchea Cl part of a future natiClnal reconciliation gCNernment, nor is it a statement that attempts to prescribe a form of government for Kampuchea. It only addresses the responsibility of the international community to ensure that past atrocities against humanity in Kampuchea are not repeated~ Human rights violations are the concern of the international community as a whole, and the defence of human rights is a sacred We, the members of thel international ooll11lunity, must pr inciple of the Charter. not be found to be lacking in the political will to uphold such principles, especially if it means creating favourable conditions for self-determination and genuine peace in Kampuchea. My delegation would also like to express its support for the regional ini tiative being taken on the issue. The Jakarta Informal Meeting, which took place in July this year, saw for the first time a meeting involving all the parties directly involYed and other concerned parties. we are pleased to note that another round of talks has been scheduled for January 1989. My delegation is also pleased to note the active interest taken by the Secretary-General on the Kampud'1ean issue. Both he and his Special Representative, Mr. Rafeeuddin Ahmed, have followed closely the various diplolMtic exchanges which have oc:curred. They have also maintain.ed regular contacts with the"parties and countries concerned with the problem. My delegation fully supports the efforts of the Secretary-General to try to find a peaceful solution for Kampuchea. It is also gratifying to note that Prince Sihanouk and Hun Sen will be holding their third rOUl"ld of talks from 5 to 7 November 1988, almost immediately after the vote on the draft resolution. A resounding vote for the draft resolution will support the Prince's efforts to obtain a just and peaceful solution for his troubled homeland. The secretary-General is absolutely right when he points out in his latest report that RA comprehensive settlement plan must be consistent with the basic purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and must adequately protect the fundamental interests of the parties aoncer ned and, above all, of the Kampuchean people". (A/43/730, para. 24) The draft resolution on Kampuchea has successfully identified the elements necessary for such a comprehensive settlement. The draft resolution deserves our unanimous and total support. The Solomon Islands is a sponsor of the draft resolution and our vote will be an affirmation of the right to self-deteE'rnination, the preservation of fundamental freedoms and human rights and the dignity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Kampuchean people. Mr. ~BBI (Sierra Leone): Sir, the Pr~sident of the Republic of Sierra Leone, in his address to the plenary Assembly at the beginning of this session, paid rich tributes to you and your friendly country, Argentina, on your election to the presidency of this forty-third session of the General Assembly. I should like, in all humility, Mr. President, to echo those tributes and also those paid to your predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin of the German Denocratic ~public, as well as to secretary-General Perez de Cuellar. The Sierra Leone delegation is grateful to the 8ecretary-General for his current report on the canplex si tuation in Kampuchea. The report, which we find comprehensive and deeply enlightening, contains details that have caused both delight and concern. we are delighted that the Secretary-General and the entire international conununity have continued to devote priority attention to all aspects of the Kampuchean problem. We note with satisfaction the intensive and wide-ranging contacts and negotiations that have recently occurred in the search for a political settlement in Kampuchea. In particular we acknowled9~ the personel initiatives of the Secretary-General regarding the Ad Hoc Committee of the International Conference on Kampuchea, as well as the extensive and constructive activities of Mr. Rafeeudin Ahmed, Special Representative of the secretIJry-General. The Jakarta Informal Meeting (JIM) represents a notable mUestone in the path to a cOOlprehensive and lasting peace in Kampuchea. Great credit is due to the member States of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) al'il:' China for this remarkable diplomatic achievement, which holds out high prospects fG:r fur':"h~r successes. We believe the Jakarta initiative constitutes a viable instrument for the peaceful resolution of the Kampuchean conflict. In this regard we col1lllend the tremendous international support that has been accorded this initiative and we hope that this and other useful ini Ha Uves, particularly that pursued by the Non-Aligned Movement, will be suitably harmonized to ensure the earliest realization of the goal of achieving an independent and prosperous Karnpuehea. The extensive physical devastation in Kampuchea. and neighbouring States and the growing misery of the Kampuchean people which the conflict continues to create deeply distress my delegation. While we recognize the useful role played by the united Nations system, non-governmental organizations and individual GoVernments in containing the massive refugee problem, we must observe that not only is the number of Kampuchean refugees growing but also their condition ie rapidly deteriorating.* In recent weeks, our permanent mission in New York has received dozens of handwritten letters from Kampuchean refugees in evacuation sites along the Thai-Kampuchean border and elsewhere, giving disturbing details about their condition and asking my Government to assist them in bringing peace to their country "by ridding our land of the Vietnamese occupying forces". Those letters speak for milliona of Kampucheans, some of whom have been forced to flee their country and live elsewhere, mostly in abject poverty and misery. The Government ~nd people of Sierra Leone are in deep empathy with the plight of the Kampuchean people. Once again we assure them of our unflinching support for their cause. In conclusion let me emphasize that we continue to believe that the key to a comprehensive settlement of the Kampuchean problem is the withdrawal of all foreign troops. It is therefore regrettable that in spite of the consistent and unanimous demands bV the international community for foreign troop ~ithdrawal, as expressed in numerous resolutions of this Assembly and other bodies, the occupying forces have remained unresponsive. The international community is therefore under an obligation to adopt appropriate measures to 1 1ain the independence and territorial integrity of Kampuchea and to fo~estall any subsequent threats to the human rights of the Kampuchean people. Mr. SHARMA (India): There have been several important developments since the General Assembly debate last year on the agenda '~em entitled "The situation in Kampuchea". The countries of the region have taken an important initi~tive - the *Mr. Meza (El Salvador), Vice-Presidentw took the Chair. Jakarta Informal Meeting (JlM) - by which the parties to the Kampuchean conflict can come together to work towards a solution through dialogue and negotiations among themselves. The discussions ini tiated between Pr ince NOl:'odom Sihanouk and Hun Sen are an important initiative which has siqnificantly contributed towards strengthening this process. The Non-Aligned Movement has taken the ini tiative in establishing a committee. The initiative and the JIM are complementary and mutually reinforcing processes and naturally the Non-Aligned Movement lends its support to the JIM effort. There has been no significant breakthrough so far; indeed a numbe~ of impediments still remain. Nevertheless an opening has been made; there is now a dialogue where none existed before; there is movement, hencce there are grounds for hope. The Secretary-General's report of 21 OCtober reflects this cautious optimism when he states tha t -the Kampuchean parties and other concerned countries hav~ initiated a process of dialogue that they seem determined to pursue until a framework for a comprehensive political settlement is agreed upon. This is an encouraging development, which confirms that there is an in t.erest on all sides to abandon the path of ca protracted and sterile confrontation and to seek a political solution through genuine negotiations and mutual accommodation". (A/43/730, para. 23) The views of my delegation on the Kampuchean question are well known. The concerns of my delegation are two-fold. First, they are directed towards the alleviation of the disastrous consequences for the pe/')ple of Kampuchea brought about by the policies of the Pol Pot regime. Since that regime's ouster, Kampuchea has worked hard towards economic recovery and political and social reconstruction. Its efforts have received the s~pport of wide sections of the international community and the co-operation of various agencies both within and outside the United Nations system. The Government and people of India have been glad to have been of some assistance. we shall continue to extend our co-operation to the Government and people of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in the enormous task of rebuilding their country. Our second concern has been in the context of the search for durable peace in the Indo-chinese peninsula in particular and SOuth-East Asia in general. India's ties with the peoples of these regions go back many eentur tes and have always remained close. India C8MOt remain unconcerned about developments there. We have consistently maintained that there can be no military solution to the Kampuchean problem. Interference and military pressures will be counter-productive. What is needed is a balanced approach that takes into account the security and other considerations of all the countries in the region and the elimination of all outside interference. Developments dur ing the past year have largely been along thes& lines, and my delegation once again expresses its satisfaction over them. (Mr. Sharma, India) India recogn izes the GOII'eri1ment of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in Phnom Penh as the legitimate Government representing the people of Kampuchea. Our view is that the People's Republic of Kampuchea should be enabled to take its rightful place in the United Nations e It should be emphasized, however, that nothing in this policy precludes our support for the process currently under way to seek a just and lasting solution to the Kampuchean issue. We have suppor ted the informal meetings in Jakarta. we are pr ivileged to be a member of the Non-aligned COJIIJ'IIittee on Kampuchea and we have been in touch with Prince Sihanouk, who is sincerely contributing to a political settlement. It is in the light of the above approach that ffr/ del~gation's position on the draft resolution before us has been decided. My detegation believes that the text is an improvement over the resolutions adopted during previous years. It does not thrust legitimacy upon a group, which, in the view of my delegation, had no claims to it. It underlines support to regional initiatives. The draft text is more balanced in its identification of the elements required for a just and lasting Kampuchean solution. There can be nothing but full support from the Kampuchean people, indeed, from the international community as a whole, to the call for Rnon-return to the universally condemned policies and practices of a recent past". This is all the more important since reports from Kampuchean refugee camps give us little reassurance that there has been any genuine change in the at.titude of the loa thsome group of people tha t had been r espons ible for the wcrst a troci ties in the history of Kampuchea. My delegation welcomes these improvements in the draft text this year. Regrettably, however, it still contains some provisions which my delegation is not able to support positively. We are also sincerely disappointed that no determined effort seems to have been made to find consensus among all the delegations principally concerned. We would have hoped and expected that such an effort would CMr. Sharma, India) be made, especially dur ing the current year when some other thorny and controversial items might be concluded with consensus resolutions. For these reasons, we regret that we shall not. be able to vote posi tively for the dra ft resolution. This, hOAever, in no way detracts from our support for the diplomatic efforts currently under way to find a solution to the Kampuchean problem. Ms. MAUALA (Samoa)~ It is tragic that we have to meet here once again to discuss the question of Kampuchea. It has been almost one decade since vietnamese troops invaded Kampucl\ea and set up a puppet regime in Phnom Penh. For nine years since then, we have adopted resolutions annually calling upon Viet Nam to withdraw its forces from Kampuchea and make that country a free and independent nation again. Unfortunately, Viet Nam has persistently refused to heed the many calls from the international community and the United Nations to withdraw its troops under a negotia ted poli tical settlement. Instead, it has announced the un Ha tera1 withdrawal of 50,000 Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea by the end of 1988 and the vi thdrawal of the rema in ing troops by 1990. This is not the first time that Viet Nam has announced such troop withdrawals from Kampuchea. Our experience wi th such so-called troop wi thdrawals by Viet Nam is that they are nothing more than troop rotations. If Viet Nam was genuinely sincere about wi thdraw ing its troops from Kampu chea , it could easily have done so under the solution offered in the various resolutions adopted by the Assembly during the past nine years. It is still not too late for Viet Nam to respect the wishes of the international community. It can do so at this session by voting for the draft resolution before us. The draft resolution clearly outlines the principal components, which, if implemented, could provide a just, lasting and c~~prehensive solution to the Katrpuchean problem. These include the withdrawal of (Mr. Sharma, India) foreign forces from Kampuchea under effective supervision and control, the creation of an interim administering authority~ the promotion of national reconciliation under the leadership of pr inee Norodan Sihanouk, the non-return to the un iversally condemned policies and practices of a recent past, the restoration and presErvation of Kampuchea's independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, neutrality and non-aligned status~the reaffirmation of the right of the Kamuchean pecple to determine their own destiny and the commitment by all States to non-interference and nen-intervention in the internal affair s of Kampuchea. It is clear that the draft resolution before us has addressed the key issues of the Kanpuchean problem. It is in Viet Nam's self-interest to ensure the implementation of these elements. Not to do so would only prolong Viet Nam's isolation and its economic woes. A speedy settlement of the Kampuchean conflict will prOl1ide a favourable climate for peaceful coexistence between Viet Nam and its neighbours and, therefore, more economic and trade co-operation amongst the countries of SOuth-East Asia. In our haste to see a withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea, the international community should not ignore the other aspect of the Kampuchean problem, namely, the possible recurrence of the genocidal policies and heinous practices of the Pol Pot regime, which led to the dea the of an estimated 1 million Kampucheans during the period 1975 to 1978. It is for this reason that we support the establishment of an international peace-keeping force to prevent a situation of chaos and anarchy from developing in the security vacuum created by a precipitate Vietnamese withdtawal. During the period following the Vietnamese troop withdrawal, there should also be in place an interim administering authority, which would provide law and order until such time as an effective quadripartite government of national rconciliation comprising all four Kampuchean factions is (Ms. Mauala, Samoa) able to take over power. These arrangements will help to ensure that no one faction to in a position to seize power and domin~te the other factions. A comprehensive poll tical solution in Kampuchea is not beyond the reach of the parties involved. we would like to take this opportunity to commend Indonesia and its Association of SOuth-East Asian Nations partners fer having convened the Jakarta Informal Meeeting in July this year. This is a significant development bec"use it was Ule first time all parties directly involved in the Kampu~hean problem and other concerned countries participated in a meeting to deal specifically wi th the issue. We urge all parties to work harder to overcome the obstacles on the road to peace in Kampuchea and hope that this will put an end to the nightmare and intense suffer ings of the Kampuchean people and restore to them their right to self-determination, free from outside intervention. As the secretary-General has stated in his 1988 report on the situation in Kampuchea: MA conprehensive settlement plan must be consistent with the basic purposes and principles of the Charter of the-United Nations and must adequately protect the fundamental interest of the parties concerned and, above all, of the Kampuchean people.· (A/43/730, para. 24) (MS. Mauala, Samoa) Mr. WALTERS (United States of America): FOr the first time in nearly 10 years there is reason for cautious optimism regarding Cambodia's future. During the past six months there has been considerable diplomatic activity surrounding th Cambodian conflict and some signs of progress. This activity includes Vief: Nam's announcement in May that it will withdraw 50,000 troops from Cambodia by the end 0 1988, the Jakarta Informal Meeting (JIM) at the end of July, and the special talks on Cambodia between the Soviet and Chinese Vice Foreign Ministers held in Beijing at the end of August. In addition, other avenues for further progress toward a Cambodian settlement are being vigorously ~ursued. These include the discussion of the Association of South East Asian Nations' revised nsituatio~ in Kampuchea" draft resolution here a the General Assembly; the JIM Working Group which met in Jakarta earlier this mon and continuenJl to explore ways of achieving lasting peace for that war-ravaged land; and the upcoming meeting in Par is between Pr inee Sihanouk and Hun Sen, the so-called pr ime minister of Viet Nam's puppet regime in Phnom Penh. An acceptable settlement of this tragic conflict must permit ~Ie Cambodian people to determine their own future without internal or external manipulation or intimidation. It should be based on the complete withdrawal of all Vietnamese troops from Cambodia so that this foreign occupation is brought to an end as soon as possible. We strongly hope Hanoi will follow through On its pledge to undertake a partial withdrawal in the remaining weeks of this year. There have, however, been few concrete signs up to this time of major movement of Vietnamese forces out of Cambodia. We must ensure as well that Hanoi's withdrawal will not lead to the return to power of the Khmer Rouge, a contingem:y to which the United States and the international community are unalterably opposed. Recently my Government approved a Joint Resolution of tlL:: ::ongress on Cambodia, and it was signed by President Reagan. It reflects the overwhelming bipartisan sentiment 1"1 the United States for a total withdrawal of Vietnamese forces and for the prevention of a Khmer Rouge return to power. The resolution calls on all parties' to "respect the territorial integrity of Cambodia" and to "deny safe haven to Khmer Rouge forces seeking the overthrow of a newly formed sovereign Cambodian Government". It urges that the international community "use all appropr iate means available to prevent CJ return to power of Pol Pot, the top echelon of the Khmer Rouge, and their armed forces, so till!t the Cambodian people might genuinely be free to pursue self~eterminationwithout the spectre of the coercion, intimidation, and torture that are known elements of the Khmer Rouge ideology". Finally, it asks that those nations providing aid, support and sanctuary to the Khmer Rouge, especially arms and military equipment, cease doing so. Aloog with those pr inciples, which we believe must govern any comprehensive settlement of the tragic situation in Cambodia, there are a number of passible measures concerning the Khmer Rouge which warrant serious and urgent consideration. These include the holding of internationally supervised elections. We cannot imagine that the Cambodian people would willingly vote for the return of the Khmer Roogeo Another essential element is the removal of pol Pot and other senior Khmer Rouge leaders illOSt responsible for the crimes against the Cambodian people and the violations of basic human rights on a massive scale. A third is the disp&tch of some fOi:m of international monitoring or peace-keeping force. Another basic element should be provisions for the disarming of all the factions, under international monitoring_ Finally, measures shculd be developed to provide for the cut-off of arms aid from the outside in a hal~ced and symmetrical manne:. We believe some combination of these or ~ther approaches can prove effective. Following the implementation of t~eb~ meaSULes, the international community should stand ready to assist the Cambodian people in the resettlement of refugees and the reconstruction of their war-ravaged country. The United States believes that the best course for the international community is to continue to support Prince Sihanouk and the non-communist resistance forces in their valiant struggle for a free and independent Cambodia. Because they constitute an increasingly viable altern8tive to both the Vietnamese and the Khmer Rouge, they can and must play a key role in a settlement which will serve the best interests of the Cambodian people. We view Prince Sihanouk as the indispensable leader of any future coalition Government in Cambodia. It is vital that all peace-loving nations continue to stand firm in opposition to Viet Nam's occupation of Cambodia. We believe that the international effort to ostrelcize V:i.et Nam has, over the years, helped to bring home to Hanoi the cost of its action, and that the recent, although inconclusive, signs of change in Viet Ram's approach attest to its effectiveness. Under current conditions, Viet Nam cannot and should not participate fully in the world's economic and diplomatic activities. One result has been that as the economies of other nations in South-East Asia thrive, Viet Ram's has disintegrated. Until Viet Ram withdraws from Cambodia, it cannot hope to address seriously its social and economic malaise. Thus, not only Cambodians but also Vietnamese continue to suffer from the folly of Hanoi's military adventurism. Unquestionably, Viet Nam's illegal occupation remains the root cause of the conflict in Carrbodia today, and the expedi tious ~1i thdrawal of all of the Vietnamese troops - we believe that more than 100,000 are still in the country - is the key to resolving this tragic si tuation. The United States has joined wi th the vast majority of the nations of the world in condemning Viet Ram's occupation and has called for Hanoi to wi thdraw its forces and to negotiate a settlement acceptable to all sides. We believe that only through a political solution can the suffering Our goal is a free, independent Cambodia which is not a threat to its neighbours. Today, despite a series of announcements by Hanoi ove:c the years that its troops would soon withdraw, the Cambodian people continue to endure the pain and humiliation of the Vietnamese occupation of their homeland. The influence and control of Viet Nam permeates all aspects of Cambodian life and society. Vietnamese personnel, euphemistically referred to as "advisers", can be found at almost every level of Government in Phnom Penh and are assigned as watchdogs to all of the Ca1lOodian mili tary uni ts. There are also disturbing reports of a ttempts by Hanoi to brihg about demographic change in Cambodia through the establishment of a number of Vietnamese settlements. Nevertheless, Viet Nam, like oppressors from time immemorial, has found it impossible to suppress the indomitable spirit of the courageous Cambodian people. Rather than submit meekly to Hanoi's attempt to seize hegemony over Cambodia, thousands of resistance fighters have flocked to the banners of the non-communist resistance, seeking to drive the invaders from their country. This effort has been fueled by the widespread 1X>pular dissatisfaction with the puppet Heng Samrin regime. In addition to its impact on Cambodia and its people, the Vietnamese invasion and continuing occupation of that country constitute a direct threat to the security of Thailand, a long-time friend and treaty ally of the United 'States, and to the stability of the entire region. The Association of South-East Asian Nations has responded to this danger with vigour and effectiveness. It has marshaled international opposition to Viet Nam's occupation of Camodia and has fostered the growth of the Cambodian non-cormlunist resistance into a viable military and political force in the struggle for a free and independent Cambodia. The United States has noted with interest Hanoi's frequent announcements of its intention to withdraw 50,000 troops by the end of 1988 and the remainder of its troops by 1990, without regard to the political, economic or military situation existing at that time. we hope Viet Ham will meet and preferably beat these deadlines, and we wUl be watching. In another positive step, Hanoi has recently reiterated its willingness to allow foreign observers into Cambodia to ver i£1 its announced 50,000 troop withdrawal. Despite these encouraging signs, however, fundamental uncertainti'2s remain. Even if Hanoi were to withdraw 50,000 soldiers, the continued presence of an esUrns ted 70,000 troops in Cannodia would pteclude genuine national reconciliation. Moreover, the United States remains sceptical of Viet Ham's promise to depart fromCannodia by 1990 in the light of past announced troop wHhdrawals which later proved to be no more than troop rotations. The international community has the right to expect the act of actual withdrawal to follow the words of Viet Nam's promise. In closing, I offer several important points for the consideration of the Assembly. First, the United States will continue to support the efforts of the A&sociation of South-East Asian Nations to achieve a negotiated solution to this tragedy. Since the beginning of the conflict, ASFAN has been in the forefront of the search for peace. By focusing international attention on Canbodia, it has functioned as our conscience, ensuring that the world does not forgeto secondly, the United States also strongly supports the draft resolution now before us. We believe that the newly drafted language better reflects the current situation in Canbodia while maintaining as the worldis priority the need for the Vietnamese to withdraw their forces. The draft resolution is in harmony with my own Government's twin goals for Cantlodia: first, immediate, unconditional and total wi thdrawal of Viet Ram's forces in Cal\t)()dia and, secondly, a non-return to power of Pol Pot and those closely associa ted vith him in the Khmer Rouge. Thirdly, the invasion and occupation of Cambodia by Viet Ram are illegal. This Assembly has overwhelmingly and repeatedly demanded that Viet Ram withdraw from Canbodia. ~ should do so again, in the hope that our conbined voices may persuade Viet Ram to follow up its conciliatory:Jords with action. In this way, our votes here can contr lbute to the achievetnent of a peaceful settlement in Cambodia. Fourthly, it is the Cambodian people themselves who must determine their own future course. We are certain that for this eminently reasonable and humane objective to be realized, there must be workable measures to ensure that the Khmer Rouge can never again exercise control over that country's destiny. Complete Vietnamese withdrawal, however, remains the first step towards resolution of this conflict. The Cambodian people have suffered long enough. They deserve the right to determine their own form of Government, free from outside interference. They are entitled to our best efforts. The international community, which has come to equate the name Canilodta vi th tragedy, should do everything possible to ensure that Cambodia becomes once again a gentle land, independent and free from conflict. Mr. MAKSIMOV (Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian); There are clear, positive changes occurring in the international arena. Through the joint efforts of many States, the basic prerequisites have now been established for limiting the arms race and achieving true disarmament, reducing the threat of nuclear war and bl:eaking the deadlock on complicated regional conflicts. Movement towards a political settlement with regard to Kampuchea has also been noticed. Underlying this settlement are the realistic and specific proposals made by the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the Socialist Republic of Viet Ham, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Indonesia and other countries memers of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The Byelorussian SSR has always advocated a political settlement of matters relating to Kampuchea in the interests of the people of Kampuchea and of peace and stability in South-East Asia. We welcome the statement by the Q)"·ernment of the People's RepUblic of Kampuchea dated 27 August 1987, relating to national reconciliation, and the decision on the withdrawal of 50,000 Vietnamese volunteers from Kampuchea by the end of 1988, and a canplete wi thdrawal by 1990. All of this led to real changes in the situation with regard to Kampuchea and created favourable candi tions for the informal meeting at SOgor in Indonesia, during which it was agreed that interrel&ted ~ey issues were the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea, exclusion of any recurrence of the genocidal policies and practices of the Pol Pot regime, and a halt to any foreign interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea. The position of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and its efforts to restore peace in the country at an early date were supported by the participants in the International Conference for Nationf;ll Reconciliation in Kampuchea, Dialogue and Co-operation in South-East ASia, a Conference which was held early in August in Phnom Penh on the initiative of the Organization for Solidarity of the Peoples of Asia and Africa. In welcoming the agreements reached at SOgor, many States rightly regard the informal meeting as a further development of dialogue with a view to the finding of solutions that would be in keeping wi th the aspir ations of the Ka~uchean people and would promote a normalization of the situation in South-East Asia. The meeting reflected awareness, on the part of all those involved in the conflict, of th ' fact that there is simply no alternative to a political settlement. we feel that what is particularly relevant today is practical prorrotion of the trend towards realism and the strengthening of efforts to restore peace and achieve national reconciliation in Kampuchea. At this point it is important to avoid any actions or measures that would interfere with this or that could undermine the process begun at SOgor, namely, the harmonizing of the interests of the four Kampuchean parties and interested States. We must not miss a single opportunity to 1Il0000e towards a solution of the Kampuchean question. So we share the view expressed here that it is necessary to open a new chapter in the co~peration among the countries of SOuth-East Asia on the Kampuchean problem within the United Nations and create conditions that will enable the United Natiuns to play a posi tive role in settling the Kampuchean issue. we welcomed the proposals by the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic to the effect that together wi th Indonesia and other ASEAN countries, they would, &t this forty-third session of the General Assembly, reach agreement on a draft resolution on Kampuehea which would reflect full support for the efforts of the countr ies of South-East Asia and the Kampuchean parties with a view to a peaceful settlement of the Kampuchean problem and which would contain an appeal for the submission of regular information to the United Nations on the progress made in this area. Unfortunately, the proposal was not accepted. Now the General Assenbly has before it a draft resolution (A/43/L.l2). This does to some extent reflect the new positive developments around Kampuchea. In particular, the draft resolution contains a provision on the non-return in Kampuchea to the univerally condemned policies and practices of a recent past. Yet it does not fully reflect the atmosphere that prevailed at the Jakarta Informal Meeting, and it does still contain provisions that are confrontational and not objective in nature. This means that my delegation is not in a position to be able to support that draft resolution as a whole. The efforts of the United Nations would have been more productive if the General Assembly had moved along the path of strengthening and developing the positive trends that have emerged around the Kampuchean problem as a whole with a view to a rapid settlement by political means. A political settlement of the Kampuchean problem and peace and stability in South-East Asia can be achieved only in the presence of goodwill and the efforts of all parties. What is of fundamental significance here is recognition of the Kampuchean people's right to choose freely their own social and political system. It is the duty of the united Nations and of all States to Ptomote the establishment of a favourable political atmosphere for the further development and fruitful conclusion of the ne90tiati~ns on a settlement of the situation around Kampuchea. Hr. MAP.SUBANI (Singapore) \ Prince Norodom Sihanouk, who is now universally acknowledged to be the true and legitimate spokesman of Cambodia, is reported to have described the terrible tragedies experienced by his people as the fulfilment of an old Cambodian oracle's prediction of a difficult time for the Khmers. The oracle said\ "You will be eaten by the crocodiles in the water and torn by the tigers on land". Under heavy pressure from the international community, the foreign occupation forces, the tigers, will have no choice but to leave Cambodian soil soon. Our duty today is to ensure that the soil is not immediately reoccupied by the crocodiles, the Khmer Rouge, who extermina ted one million of the country's population in the three years and nine months during which they ruled Cambodia. Imagine for a moment that this room is Cant>odia: imagine that this room is about to be occupied by a force that once killed one out of every seven representatives here. Then one will begin to understand the fears of the Cambodian people. The Cambodian people face a cruel dilemma. Most countries would leap for joy at the prospect of liberatioo from foreign occup:ltion. The Cambodian people would be happy to be free from Vietnamese occupation; but they have no desire to fall into the hands of the Khmer Rouge. Any lasting solution to the Camodian problem must deal with both tigers and crocodiles. This explains the unique difficulties faced by the United Nations &nd the international community in fashioning a peace pI an for Cambodia. To help the Cambodian people through this predicament, we should first dispassionately analyse:the causes of their travail. The Cambodian conflict, like many other regional oonflicts, was fuelled by major Powers, which used it as an arena to push their conflicting interests. In retrospect, it is clear that Viet Nam unwisely made the decision to invade Cambodia with the massive help and assistance of one major Power. That major Power has now done a massive reordering of its priorities. It has decided that both Cambodia and Viet Nam, once perceived as major assets, are only liabilities, if not albatrosses around its neck, as it tries to mend its ties with another great Asian Power. Both of these Powers now see a common interest in co-operating and cOncentrating <...3 their domestic economic developnent. These developments hold both promise and per 11 for the Cambodians. In so far as they have led to a common desire to end the Cambodian conflict, we should welcome them. Yet, when major Powers meet to resolve their problems, the interests of many small States have been and can be sacr ificed. We appeal to these great Powers not to ignore the fears of the CaJitJOdians and the voice of the international community as expressed in our draft resol~tion. Surely Viet Nam can derive no satisfaction from the convergence of great-power interests. For 10 long years, in defiance of the will of the international community, it has sustained its occupation of Canbodia in the belief that the financial and material support from its great-Power friend would continue for ever. History has long demonstrated the perils of dependency upon a great Powel:. Without external support, and devoid of its own natural rescuroes, the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia will soon end. withdrawal is inevitable. It may even'occur before the 1990 deadline that the Vietnamese have set for themselves. The other major lesson of history that has emerged from this whole exercise is that Viet Nam should have heeded the voice of the United Nations in 1979 rather than in 1989. If it had heeded the first resolution passed by the United Nations General Assembly and withdrawn its forces then, it would have been spared the la painful and fruitless years that it has had to endure for its occupation of Cambodia. The United Nations can also take pr ide that its moral consistency and its dedicatian to the pr inciples of the United Nations Charter have bocne fruit. It is the uncompromising stance of the United Nations that hdS finally brought us to the verge of a comprehens ive polt tical settlement of the problem. All those who claim today and those who have claimed before that these annual debates on the situation in Kampuchea have been exercises in futility should now review their position and honestly acknowledge that these annual debates have had a major hietol'ical impact. Now that a wi thdrawal is in the cards, it is essential that the international community deal with the other side of the Cambodian equation. That is why this year's draft resolution contains Cl phrase taken from the secretarY-General's report dated 17 October 1985, which says that an essential element of a political settlement should be the "non-return to the un iversally cond0mned policies and practices of a recent past" (1\/40/759, para. 13). This phrase reflects an accepted international consensus and mentions no particular groupe It could refer just as easily to the policies of the occupation forces as to the Khmer Rouge. But its inclusion in this year's draft resolution has raised two obvious questionse First, if the Khmer Rouge factor is so important, why have we not referred to it in previous years' resolutions? Secondly, in doing so now are we not interfering in the internal affairs of Cambodia, and are we not creating a precedent that could be used against one of us? These are legitimate questions, and the first can be answered more 1uickly than the second. A careful reading of paragraph 10 of the Declaration of the International Conference on Kampuchea - a Deolaration that has been repeatedly endorsed at each session of the General Assembly in the resolutions we have adopted - will show that it includes special elements that were designed to prevent the return to power by force of the Khmer Rouge or any other armed Canbodian faction. It even included the call for a United Nations peace-keeping force. This year, however, we have had to step up the references to the Khmer Rouge because in the past 10 years of foreign occupation the Khmer Rouge has not posed a real threat to the Cambodian people. As lcng as the tigers were roaming Camodia, the crocodiles lay low in the water. It is the prospect of the departure of the tiger s that is lur ing the crocodiles out of tho: wa ter. On the second question, the draft resolution does not violate any of the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter. Its central thrust remains that foreign forces should leave, to allow the Cambodian people the right to determine their own future. Given the unique circumstances of Cambodia, and given the suffering that the country has seen for so long, the draft resolution also suggests that, as in the case of Namibia, some interim and transitional arrangement will have to be established until the Canbodians ca."l chooae their own Government. This is absolutely vital if there is to be lasting peace in Cambodia. Since the issues of Cambodia and Afghanistan have been debat.ed almost simultaneously in the General Assembly for nearly 10 years, the inevitable comparisons have been made between these two conflicts. In Afghanistan, the Accords call for the withdrawal of foreign forces but remain relati~ely silent on the internal arrangements to be made following such wi thdrawal. However, in the Cambodian situation it is not possible to make a similar simple distinction between the internal and the external aspects of the problem. Allow me to explain \.thy. Viet Nam has often claimed in its propaganda that the Vietnamese army went into Cant>odia to rescue the Cambodian people from the genocidal policies of Pol Pot. There is good reason to view this claim with consider?l.>le scepticism given the long history of Vietnamese efforts to assert regional hegemony in Indo-China. Viet Nam also installed in power in Phnorn Penh former Khmer Rouge cadres whose own record in office has not been unblemished. The concerns expressed about the Khmer Rouge cannot be ignored. As Prince Noroo..,m Sihanouk has r.ointed out, a vague or imprecise settlement that allowed the Khmer Rouge to seize power after a Vietnamese withdrawal would only provide "a golden pretext" for the Vietnamese to reinvade. Pr ince Sihancuk has only recently told the press that Vlet Nam and its allies have refused to sanction an international peace-keeping force because they want the civil war to s~·ead. According to the International Herald Tribune of 2 November 1988 0 the Prince said\ "Then the Vietnamese, haVing wi thdrawn, could claim that they have to go back to Cambodia to protect the people from the Khmer Rouge, since nobody else is capable of doing it, and the international community will approve." No ene is better placed today to understand what is best for Camodia than Prinee Sihanouk. He is an experienced s t.! tesman and a patr iot. The inter national collmunity should therefore pay careful attention to his concerns. They represent the distillation of the wisdom gained from many years of bitter experience. Prince Sihanouk is, above all, a political reaUst~ He accepts that the Khmer Rouge must havQ a role to play in a liberated Cambodia~ but it must not be a dominant role. Everyone, including the Khmer Rouge, has accepted this. But Viet Ham must never agl1in be given any pretext to threaten Cambodian independe'.cei which is now on the verge of being rastored after almost 10 years of struggle. This is why, at the Jakarta Informal Meeting (JIM) 0 in July this year, the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ABEAN) accepted paragraph 6 of the JIH Chairmanos statement, which read as fol1CMS: -the two key issues of the Kampuchean problem, which are interlinked , are the vithdrawal of Vietnamese forcss from Kampuc1lea, to be carried out within the context of an overall political solution, &nd the prevention of the recurrence of genocidsl policies and practices of the Pol Pot regime ••• " (~i43/493, pllra. 6) In conclusion, let me admit that the draft resolution before us is not perfect. Perhapa it should have named Viet Ham explicitly as the in'i1ading party. perhaps it could have had a stronger reference to the Khmer Rouge. However, we believe that the international eommMity is more concerned with the main political thrust of a draft resoluUon than with the details of its wording. By clearly outlining the main elements of a canprehens1'l7e political settlement this draft resolution seeks to expl'ess the views of as wide a spectrum of the international COIIlIunity as possible and ensure that a peace settlement will be durQble. We have reason to believe that many of those that will not vote in favour of the draft resolution today are secretly pleased with it. We hope, however, that in later years they will not have to regret their failure to seize the opportuni ty presented today to send a clear signal to both the tigers and the crocodiles to leave the Cambodian people alone. Those who do send such a signal today by voting for the draft resolution can rest assured that millions of Cambodians will reach out to thank them from the depths of their hearts. Organization as the most propitious for international peace and security. a year in which many hotbeds of tension at last saw the dawn of a desirable solution. In Afghanistan, after nine years of Soviet occupation, nine years of untold suffering inflicted on the people of Afghanistan, it at last dawned upon the Soviet authorities early this year that they could neither defeat the valiant Afghan freedom fighters nor continue to ignore international opinion opposing their occupation of the country. Consequently they took the wise and commendable decision to withdraw their forces from ~fghanistan. On the question of Namibia, there seems to be a positive movement towards the application by South Africa of Security Council' resolution 435 (1978). On the question of Western Sahara, the parties in conflict have accepted the peace plan presented to them by the Secretary-General in collaboration with the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity. The~e are encouraging steps forward in our search for peaceful coexistence, and my delegation deeply regret~ that the question of Kampuchea cannot be included with them. We would have been most grateful to Viet Nam had it followed the example of the Soviet Union and withdrawn its forces from Kampuchea. However, it is never too late: Viet Nam can still make a wise decision before the end of this year. Ten years have gone by. For 10 summers and 10 winters the Kampucheans have been subjected to untold suffering under the occupation of thousands of Vietnamese troops and under the oppression of the puppet regime installed by Viet Nam. For 10 years Viet Nam has tried everything in its power to strengthen its puppet regime in Kampucheai but all its efforts have failed lamentably. Now, after 10 years of negative results, would it not be wise for Viet Nam to embrace the wisdom of the Soviet Union and wi thdraw its forces from Kampuchea, thus leaving the Kampucheans to decide for themselves who should govern them? Military occLt;>ation and oppression by States against States have rarely been successful, so why continue with this exercise in futility, whose only reward is international condemnation? The time has come for the valiant people of Viet Nam to realize that they have no other choice but to seiz~ the moman tum of th is propi tious year to search for an honourable way out of this no-win si tuation. we say to them: wi thdraw your troops from Kampuchea and you will be forgiven and welcomed back as an honourable member of the international community. My delegation has always supported and co-sponsored the draft resolutions on the question of Kampuchea, but this year it gives us even greater pleasure to do so because of the commendable efforts of the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (M;EAN) to offer Viet Nam an honourable exit from this problem and a way of showing a genuine desire for a peaceful solution. We know that many delegations would have preferred to see Viet Nam conde~~ed in this draft resolution for its occupation of Kampuchea. Many countries that usually co-sponsor this draft resvlution would have liked to see a strongly worded resolution. Ha..ever, my delegation has great confidence in the wisdom of the ASFAN countries and commends their positive and realistic attitude towards the search for a political solution. The Comoros firmly believes that the essential task of this Organization is to support and encourage genuine efforts to find political solutions to problems. The Organization should resist all efforts by Member States to use it as a place for scoring political victories over their opponents. My delegation believes that this is a draft resolution that should be - and must be - supported by all peace-loving countries. itself with the sentiments expressed by rePE'esentatives ,)f Member States supporting the draft resolution on the situation in hlllpuchea before the General Assembly today. The ltanpuchean issue has been on the agenda of the Gener a1 Assembly for the past 10 years. For a decade the people of Kampuchea have lived as citizens of an occupied territory with over 100,000 foreign troops living within their borders. For a decade the people of Kamp.1chea have been victims of genocide, enslavement, starvation and other acts of cruelty and serious abuse of huun and civil rights perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge and the puppet regime. For a decade thousMtds of Kalllp1cheans, for fear of persecution, have beOOM refu"1ees or displaced persons seeking asylum in countries like Thailand and elsewhere fOt reeettlement. Papua New Guinea firmly believes that in any attempt to reach a negotiated settlement of the Kampudlean issue all permanent members of the security Council, as well as the good offices of the secretary-General, must be involved, together with all the pGrties to the conflict. While Papua New Guinea welcxnaes the positive signs of movement by the various parties for dialogue and diplomatic discussions concerning the future of the KallpUchean PE'oblem, any settlelllent plan must truly refle",t and protect the interests of the K_puebean people. Papua Nlw Guinea wishes to reiterate that the stability of South-East ABta can be assured only once peace is restored to KMpuchea ai1d the rights of the KalllpUchean people are universally respected. Papua New Guinea cotzmends the work of the united Nations specialized and voluntary agencies, such as the united Nations High COIIIIissioner for Refugees (OHIO), the United Nations International Chilcke~'l!I Fund (I'UOO:P), the rood and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the World Food Ptogramme (WFP) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) for the humanitarian assistance programmes mounted efficiently and successfuly for the displaced people of Kampuchea. The Papua New Guinea Government also commends the member countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), in particular Thailand, for their tolerance and support. They have not only accepted the many displaced persons who have crossed into their countries but have also been able to secu~e the support of the international community for a just and dur~ble solution for the Kampuchean people. (Mr. Lohia, Papua New GUinea) The draft resolution before us makes it clear that we want not only the unconditional withdrawal of the Vietnamese forces from Kampuchea but also arrangements designed to prevent the Khmer Rouge from returning to power in Kampuchea if and wheu the Vietnamese leave. The draft resolution is broad and bipartisan, and very specifically calls for a negotiated settlement of the Kampuchean conflict. This could be facilitated by the convening of an international conference on Kampuchea under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Papua New Guinea applauds the thrust of the draft resolution and hopes that it will serve as a springboard for future initiatives in the region with respect to Kampuchea and the thousands of refugees and displaced persons who have been subjected to intense sufferinq for the last decade. I commend the draft resolution, which seeks to reaffirm the right of the Kampuchean people to d9termine their own destiny without any interference from other countries. The thousands of refugees and displaced persons of Kampuchea are worthy of our sincere support. Mr. ENGO (Cameroon): The title of item 23 is appropriately given to draw special attention to the grave situation in Kampuchea. For a period stretching over a decade the Kampuchean people have been compelled by circumstanceo imposed upon them to remain outside the mainstream Of the renurgence of a remarkable economic recovery and social development in Asia. Bullied by superior foreign military force~, weakened by the power and humiliation of foreign armed occupation or presence, brok~n in spirit by frustration and induced internal strife, the people have lost their self-determination and their nation has lost the opportunity to participat~ fully in international life. Instead, they must seek to exercise a mere residual right to take personal refuge in neighbouring countries and elsewhere. (Mr. Lohia, Papua New Guinea) A decade of conflict and deprivation is much too long in an age in which the United Nations Charter spells out the universal co~science on the life-and-death issues of international peace and security. It has been dangerously too long in staving off the elements of discord that tend to destroy the rudiments of successful nation-building in Kampuchea. In an attempt to use the international lIachinery in seeking relief, the Kampuchean people turned to the United Nations, the universal centre for harmoniZing the actions of States in accordance with the norms and principles collectively upheld. Although our reGolut10ns here have had their tranquillizinq effect year after year, we havo not until very recently seen any relief for the people themselves. The good offices of the Secreta~y-General, Mr. Javier Pere~ de Cuellar, were prescribed for the search for a political settlement. Even that man of peace has had to draw heavily on his huge reservoir of patience and diplomatic skills, but to no immediate avail. The United Nations, whoes central role and primary purpose assigned to it by its Charter is the maintenance of international peace and security, has not been given the chance it needs to promote the speedy, peaceful settlement of disputes. We express our deep appreciation to the Secretary-General for the courageous steps he has endeavoured to take to ease tension in Kampuchea. Our decision to be a sponsor of the draft resolution on this item is based on our nation's desire to participate in providing broad international encouragement for the peacefUl settlement of conflict-oriented disputes. We welcome the role played by the regional organization, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), in accordance with Article 33, paragraph 1, of the United Nations Charter • (Mr. BMo, Camero:2!!) We Africans have been groomed by an attained solidarity that gave birth both to the pan-African movement and the Organization of African Unity. And, I may add, it was a similar chemistry that induced the birth of the Afro-Asian concept. Resort to region~l entities becomes imperative where internal means fail or seem impossible. Many disputes in Africa among Africans themselves have been successfully resolved within the continental meohanisms, because the parties concerned are better understood b.Y their peers. The ASEAN endeavours brought together all the parties to this complex conflict. They provided an opportunity for dialogue without the undue or direct influence of the principal esternal promoters of the contestants in the race for power or for survival in the area. The text of draft resolution A/43/L.12 appears to us to offer the only satisfactory basis for avoidinq a disruptive mobilization of unproductive external support. The parties must be prevented from challenginq the credibility and propriety of those nations which have been encouraged by regional sentiments and concern to use their good offices - good offices that have been aocepted by everyone. There is a serious threat that with the withdrawal of foreign troops a return to old hostilities or new forms of hostility will become inevitable. The t~old rivals will still be there, each with illusions of new advantages in the balance of power. The wise support for Prince Norodom Sihanouk stems from the fact that he continues to provide pethe~~ the only real alternative leadership for the reconciliation of that war-torn nation. We have a duty to the Kampuchean people to help create ~ew procedures ~nd new approaches designed to ensure that the people genuinely exercise their fundamental right to choose the inspired leadership that (Mr. Eogo, Cameroon) can lead them to new and clean eoastlinos of freedom and happiness, unpolluted by the drugs, syringes and pipettes of conflict and despair. The essential thing is fee all to continue to work collectively for peace, fer it has become more critical than ever that the battle for peace be not lost•• 'liThe President returned to the Chair. (Hr. Engo, Cameroon) we call on all our friends parties to the conflict, all Kampucheans and Vietnamese alike, to join in breathing success on the initiatives currently afoot. We call on all foreign troops to withdraw, for all friends and supporters of the contestants to join in promoting current efforts towards peace in Kampuchea, and in respecting a zone of peace in the ar ea. Let us abandon conflict and create conditions that reject war in international relations. Let the current revival of faith in the principles and norms of the Charter dominate our every foreign and domestic policy. Let the changing mood of the times bring solace and durable peace to the Kampuchean people that they, too v ·may legitimately participa te in the process of building a new wor Id through measures that strengthen universal peace. Our sense of solidarity remains wi th them in these difficult times as they seek national reconciliation. Mr. pmUISONGGUV4 (Thailand) ~ On Christmas Day of 1978, in blatant violation of the purposes and pr inciples of the United Nations Charter and international law, the SOcialist Republic of Viet Nam invaded Kampuchea and installed a regime in Phnom Penh. In addition to its occupation of Kampuchea, Hanoi has also been pursu ing a policy designed to br ing about a profollnd denocratic change in Kampuchea. The aggression against Kampuchea has been universally condemned and will never be condoned. It has been a threat to regional as well as international peace and sec.urity. The strongest impact has been felt in Thailand, which overnight became the front-line State. Thailand's sovereignty and territorial integrity have often been violated. Throughout the past 10 years Vietnamese incursions into Thai -'elling incidents across the border into T~ailand territory have been frequent. have been numerous. Many villages have been destroyed. Many Thai citizens have (Mr. Engo, Cameroon) been killed and hundreds injured as a direct or indirect consequence of these actions. The aggression against Kampuchea has also turned many Kampucheans into refugees and displaced persons in SOuth-East Asia and throughout the world. Indeed, the South-East Asia refugee prObl~m remains one of the most tragic consequences of the Kampuchean problem. Thailand has provided shelter and care for more than 300,000 Kampucheans displaced by the continuing conflict in their own country. A steady flow of some 700 Kampucheans continues to trek across the border into Thailand each month. Since the invasion of Kampuchea in 1978, Thailand, together with other member s of the Associa ticn of Sou th-East As ian Na tions (ASEAN) and 0 ther like-minded countries, has been working actively with a view to finding a lasting political solution to this conflict. We have been working to free the Kampuoheans of foreign occuPaltion so that peace and security in South-East Asia can be restored. Together with some 60 States Menbers of the United Nations, we have put forward General Assembly resolutions calling for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampucnea. We would like to see re-emerge a sovereign, independent, neutral and non-aligned Kampuehea that threatens none of its neighbours. The Coali tion Government of Demoera tic Kampuebea has also been work 1ng towards the same end. Its Eight-Point Peace Proposal offers an honourable way to end the Kampuchean problem. It conforms to the des ire for na tional reconcU ia ticn and peaceful coexistence. It is consistent with the purposes and principles of the united Nations Charter and international law. It provides a way towards the restoration of a sovereign, independent, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea, at peace with all its neighbours. (Mr. Pibulsonggr am, Thailand) Internationally this year has been a special one) 1988 marks the beginning of a new and encouraging trend towards peace and accommodation in international relations. We are witnessing a new trend towards what my Minister of Foreign Affairs, Air Chief Marshal Siddhi Savetsila" has termed "a new world order of peace and justice". In South-East Asia, 1988 has witnessed some movement towards a comprehensive poli ticd settlement of the Kampuchean prcblem~ Viet Ram has announced tha t 50,000 Vietnamese troops would be withdrawn from Kcu~uchea by the end of 1988. We are awaiting the actual implementation of this announced withdrawal. The Jakarta Informal Meeting, also known as JIM, was held in Indonesia during this past July. JIM brought together for the first time the various Kampuchean factions together with Viet Ram, the occupying Pewer. Also present at JIM were represent:&tives of other concerned countries in the region. JIM set up a Working Group which met in Jakarta between 17 and 20 October 1988. Unfortunately the result of this first meeting of the work ing Group was disappointing_ It should be noted that one of the factions directly involved did not participate in the meeting. In addition we have noted that new preconditions have been made. Ne have also noted repeated insistence that foreign troop w1 thdrawal from Kampuchea occur simultaneously vi th the cessa tion of external support for ,".he Karrpuchean freedom fighter s. 8lt as a matter of fundamental principle, my delegation believes that it is the legitimate right of a people under foreign occupation to wage a just struggle to liberate their country. In doing so they have the right to ask for external assistance. My delegation is confident that extel'nal support for the Kampuchean freedom fighters would cease upon the termination of foreign occupation of their country. (Mr. Pibulsonggr am, Thailand) Thailand has been supportive of the .1IM Working Group and hopes that it will succeed in reaching a convergence of views that would constitute real progr .as towards a lasting political settlement of the Kampuchean conflict. In addi tiarA we are also following with interest the efforts of Samdech Norodom Sihanouk towards that same end. Although we have seen some encouraging developnents this year, many obstacles still rema in. The legi timate demands of the interna tional community as embodied in repeated United Nations resolutions on this sUbject remain unfulfilled. Vietnamese troops have yet to be vi thdrawn. The Kanpuchean people have yet to exercise their right to self-determination. Peace, stability and secur ity have yet to return to South-East Asia. (Mr. Pibulsonggr am, Thailand) My delegation wou~~ like to take this opportunity to express its gratitude to the 5ecretary-General., M~. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and his Special Representative, Mr. Rafeeuddin Ahmed, for their tireless efforts in the search for a lasting political settlement of the Kampuchean problem. My delegation would also li~' express its grati tude to Mr. Leopold Gratz, President of the International Conference on Kampuchea, for his persistent effort and abiding interest. Our appreciation also goes to Ambassador Massamba sarre of Senegal, the fC,:'(I'C" Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee of the International Conference on Kampuchea, his successor, Ambassador Diallo, and the other members of the Ad Hoc Committee, for their untiring efforts and active participation in the continuing search for a C{1:1lprehens ive poli tical solution to the problem in accordance :..01 th the manda te entrusted to them by the International Conference on Kampuchea. Once aga in in th is Assembly Tha Hand joins wi th the member Statea of the Association of South-East Asian Nations and other like-minded oount~ies in pr~~entin9 a new draft resoluHon on the agenda item entitled "The Situation in Kampuchea". We have gone far beycnd what '"le have done for the past nine years. We have included elements which we believe are necessary compalents of a comprehensive political se~tlement in the light of new developments this year u The main thrust of the draft resolution h&s not changed. It deplores the continued presence of foreign forces in Kampuchea. It calls for their unconditia"Hil withdrawal and reaffirms the need for all States to adhere strictly to the purposes and princtples of the United Nations Charter. The draft resolution also reflects the lxoad consensus that exists among the Kampuchean people regarding 5amdech Norodom Sihanouk' s role as the rf!;l.~gni- ",:d leader of all the! Kampuchean people. The draft resolutil)n also envisoeugfiis that foreign forces be withdrawn under effective international supervision and control. The emphasis on international supervision and control is necessary to ensure that there will indeed be a real withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea and not just troop rotations as we have seen in the past. It is also to help ensure that anarchy does not descend upon Kampuchea following the withdrawal of foreign forces. The draft resolution envisions also the creation of an interim administering authority following the withdrawal of all foreign forces and the dismantling of all prevo~ling regimes. The interim administering authority would serve until a new government is elected to ensure the continuation of normal governmental functions during the transition period. In calling for the promotion of national reconciliation among all Kampucheans under the leadership of Samdech Norodom Sihanouk. the draft res~lution is mindful that a lasting peace can come about only through a process of national reconciliation among all the Kampuchean factions. The exclusion of any of the Kampuchean factions would be politically and militarily disastrous. It would mean the prolongation of the conflict. The drafters are mindful of the fact that in the recent past, and up to the present, serious human rights violations have occurred in Kampuchea. We want to see an end to these violations and their non-return. It is for this reason that we have included in our draft resolution the phrase "non-return to the universally condemned policies and practices of a recent past". This phrase was found in the Secretary-General's 1985 report on the situation in Kampuchea. Once again it is necessary for the General Assembly to consider and take action upon a draft resolutiont it appears "this year in document A/43/L.l2 and is sponsored by 64 countries. My delegation feels that this draft resolution on the situation in Kampuchea is fair and balanced. It makes legitimate demands consistent with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and international law. It includes new elemnnts which the drafters believe are essential in the process towards the settlement of the Kampuchean problem and national reconciliation ~f the Kampuchean people. we want to see finally the restoration ef a fully sovereign, independent, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea that will be able to live in peace and harmer .' with all of its neighbours. My delegation also believes that the adoption of this draft resolution by the AsseJrbly will constitute another important and constructive step towards the restoration of peace and security in South-East Asia. Its adoption will also be a credit to the united Nations itself. The PRESmmT (interpretation from Spanish): The Assembly will now take action on draft resolution A/43/L.12. I shall call first upon those delegations which wish to explain their vote before the voting. May I remind members of the Assembly that, in accordance with decision 34/401, explanations of vote are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats. Mr. M:>\""A PALENCIA (Mexico) (interpretation from Spanish): Since 1979 the General Assembly of the United Nations has adopted various resolutions for the purpose of contribu~ing to resolving the conflict in Kampuchea. The position of the Government of M&xico wi th regard to those resolutions has been based upon unqualified respect for the the guiding principles of international law. In the case before us, more than in any other, the fundamental principles of non-intervention and the self-determination of peoples have been at stake, and even in conflict. Mexico has maintained that we cannot divorce the application of those pr inciples and, just as we have always unequivocally rejected the presence of fexeign forces cm Kampuchel!in territory, we have none the less pointed out that it mUllit not be forgotten that those who took power by force in that country in 1975 likewise violated the exercisE of an essential human right - the right to life. In no way can foreign OCCupation a.nd the denial of the right to self-determination be justified. However, the door cannot be left open either for prolonging the genocide to which the Kampuchean people fell victim. Regrettably" the resolutions adopted in previous years did not reflect those concerns of the Government of M!xico and consequently my delegation was canpelled to abstain when they came to the vote .. Draft resolution A/43/L.12, which is now before the Assembly, contains new elements and makes reference to positive developments that have occurred during the present year. For the first time an avenue is being opened to a definitive agreement that will enable the Kampuchean people fully to exercise their sovereign rights in a setting free of external interference. As the draft categorically states, any return to the universally condemned policies and practices of the recent past must be prevented; this refers to the genocide perpetrate~ against the Kampuchean people. Another positive aspect is that no reference is t,ade to the coalition of forces which included the faction responsible for thClGe acts of barbarism committed in pr evious year s. Consequently, the Government of Mexico will vote in favour of the draft resolution in order to express its unqualified support for the diplomatic process now under way, which is laying the foundation for a negotiated solution to the conflict in conform!ty wi th the pr inciples of the united Nations Chartel'. Another element which my r~vernment has taken into account is that the draft refers to Cbe Jakarta Informal Meeting held at 8Ogor, Indonesia, from 2S to 28 July 1988, which enjoyed the participation of all the parties involved and other concerned COWltr i es. However, the Government of Mexico would have wished the draft to consider in a more balanced £."1d comprehensive way the constrtJctive attitude that has been demonstrated by the parties involved. In this regard, the draft should have emphatically encouraged the continuation of the negotiation process. For example, we cannot ignore the fact of the announcement that this month diplomatic meetings will be held vi th that in view. Similarly, the Government of Mexico recognizes that while the General Assembly , should support this ptocess of national reccnciUatior. among all Kampucl'leans, it: is the exclusive and sovereign right of the people of Kanpuchea to determine the nodaUties, characteristics and leadership for that process• My delegation expresses the hope that during the next session the General Assembly may adopt, without a vote if possible, a resolution which reoogn izes the new advances conclusive to guaranteeing self-determination for the people of Kampuchea in a framework that secures their sovereignty, independence, non-alignment and territorial integrity, free from the threat of unacceptable genocidal practices. Mr. DA2 (Burkina FasO) (interpretation from French): The agenda item entitled "The situation in Kampu~~ea" has elicited the following statement from my delegation in explanation of the vote that we are about to cast. My delegation agrees with what Mahatma Gandhi stated throughcut the independence struggle: "Freedom is a gift from God and a gi ft from God can never be taken back from Ris children." Today, as in the past, that idea has been proven correct and worthwhile. That is just what we mean when we speak of the right of peoples to self-&~terminatioh, which is one of the cardinal pr inciples of our Organizatiol'i. Thil!l pr inciple, and other: equally basic principles of the United Nations Charter, hav~a been violated in Kampuchea by a Member of this Organization, which, with its troops, has for 10 years bea~ occupying a territory that is not its own. Since 1978, the people of Kampuchea have been livin9 with OCC".Jpa ticn tr~!?S in their: midst. Hhat is most PI inful in this si tuation is that the occupation troops are from a country which had itself suffered from the combined effects of colonialism and imperialism - a country which, in its cay, resisted such humiliation and freed itself from successive invaders. At ill time when the horrOl's of war engulfed that country, the international collllllunity raised its voice in its support. 'this happened recently, too recently for people to have already forgotten it. In our overview of the w«ld as the century nears its end, Burk!na Faso, expressing its devotion to the ideal of freedom for everyone, rejects any type of caaplacency that 'ioulCi offer a double standard for different but cc:nparable situations. Accordingly, we support the draft resolution naw before the General Asser.Cly, inas11lUch as the freedOil of the KMpud'eean people and the integr1ty of its territory must be promcted.' However, m)~ delegation is aware of inadequacies in the text of the draft resolution. SClIIle of the prOYisions of the text touch soce spots and other s &re soll!ewhat misleading in that they can be interpreted in different waye. However, as we see it, the crux of the Natter has been clearly identified inasmuch as the basis of the draft resolution is withdrawal frOll the territory of br;puchea. For Burkina Fuo, the political solution necessarily requires uprooting the proble, and the root of the ptoblell is the continuing occupation fo.u.oving the invasion of Itllllpuchea. Foe my delegation, the shorteomi~gs in the text of draft resolution A/43/L. 12 cannot in any way illply any a ttellpt a t inter fer enca in the inter nal affairs of the countries involved in the conflict. Also, we feel that the provisions of the twelfth paragraph of the prealllble and operative paragraph 2 simply recall historic facts and do not in any way imply interference in the internal affairs of the people of Ita~chea, a domain which is strictly reserved for the people of K8IIpuchea. We expcess our reservation with respect to theee two paragraphs if they should be understood in anyway different froll our understanding of them. My delegation condellnB any interference in the internal affa ir~ of other countr iesa The solution of tho Kallpichean prClblea also requires ,national reconciliation and the restoration of trust ••cng all the parties caneerned. This is unavoidable if the cOl.i:ltry, which has suffered 8tu~ndous dev••tation and whose people have undergone such untold hardships, wishes to restore peace, wi thout which reconstruction and development are siaply not fe~aible. Against this background, all parties must agree to sit down together round a single negotiating table and demonstrate MO:e resolve in their efforts to find a lasting solution. In this connection, we would urge all the parties to welcome any proposal that lIight be JIIade along these liiiH and, in particular, any proposal from the secretary-General. As far as my country is concernad, this Organization is, and will remain, the guarantor of the political !ruJependence and territ«ial integrity of small as well as large countries. Likewise, this Org~nization qcnltors respect for human rights which are ignored through SOllle pr~ct1cea. Burkina Faso is willing W lend its Support to any negotiated solution to help the CUibodian people regain their freedoll. My country repeats ita respect for thoae people.. we also repeat our friendship for the Vietnamese people, with whom'we have JIIany ties. (Mr. Dlh, Burkina Faso) !1!.,. PRAM ~GAC (Viet Nam): In the light of new developnents in the region, the delegation of Viet Nam believes that it is time to begin a new chapter in the co-operation among SOuth-East Asian countr ies on the Kl!u'/t)uchean question at the united Nations and to create conditions in which the United Nations can play a positive part in the settlement of the Kampuchean question. In that spirit, Viet No and Laos proposed to the member s of the Associa tion of Sou th-East As iJln Nations (ASEAN) to have a joint draft resolution on Kiurpuchea at this session of the General Assembly that would welcome and express 'full support for the efforts of the South-East Asian countries and the 'Kampuchean parties to a~ieve a peaceful solutim to the Kampuchean question and would call on them to keep the United '. Nations regular ly informed of progress thereon. Regrettably, however, the ASFAN countries did not accept that proposal by Viet Nam and Laos.' The draft resolution introduced by the ASFAN countries this year not only fails to evince fully the spirit of dialogue and co-operation of the ~~karta Informal Meeting, but also continues to distort the realities in Ka~chea, repeat allegations against Viet Ham and attempt to impose the views of one side on the , other. It prolmgs the deadl~ on the Kampuchean question at the United Nations and makes it impossible for the United Nations to discharge its noble responsibility with regard to the Kampuchean question. The ASEAN draft resolution also fails to bring out adequately the profound concern and strong demand of world opinion and of many countries "t the General Assembly that the genocidal Pol Pot regime be effectively prevented from return in9 to Kampuchea after the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops. Foe all those reasons, the delegation of V!et Nam is compelled to vote against draft resolution A/43/L.l2. Viet Nam will continue to work for the day when a 9.enuine consensus draft resolution can be submitted to the General Assembly, in the best interest of all parties ooncerned - first and foremost, the Kampuchean people. ... ....... - - Hr. LI Luye (China) (interpretation from Chinese); On the instruction of its Government, the Chinese delegation wishes to make the following statement before the vote. First, the question of Kampuchea came into being as a result of the armed invasion of that sovereign country committed by the Vietnamese authorities. The Kampuchean people have been living in dire misery under foreign military occupation for as long as 10 years. The Vietnamese author! ties' prolonged gross viola tion of the sovereignty of Kampuchea and the basic human rights of its people has always been widely condemned by justice-upholding world opinion, and should continue to be universally condemned. Secondly, the speedy and complete withdrawal of their troops from KaJlPuchea by the Vietnamese authorities is the key to a comprehensive political settlement of the Kampuchean question. By linking its troop withdrawal with the internal problem of Kampuchea and other questions, viet Nam is trying to find excuses for its delay in pulling all its troops out of Kampuchea and its obstruction of a political settlement of the Kampuchean question. The Chinese Gcwernment is resolutely opposed to that position of the Vietnamese authorities. Thirdly, the internal problem of Kampuchea can be settled only by the Kampuchean people themselves, by their own choice, through free elections, in the absence of outside interference and threat of force. The right of the Kampuchean people to decide their destiny by their own free will must be restored to them and respected by all. The Chinese delegation, adher lng to the pr incipled positions I have just stated and taking account of the explanatory note on the draf.t resolution by the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (AS~N), will vote in favour of the draft resolution entitled "The situation in KamPJchea". Mr. TILLE~t (Belize): The Belize delegation will vote in favour of draft resolution A/43/L.12, "The situ&tion in Kampuchea". We do so in a spirit of soidarity with the people of Kampuchea and to maini:ain the highest level of continued international demand for the wi thdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampuche&, as well as to support the people of Kampuchea in their battle to maintain their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and non-interference and non-intervention in Kampuchea's internal affairs. We are, however, concerned about certain aspects of the draft resolution. We are particularly concerned about the addition to the twelfth paragraph of the preamble and operative paragraph 2 that reads "the non-return to the universally condemned policies and practices of a recent past". My delegation cannot accept any linkage of an internal matter wi th the vi thdrawal of foreign troops. The paragraphs to which I have referred suggest <. linkage. Accordingly, we must reserve our posi tion on th4t provision. Secondly, Viet Nam has continuously maintained that the purpose for invading Kampuc:hea was to remove Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge and to prevent their return. This addition to the draft resolution could be ,1terpreted as justification for Viet Nam's invasion and approval of reinvasion at a later date. My delegation cannot accept such a justification. Thirdly, the linkage of the "non-return to the universally condemned policies and practices of a recent past" suggests interference in what is an internal matter in Kampuchea - interference that this draft reSOlution prohibits. ~ delegation believes that it is contradictory to require in the same draft resolution - in the same paragraph - the "non-return to the universally condemned policies and practices of a recent past" while seeking a commitment by all States to non-interference and nm-intervention in the inter nsi affair s of Kampuchea. By requ ir ing the former, we prejudice the latter. Finally, "the non-return to the universally condemed policies and practices of a recent past" is too all-encompassing a phrase. It does not refer to a policy ~ to a practice. It does not even refer to It violation of human rights. It refers to policies and practices. We do not condone the violation of hUMan rights. In Belize, citizens and foreigners alike freely enjoy all their human rights. We condemn the genocidal action of Pol Pot. But the right of States to exercise their internal affairs independently is sacred to the people and Government of Belize, and we do not wish any State or organization to appear to set a ~ecedent foe interference and intervention In the internal alfa irs of a state. For those reasons, my delegation must reserve its position on the phrase under discussion. We believe this is a matter for the Kampuchean PeOple to decide for themselves. We continue to give our enthusiastic support to the people of Kampuchea and to this draft resolution, which seeks a settlement to the situation in Kampuchea. The PRPSIDENT (interpretation from Spanish): The General Assembly will take a decision on draft resolution A/43/L.l2. We shall now begin the voting process. The report of the Fifth Comittee on the progral'illle-budget implications of the draft resoluti6n is contained in document A/43/766. A reoorded vote has been requested. (Hr. Tillett, Be.lize) A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Antigua and Barbuda, A~gentina, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belqium, Belize, Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Bur~ina Faso, Burma, Burundi, Ca~eroon, Canada, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Comoros, Costa Rica, Cote d=Ivoire, Cyprus, Democratic Kampuchea, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Gambia, Germany, Federal Republic of, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Indonesia, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lesotho, Liberia, Luxembourg, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Portugal, Qatar, Rwanda, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Solomon Islands, Somalia, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Thailand, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Uruguay, Venezuela, Yugoslavia, zaire, Zambia Aqainst: Afghanistan, Albania, Angola, Bulgaria, Bvelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Democratic Yemen, Ethiopia, German Democratic Republic, Hungarv, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Mongolia, Nicaragua, Poland, Syrian Arab Republic, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Viet Nam Abstaining: Algeria, Congo, Guyana, India, Iraq, Lebanon, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Madagascar, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Vanuatu, Yemen, Zimbabwe Draft resolution A/43/L.12 was adopted by 122 votes to 19, with 13 abstentions (resolution 43/19).