A/66/PV.2 General Assembly

Friday, Sept. 16, 2011 — Session 66, Meeting 2 — New York — UN Document ↗

It was so decided.
Vote: A/RES/66/1A Recorded Vote
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✓ Yes (114)
The President [Arabic] #62941
All other recommendations in Section II of the Secretary- General’s memorandum concern established practice. So, rather than going through them one by one, I believe it would be better and much more efficient to address all these organizational matters concerning the General Assembly as a whole. Are there any comments on this approach? If there are none, we shall proceed accordingly. May I take it that the Assembly takes note of the information that it is requested to take note of and to approve all the recommendations of the General Committee contained in Section II of the report?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62942
Having just adopted the recommendation contained in paragraph 16, on waiving the requirements set out in rules 67 and 108 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly to declare a meeting open, I should like to endorse the practical suggestion made at previous sessions that each delegation designate someone to be present in the meeting rooms at the scheduled time. May I take it that it is the wish of the Assembly to take note of the information contained in paragraph 39, which concerns the submission of draft proposals for the review of their programme budget implications?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62943
May I now invite members to turn their attention to Section III, which deals with the adoption of the agenda. The question of allocation of items will be dealt with subsequently, in Section IV. In Section III, the General Committee took note of the information contained in paragraphs 47 to 52 of its report. In paragraph 53, with regard to item 29 of the draft agenda, “People’s empowerment and a peace- centric development model”, the General Committee recommends that that item be included in the agenda of the current session under heading A, “Promotion of sustained economic growth and sustainable development in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and recent United Nations conferences”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62944
In paragraph 54, with regard to sub-item (a) of item 34 of the draft agenda, “Strengthening the role of mediation in the peaceful settlement of disputes, conflict prevention and resolution”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading B, “Maintenance of international peace and security”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62945
In paragraph 55, in connection of item 40 of the draft agenda, “Question of the Comorian island of Mayotte”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading B, “Maintenance of international peace and security”, on the understanding that there would be no consideration of this item by the General Assembly. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62946
In paragraph 56, in connection with item 61 of the draft agenda, “Question of the Malagasy islands of Glorieuses, Juan de Nova, Europa and Bassas da India”, the General Committee decided to recommend that consideration of this item be deferred to the sixty-seventh session of the General Assembly and that the item be included in the provisional agenda of that session. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62947
In paragraph 57, in connection with item 86 of the draft agenda, “The law of transboundary aquifers”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading F, “Promotion of justice and international law”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62948
In paragraph 58, with regard to sub-item (b) of item 124 of the draft agenda, “Central role of the United Nations system in global governance”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62949
In paragraph 59, with regard to item 130 of the draft agenda, “International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62950
In paragraph 60, with regard to item 131 of the draft agenda, “Interaction between the United Nations, national parliaments and the Inter-Parliamentary Union”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62951
In paragraph 61, with regard to item 166 of the draft agenda, “Observer status for the Cooperation Council of Turkic-speaking States in the General Assembly”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62952
In paragraph 62, in connection with item 167 of the draft agenda, “Observer status for the International Emergency Management Organization in the General Assembly”, the General Committee took note of the request of the sponsor to withdraw the item. In paragraph 63, in connection with item 168 of the draft agenda, “Observer status for the Union of South American Nations in the General Assembly”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62953
In paragraph 64, in connection with item 169 of the draft agenda, “Observer status for the International Renewable Energy Agency in the General Assembly”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62954
In paragraph 65, in connection with item 170 of the draft agenda, “Observer status for the Central European Initiative in the General Assembly”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62955
In paragraph 66, in connection with item 171 of the draft agenda, “Observer status for the United Cities and Local Governments in the General Assembly”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62956
In paragraph 67, in connection with item 172 of the draft agenda, “Observer status for the Intergovernmental Authority on Development in the General Assembly”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62957
In paragraph 68, in connection with item 173 of the draft agenda, “Financing of the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62958
In paragraph 69, in connection with item 174 of the draft agenda, “Financing of the United Nations Mission in South Sudan”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62959
In paragraph 70, in connection with item 175 of the draft agenda, “Observer status for the Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic-speaking Countries in the General Assembly”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62960
In paragraph 71, in connection with item 176 of the draft agenda, “Observer status for the International Conference of Asian Political Parties in the General Assembly”, the General Committee decided to recommend its inclusion under heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62961
We turn now to the agenda that the General Committee recommends, in paragraph 72 of its report, for adoption by the General Assembly, taking into account the decisions just adopted, with respect to the draft agenda. Bearing in mind that the agenda is organized under nine headings, we shall consider the inclusion of items under each heading as a whole. I should like to remind Members once again that, at present, we are not discussing the substance of any item. Items 1 and 2 have already been dealt with. We turn next to items 3 to 8. May I take it that these items are included in the agenda?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62962
We turn now to the inclusion of the items listed under heading A, “Promotion of sustained economic growth and sustainable development in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and recent United Nations conferences”. May I take it that the items listed under heading A are included in the agenda?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62963
We turn now to heading B, “Maintenance of international peace and security”. May I take it that the items listed under heading B are included in the agenda?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62964
I give the floor to the representative of Armenia.
Mr. Nazarian ARM Armenia #62965
Armenia disassociates itself from the consensus on the decision of the General Assembly to include agenda item 39 in the agenda of the sixty-sixth session.
The President [Arabic] #62966
We turn now to heading C, “Development of Africa”. May I take it that the item listed under that heading is included in the agenda?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62967
Heading D is entitled “Promotion of human rights”. May I take it that the items listed under heading D are included in the agenda?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62968
Heading E is entitled “Effective coordination of humanitarian assistance efforts”. May I take it that the items listed under that heading are included in the agenda?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62969
We now turn to heading F, “Promotion of justice and international law”. May I take it that the items listed under heading F are included in the agenda?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62970
We now turn to heading G, “Disarmament”. May I take it that the items listed under that heading are included in the agenda?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62971
Heading H is entitled “Drug control, crime prevention and combating international terrorism in all its forms and manifestations”. May I take it that the items listed under that heading are included in the agenda?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62972
Lastly, we turn to heading I, “Organizational, administrative and other matters”. May I take it that the items listed under heading I are included in the agenda?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62973
We now turn to section IV of the report of the General Committee, on the allocation of items. The General Committee took note of the information contained in paragraphs 73 to 76. May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to take note of the information contained in paragraph 75, concerning the granting of observer status?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62974
We now turn to the recommendations contained in paragraphs 77 to 82. We shall take up the recommendations one by one. Before we proceed, may I remind members that the item numbers cited here refer to the agenda in paragraph 72 of the report before us, namely, document A/66/250. We turn first to paragraphs 77 (a) to (p), which relate to a number of plenary items. May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to take note of all of the information that the General Committee wishes it to take note of and approve all of the recommendations of the General Committee contained in paragraphs 77 (a) to (p)?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62975
We now turn to paragraph 78, concerning item 98, “General and complete disarmament”. May I take it that the General Assembly approves the recommendation contained in paragraph 78?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62976
We now turn to paragraph 79, concerning item 29, “People’s empowerment and a peace-centric development model”, under the Second Committee. May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to approve the recommendation contained in paragraph 79?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62977
We now turn to paragraphs 80 (a) to (d), concerning items 135, 143, 147 and 161 of the Fifth Committee. May I take it that the General Assembly approves the recommendations contained in paragraphs 80 (a) to (d)?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62978
We now turn to paragraphs 81 (a) to (i), concerning items 85 and 167 to 174 of the Sixth Committee. May I take it that the General Assembly approves the recommendations contained in paragraphs 81 (a) to (i)?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62979
We now turn to paragraph 82 of the report of the General Committee, on the allocation of items to the plenary and to each Committee. We first turn to the list of items recommended by the General Committee for consideration directly in plenary meeting under all the relevant headings. Taking into account the decisions just adopted, may I consider that the General Assembly approves the allocation of the items listed for plenary meeting?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62980
Next, we turn to the list of items that the General Committee has recommended for allocation to the First Committee under all the relevant headings. Taking into account the decisions just adopted, may I take it that the General Assembly approves the allocation of those items for consideration by the First Committee?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62981
We turn now to the list of items that the General Committee recommends for allocation to the Special Political and Decolonization Committee (Fourth Committee) under all the relevant headings. Taking into account the decisions just adopted, may I consider that the General Assembly approves the allocation of those items for consideration by the Special Political and Decolonization Committee (Fourth Committee)?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62982
We come now to the list of items that the General Committee has recommended for allocation to the Second Committee under all the relevant headings. Taking into account the decisions just adopted, may I consider that the General Assembly approves the allocation of those items for consideration by the Second Committee?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62983
We now turn to the list of items that the General Committee recommends for allocation to the Third Committee under all the relevant headings. Taking into account the decisions just adopted, may I consider that the General Assembly approves the allocation of those items for consideration by the Third Committee?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62984
Next, we come to the list of items that the General Committee recommends for allocation to the Fifth Committee under all the relevant headings. Taking into account the decisions just adopted, may I take it that the General Assembly approves the allocation of these items for consideration by the Fifth Committee?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62985
Lastly, we come to the list of items which the General Committee recommends for allocation to the Sixth Committee under all the relevant headings. Taking into account the decisions just adopted, may I take it that the General Assembly approves the allocation of these items for consideration by the Sixth Committee?
It was so decided.
The President [Arabic] #62986
The General Assembly has thus concluded its consideration of the first report of the General Committee. I wish to thank all the members of the Assembly for their cooperation. Each Main Committee will receive the list of agenda items allocated to it so that it may begin its work in accordance with rule 99 of the rules of procedure. I should now like to draw the attention of representatives to a matter concerning the participation of the Holy See, in its capacity as an Observer State, in the sessions and work of the General Assembly. In accordance with General Assembly resolution 58/314 of 1 July 2004 and the note by the Secretary- General contained in document A/58/871, the Holy See, in its capacity as an Observer State, will participate in the work of the sixty-sixth session of the General Assembly, with no further need for a precursory explanation prior to any intervention. I would also like to draw the attention of representatives to a matter concerning the participation of Palestine, in its capacity as observer, in the sessions and work of the General Assembly. In accordance with General Assembly resolutions 3237 (XXIX) of 22 November 1974, 43/177 of 15 December 1988, and 52/250 of 7 July 1998, and the note by the Secretary-General contained in document A/52/1002, Palestine, in its capacity as observer, will participate in the work of the sixty-sixth session of the General Assembly, with no further need for a precursory explanation prior to any intervention. In addition, I would like to draw the attention of representatives to a matter concerning the participation of the European Union, in its capacity as observer, in the sessions and work of the General Assembly. In accordance with resolution 65/276 of 3 May 2011, and the note by the Secretary-General contained in document A/65/856, representatives of the European Union will participate in the work of the sixty-sixth session of the General Assembly with no further need for a precursory explanation prior to any intervention. Item 3 of the provisional agenda Credentials of representatives to the sixty-sixth session of the General Assembly (b) Report of the Credentials Committee (A/66/360) The President (spoke in Arabic): In this connection, the Assembly has before it a report of the Credentials Committee issued as document A/66/360, containing a draft resolution recommended by the Committee in paragraph 11 of its report. I now give the floor to the Chair of the Credentials Committee, His Excellency Pablo Antonio Thalassinós of Panama. Mr. Thalassinós (Panama), Chair of the Credentials Committee: I have the honour to introduce the first report of the Credentials Committee for the sixty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The report lists all those Member States that had, at the time of the Committee’s meeting on 14 September 2011, submitted formal credentials within the meaning of rule 27 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. This is in accordance with prior practice, where on occasion the Committee has met early on during a session of the General Assembly to consider formal credentials submitted to date to the Secretary-General. For example, I would draw members’ attention to the first report of the Credentials Committee of the fifty-fifth session (A/55/537), dated 1 November 2000, which was adopted by the General Assembly on 6 November 2000 in its resolution 55/16A. The second report (A/55/537/Add.1) was adopted by the Assembly in its resolution 55/16B on 6 December 2000. Members of the General Assembly will note that Libya was one of those Member States submitting formal credentials within the meaning of rule 27. In this connection, I would like to inform the members of the Assembly that the Committee had before it a communication signed by His Excellency Mr. Mustafa Mohammed Abdul Jalil, President of the National Transitional Council of Libya, appointing the Libyan delegation for the sixty-sixth session of the General Assembly. As the report of the Credentials Committee indicates, the Committee decided, after having examined the credentials of the representatives to the sixty-sixth session listed in the report, to accept the credentials of the Member States concerned. The proposal was adopted without a vote. I should also like to assure other Member States that, in accordance with prior practice, a second meeting of the Credentials Committee will be later in the session to consider the credentials of those Member States that are not reflected in the Committee’s first report. The Committee will then submit a second report to the Assembly on those credentials. Finally, I would request that the General Assembly proceed to approve the report of the Credentials Committee as contained in document A/66/360.
Mr. Valero Briceño VEN Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela [Spanish] #62987
In the special declaration of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) on the situation in Libya and Syria, approved in Caracas last Friday, 9 September 2011, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs expressed their rejection of the occupation of the Libyan seat at the United Nations being by a faction or an illegitimate transitory authority imposed by foreign interventionism. In that declaration, the Bolivarian Alternative for the Peoples of Our America rejects in the strongest terms any attempt to transform Libya into a protectorate of NATO or the Security Council. It denounces the fact that in that country a military operation has been carried out to effect a regime change, manipulating the United Nations in accordance with geopolitical and economic interests, flagrantly violating Security Council resolution 1973 (2011). As we discuss in this forum the possible recognition of the self-declared National Transitional Council, NATO’s bombings continue over Libya. More than 20,000 criminal air raids have been carried out in order to impose a puppet Government in that sister nation of Northern Africa. In the name of protecting civilians, thousands of innocent people have been murdered and the infrastructure of a country has been destroyed. And before the eyes of the world, certain Powers are flagrantly sharing out Libya as the spoils of war. ALBA has always worked to advance the cause of peace, solidarity and brotherhood between nations and human beings. Along with other peace-loving countries that make up the United Nations, on 31 March 2011 we asked the President of the Security Council to use that body to promote a ceasefire and to seek a peaceful solution to the Libyan conflict. We supported the good offices of the African Union in that connection in the search for peace. However, known military Powers that comprise the Security Council sabotaged those calls for peace. Instead, they intensified their war and invasion plans, financing an army of mercenaries and blatantly violating the resolution that they themselves had previously promoted. Today the General Assembly is being asked to recognize a group under the guardianship of the Governments of the United States and NATO, which have neither the legal nor the moral authority to decide who should govern a country. African Governments have demanded that the self-proclaimed National Transitional Council cease the killings of immigrant workers from other African nations. They have called on European Powers to demand that the armed groups they finance cease those acts of xenophobia. NATO’s belligerent conduct, draped in the theory of the responsibility to protect, violates the principles of sovereignty and non-intervention in the internal affairs of States, which are the bedrock of international relations and the United Nations system. It represents an act of aggression, which negates any humanitarian purpose. The perpetrators of these crimes should be brought before the International Criminal Court. In this historic moment in which international peace and security are being threatened, the nations of ALBA reiterate the call to establish an immediate ceasefire to allow the start of negotiations leading to a peaceful political solution that will lay the foundations for a lasting peace in that sister nation of Northern Africa. For this Assembly to recognize the illegitimate National Transitional Council would represent a deplorable precedent, completely undesirable for the whole world, which would violate the most elementary principles of international law. This recognition is being discussed at time when intense battles are still being fought in different cities of Libya, with uncertain outcomes. This is the position of ALBA, and we ask that members think deeply about this position.
Mr. Núñez Mosquera CUB Cuba [Spanish] #62988
With respect to the report of the Credentials Committee (A/66/360), which has just been presented to us, my delegation would like to recall that foreign intervention and military aggression carried out by NATO have worsened the conflict in Libya and have prevented the people of that sister nation from moving towards a negotiated and peaceful solution in full exercise of their self-determination. From the beginning of the conflict in Libya, my country, along with other countries from several continents, asked the Security Council to adopt measures that would allow for a negotiated political solution without foreign interference. Regrettably, this has not been possible, due to the fact that NATO has carried out in Libya a military operation to change the regime under the doctrine of preventive war on the basis of their economic and political interests, in flagrant violation of Security Council resolution 1973 (2011) and the manipulation of the United Nations. Cuba does not recognize the National Transitional Council or any other provisional authority, and will recognize only a Government which is set up legitimately in that country and without any foreign intervention, through the free, sovereign and independent will of the brotherly Libyan people. Based on the clumsy pretext of the protection of civilians, NATO has killed thousands of those people. It has rejected the constructive initiatives of the African Union and of other countries and has even violated questionable resolutions imposed by the Security Council, in particular through attacking civilian targets, financing and providing arms to one party and deploying operational and diplomatic personnel on the ground. Cuba calls for an immediate halting of the NATO bombings, which continue to claim lives. Cuba reiterates the urgency of allowing the Libyan people to find a peaceful and negotiated solution without any foreign intervention and in full exercise of their inalienable rights to independence, self determination, sovereignty over their natural resources and the territorial integrity of that sister nation.
Mr. Archondo BOL Plurinational State of Bolivia on behalf of Plurinational State of Bolivia [Spanish] #62989
I greet all of the representatives to this new session of the General Assembly. First of all, on behalf of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, I would like to share the views of the representatives who preceded me, the ambassadors of Venezuela and Cuba. At the same time, I would like to remind all members that when the conflict within Libya first started, our country, as have other countries, firmly condemned the violation of human rights and the use of force by any party in resolving the political conflict that emerged in Libya about half a year ago. At that time, we were very clear in expressing, together with other countries, the urgency of peaceful negotiations and the imperative need that solutions within Libya be addressed, discussed and carried out by the Libyan people and their representatives. Despite those ongoing pleas for dialogue and negotiation, the United Nations ended up involved in manipulation that led it to validate a foreign armed intervention on a people who still have not had the opportunity to express their opinion clearly and decisively. We believe that the main historic subject at present that has not taken the floor in this Hall nor in any other forum is the people of Libya, who continue today, as we have stated, to suffer from those attacks. As a result, the Plurinational State of Bolivia considers that as long as the Libyan people have not had the opportunity to express their opinion, to elect their leaders and to set up an authentic representation of their interests, we cannot recognize a transitional committee that embodies characteristics that we question and criticize. We believe that this process, which has been managed from the centres of global power, contains certain traits that must be emphasized. Those call for our attention and must be kept in mind for future analysis. During the process of overthrowing the Libyan Government we have noticed, for example, that there was wave of racism against civilians, immigrants or Libyan citizens, who were black. They were viewed as mercenaries of the deposed Government and mistreated and had their rights violated, as was revealed in the news reports provided by journalists. We also noted that at this time, large sectors of the deposed Government are moving over to the new Government, which makes us wonder about the real possibilities for a change within Libya. We have also heard that prior government officials have become new leaders, and therefore we do not believe the statements indicating that a qualitative change is taking place in Libya. Furthermore, we have observed that a series of profound differences exists within the governing front. Before Tripoli was taken, one of the main leaders of the Council was killed, apparently by the very forces promoting this process. From that we see that the National Transitional Council is not a unified body. It is still a great question mark for the international community with regard to its composition and its forces. Another important point is that the author of the supposed victory of the opposition in Libya is the NATO planes. This seems to us a very dangerous precedent, the fact that a Government ends up being overthrown by an armed, foreign military coalition that is the author of the victory. Without that intervention, the previous Libyan Government would remain in power. It was this intervention that caused it to fall, and we believe that represents a regrettable precedent for Libya’s democratic future. We believe that the international community in general supports democratic change. We have also been concerned by a deep internal division developing within Libya since the early days, between those who support the opposition in Benghazi and those who support the former regime in Tripoli. We are deeply concerned by the fact that the unity and territorial integrity of Libya could be put at risk by the profound dangers resulting from the intervention. Lastly, we are deeply concerned by the fact that oil has also played an important role in this intervention. We are concerned that oil could become a reward for the corporations that will surely try to exploit that resource and that were part of the coalition. We believe that there exists a very suspicious blend of economic, military and geopolitical interests, as was pointed out by the representative of Venezuela. In that respect, my country is convinced of the fact that force can never be the basis of international law. We believe that if all of these elements remain and continue to generate questions and doubts, then the General Assembly should not recognize the credentials of the new Libyan Government until it can comply with the minimal conditions necessary for us to believe that those who say they represent the people of Libya are effectively acting in compliance with the norms of international law.
Mrs. Rubiales de Chamorro NIC Nicaragua on behalf of countries of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Peoples of Our America [Spanish] #62990
First, I would like to align myself with the statement delivered by the representative of Venezuela on behalf of the countries of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Peoples of Our America. Nicaragua has been and remains a fervent defender of the self-determination of the peoples of the world. That founding principle of the United Nations Charter made it possible for Nicaragua to be liberated from the yoke of the Somoza tyranny that was imposed by the imperial doctrines of the Power that had historically sought to dominate our country. Nicaragua will always respect the will of the peoples — the only teachers of their future, the only sovereigns of the political, social and economic model that they wish to choose for themselves, free from any hegemonic caprice of any Power. In this sense, in speaking before the General Assembly, Nicaragua, in light of the events in Libya, would like to recall some evidence. Free determination must be of the peoples, and not of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Revolutions cannot but be authentic. They cannot be carried out by proxy, nor can they ever be seized by a group of States with clear hegemonic interests. We denounce and condemn the manipulation and distortions of those States that are blatantly and openly violating the United Nations Charter and Security Council resolution 1973 (2011), hoping to impose a regime change in a sovereign State. They use the blatant and deceptive guise of protecting civilians, once again disrupting the sovereign equality of States. We denounce and condemn the bombings by NATO and demand the immediate and unconditional cessation of those bombings and of all kinds of attacks perpetrated the NATO military intervention in Libya. We also firmly call for respect for the role of the African Union and support for its initiatives to achieve an end to hostilities and the beginning of a dialogue among brothers in Libya, free of any foreign interference. Therefore, while the internal situation is not resolved by the Libyan people without foreign intervention, Nicaragua rejects the occupation of Libya’s seat by a faction imposed by the NATO commanders. In conclusion, I wish to repeat that we need basic conditions to be able to consider any recommendation of the Credentials Committee as to who should occupy Libya’s seat. Such basic conditions include an immediate end to all attacks and bombings by NATO and respect for the role and initiatives of the African Union. It should be the Libyan people who decide their own fate, without any exclusion. This is essential to promote a political climate that would lead to a political solution negotiated among the people of Libya, without foreign intervention or interference. Meanwhile, Nicaragua will not accept impositions by NATO in the Credentials Committee.
Mr. Gaspar Martins AGO Angola #62991
It gives me great pleasure to make this statement on behalf of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Allow me to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly. I think this sixty-sixth session is going to be a very historic event. Let me also convey our appreciation to the Chair of the Credentials Committee for his report and for all the Committee’s efforts. The Southern African Development Community has questions regarding process, legality and principle, which we would like to raise in connection with the report just presented, particularly as it relates to the credentials of Libya. We are firm in our belief that the United Nations is, and should remain, an organization of principles governed by rule of law. Such rules and procedures adopted by the General Assembly should not be discarded merely because it is expedient or convenient to do so. The heads of State of the African Union (AU), through various decisions — including the latest communiqué of the African Union high-level ad hoc committee on Libya, on 14 September 2011 — have indicated the steps that they felt necessary to be fulfilled in respect of Libya and its representation. In none of these decisions has the AU indicated that it opposes the National Transitional Council (NTC). However, the African Union has also been consistent in its insistence on the need for an all-inclusive national unity Government to get Libya moving towards a brighter future. To that end, in its 14 September communiqué the high-level committee on Libya declared its willingness to work with the NTC to achieve this milestone. In this connection, let me inform this Assembly that the heads of State of the members of the African Union Peace and Security Council will be meeting on the margins of the General Assembly on 19 September here in New York to decide on the representation of Libya. Let us be clear: the achievement of the milestone of the national unity Government or an interim Government has not yet occurred. Indeed, the NTC has committed itself to establish such an interim Government of national unity in the very near future, which will work towards crafting a new dispensation for Libya. Thus, notwithstanding the fact that the NTC is in control in Libya, it is as yet not the Government in Libya, interim or otherwise. The fact that the NTC intends to form a Government suggests that the NTC is not a Government, at least, not yet. Moreover, rule 27 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly is clear that the credentials of representatives must be issued by the head of State or Government or by the Minister for Foreign Affairs. From the perspective of adherence to the rules of law and to the procedure of the General Assembly, it is important to ask the question: who assigned the credentials of Libya that were accepted by the Credentials Committee? In follow-up, we would need to ask whether such a person constitutes a head of State, head of Government or Minister for Foreign Affairs. In summary, the Southern African Development Community wishes to ask who has signed the credentials that were accepted by the Credentials Committee and whether such a person was a head of State, head of Government or Minister for Foreign Affairs in accordance with the rule 27 of the rules of procedure. In the absence of a satisfactory answer to this question, in order to preserve the integrity of the General Assembly and the United Nations, we move that the consideration of this matter be deferred, pending further consideration.
The President [Arabic] #62992
The representative of Angola has moved, within the terms of rule 74 of the rules of procedure, that action be deferred on the draft resolution contained in the report of the Credentials Committee (A/66/360). Rule 74 reads in part as follows: “During the discussion of any matter, a representative may move the adjournment of the debate on the item under discussion. In addition to the proposer of the motion, two representatives may speak in favour of, and two against, the motion, after which the motion shall be immediately put to the vote.” Does any member wish to take the floor? I give the floor to the representative of Egypt.
Mr. Abdelaziz EGY Egypt #62993
As the immediate neighbour of Libya, Egypt is the best witness of the most horrifying times that the people of Libya have lived through as a result of an oppressive regime that ruled Libya for more than 40 years, practices that more than one million Egyptians have been suffering from as well. The international community has been in the forefront of support for the legitimate aspirations of the Libyan people for freedom, democracy and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Security Council resolutions 1970 (2011) and 1973 (2011) were adopted with full recognition of the need to protect Libyan civilians from the atrocities that were committed by the oppressive regime of Colonel Al-Qadhafi and his Government. The different interpretations that have been cited today regarding the military actions taken on the basis of Council resolution 1973 (2011) should not constitute an impediment to the cause of legitimacy — the legitimacy of the Libyan people, who have supported the National Transitional Council and continue to support it. Now comes the moment of truth, when the will of the Libyan people has to be respected. That is why the Credentials Committee unanimously approved the request of the National Transitional Council to represent Libya at the United Nations. Arguing against that would only prolong the suffering of the Libyan people and delay achieving justice, particularly since close to 90 States Members of the United Nations have recognized the Libyan National Transitional Council as the only representative of the Libyan people — a number that is rising every day. The National Transitional Council has made all the necessary commitments — to the African Union, to the Arab League and to the United Nations. We in Egypt trust the ability of the National Transitional Council to represent the Libyan people properly in General Assembly and in other international forums. We are not convinced that there is any other legitimate option that could be considered — in meetings of the African Union or the Arab League or the United Nations — other than to allow the National Transitional Council of Libya to occupy the seat in question. Therefore, Egypt opposed any attempt to delay the consideration of the report of the Credentials Committee (A/66/360) and appeals to all Member States to support the draft resolution proposed by that Committee as it is.
The President [Arabic] #62994
I now give the floor to the representative of Zambia.
Mr. Kapambwe ZMB Zambia #62995
Zambia has requested the floor in order to second the motion for postponement of this item. I did not hear the representative of Angola suggest that the African Union rejects the credentials of the National Transitional Council of Libya, as such. I heard the representative of Angola say that a process has begun, through which the African heads of State are seeking to resolve this issue on 19 September. Therefore, his request for us to delay consideration of this item has merit, and my delegation wholeheartedly supports it.
The President [Arabic] #62996
I now give the floor to the representative of Gabon.
Mrs. Bibalou GAB Gabon [French] #62997
During what we now call the Arab Spring, the international community as a whole has followed with great interest the social upheavals that have beset North Africa, where young people, men and women, rose up as one to defend their legitimate right to the values of law and justice, which all of us here in this Hall share and defend. As concerns Libya, we were unanimous in condemning the treatment inflicted on the people by the authorities of that country. Accordingly, the Security Council adopted resolution 1973 (2011) with a view to protecting the lives of the innocent, because that is the role of the United Nations, in conformity with Chapter VII of its Charter. The establishment of the National Transitional Council (NTC) as a force for supporting the people has been decisive in these long months of combat throughout the country. Gabon officially recognized the NTC as the legitimate authority representing the national and international interests of Libya. Today Libya’s needs are enormous. We need to act quickly and in a coordinated manner to restore to that beautiful country and its people its true face. To do that, we must avoid confusion and duplication of efforts with respect to the United Nations, first of all, through the accreditation of a Libyan delegation to the Organization comprised of direct representatives authorized, obviously, by the NTC, the sole effective authority in place in Libya today. From my delegation’s perspective, the divisions in this Hall are unnecessary. We must simply show solidarity with the brotherly people of Libya, allow the country to regain its place within the international community and ensure a progressive return to peace in that part of North Africa. As an African State; on the basis of the conclusions reached by the African Union High-level Ad Hoc Committee on Libya, meeting on 14 September in Pretoria at the level of Head of State and Government; bearing in mind the commitment of the Committee to working with the National Transitional Council and all stakeholders in Libya towards the establishment of an inclusive national Government of unity, and its encouragement of the African Union Commission to do so; and taking into account the readiness of the Committee to work with the United Nations, the Arab League, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the European Union and NATO to ensure coordinated support to Libya, Gabon does not support the motion of adjournment put forward by Angola and calls on all delegations concerned for the future of Libya and its people to also oppose this motion.
The President [Arabic] #62998
I give the floor to the representative of Senegal.
Mr. Diallo SEN Senegal [French] #62999
I will refrain from revisiting the humanitarian tragedy that could have occurred in Libya if the international community had not, through the Security Council, adopted a resolution that made it possible to save thousands of lives. I would like to recall, however, that the United Nations Charter begins with the phrase “We the peoples of the United Nations”. Our role therefore involves standing ready to ensure that our peoples are spared a life of fear and need and that they are allowed to live in dignity. In these difficult times, we must stand alongside the Libyan people, who have made a very clear choice, as seen in the joyful demonstrations when the National Transitional Council troops arrived in Tripoli. The Libyan people are making enormous efforts to organize and to take their fate in their own hands. We must support that dynamic and help the Libyans emerge from this difficult situation. With respect to the Credentials Committee, it has recommended that the National Transitional Council’s credentials be recognized. I believe that the General Assembly would be justified in supporting this request and in adopting the credentials for the National Transitional Council. Therefore, I would like to support the proposal made by my colleague from Egypt that the General Assembly consider the report (A/66/360) of the Committee here and now.
The President [Arabic] #63000
I give the floor to the representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.
Mr. Valero Briceño VEN Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela [Spanish] #63001
I take the floor in order to support as enthusiastically as possible the motion for deferment that was moved by the delegation of Angola.
The President [Arabic] #63002
I shall now put to the vote the motion submitted by the representative of Angola that action on the draft resolution contained in the report of the Credentials Committee (A/66/360) be deferred. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
The motion was rejected by 107 votes to 22, with 12 abstentions.
The President [Arabic] #63003
I now give the floor to speakers in explanation of vote before the voting on the draft resolution contained in document A/66/360.
Mr. Gonsalves VCT Saint Vincent and the Grenadines #63004
Allow me to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your assumption of your important position. I would also like to thank the Credentials Committee for its report (A/66/360), and the many representatives who have spoken this morning, elucidating their various positions on this matter. In recent months, the political and military situation in Libya has been fast-moving and fluid, and it has yet to stabilize. In recent months, forces loyal to or supportive of Libya’s National Transitional Council (NTC) have gained control of a number of cities in Libya, including, most recently, Tripoli. However, a number of cities remain outside of the control of the NTC, and military action continues today as we speak. Given this fluidity and uncertainty on the ground and the fact that neither Saint Vincent and the Grenadines nor the wider international community has had the benefit of a report on the recent relevant developments, my State has not considered itself to be in a position — or in possession of sufficient factual data — to extend recognition to the National Transitional Council at this point in time. Similarly, no State in our subregion has yet to formally recognize the National Transitional Council or, indeed, to even discuss the issue with a view to seeking a coordinated policy on this matter. Such a discussion is in fact scheduled for the very near future. As such, we view the present recommendation by the Credentials Committee to be somewhat premature. Accepting the recommendation at this time without consideration by our regional and national authorities would be to substitute the judgment of our Committee for that of our own Governments. In that regard, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines sees the wisdom of the African Union (AU) High-level Ad Hoc Committee on Libya, which issued a communiqué two days ago on the analogous situation of the National Transitional Council’s occupancy of Libya’s seat within the African Union. In that communiqué, the AU Committee’s approach was to first request as early as possible a report covering all recent developments, in order to allow the Government of the National Transitional Council, which is soon to be formed, to be seated within the AU. The African Union Committee went on to commit itself to working with the NTC and all other Libyan stakeholders towards the goal of the early establishment of an all- inclusive national unity Government. In an environment in which the National Transitional Council has not yet been seated in regional organizations and the existence of a functioning national Government is an open question at this point, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines considers the recommendation of the Committee today to be unripe. With an appropriate pause to properly reflect on the realities on the ground, I am sure that the Assembly could have and would have come to a consensus position on this issue. We should not attempt to subject the struggles of the Libyan people to the strictures of the General Assembly’s calendar. As such, and with great regret, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines will abstain in the voting on this matter. We hope that the people of Libya, the National Transitional Council and all relevant stakeholders will emerge quickly from this crisis, united, peaceful and looking forward to a future of prosperity, development and partnership.
The President [Arabic] #63005
We shall now proceed to consider the draft resolution recommended by the Credentials Committee in paragraph 11 of its report (A/66/360). A recorded vote has been requested. [Subsequently, the delegation of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic advised the Secretariat that it had intended to vote in favour.]
A recorded vote was taken.
The draft resolution was adopted by 114 votes to 17, with 15 abstentions (resolution 66/1).
The President [Arabic] #63006
I now give the floor to representatives wishing to speak in explanation of vote on the resolution just adopt.
Mr. Ndong Mba GNQ Equatorial Guinea on behalf of my Government [Spanish] #63007
As this is the first time I have taken the floor since your election as President of the General Assembly at its sixty-sixth session, Sir, allow me, on behalf of my Government, to offer you my sincerest congratulations and our full support throughout your presidency. As several other speakers have already stated this morning, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea is currently presiding over the African Union. From the outset of this process, the President of Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, as President of the African Union, has spared no effort in seeking to coordinate and harmonize the positions of the General Assembly and the African Union. Regrettably, this has not been achieved because, while I personally had a lot of contact on this issue, no initiative ever made any progress. A great number of speakers here this morning have cited the reports of the African Union High-level Ad Hoc Committee on Libya. It should therefore be very clear that the African Union supports the rights of the Libyan people and has never said that it will not recognize the National Transitional Council. But the African Union has requested the Council to form a Government, which will take its seat in the African Union and receive support and recognition. This not yet having been achieved, Heads of State of African States shall meet here during the sixty-sixth session to take concrete decisions on this issue. The decision that has just been taken underlines once again the lack of harmonization and coordination between the United Nations and the African Union. The African Union would have liked to have had the opportunity to debate this topic at the level of its Peace and Security Council so as then to consider and take a decision on it. This is why Equatorial Guinea, as the current President of the African Union, voted against resolution 66/1.
Mr. Kimani KEN Kenya #63008
Kenya would like to explain its vote. Kenya is an active member of the African Union Peace and Security Council and will continue to align itself with the position of the African Union. Kenya condemns the use of violence against innocent civilians and calls for the start of a negotiated political settlement under the mediation of the African Union High-level Ad Hoc Committee on Libya. Kenya also favours an all-inclusive political process that will pave the way for free and fair elections. This is also in line with the position of the African Union. Kenya is also ready and willing to work with Libyans and the international community to resolve the crisis in Libya. Kenya believes that only a political solution will achieve the mutually reinforcing objectives of peace, democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law and national reconciliation for the Libyan people. Kenya is concerned about the spirit of lawlessness and about the killings of immigrant workers that have been taking place in Tripoli since the National Transitional Council (NTC) took over the capital, provoked by mistaken accusations that the immigrants are mercenaries fighting alongside Colonel Al-Qadhafi’s forces. Indeed, just this morning, gangs alleging to be acting on behalf of the NTC invaded Kenya’s embassy in Tripoli, with the intention of lowering the national flag of Kenya and replacing it with that of the NTC. Such an action would be a serious violation and infringement of Kenya’s sovereignty. Given that the situation in Libya is still evolving and that there is no consolidated leadership, Kenya will continue to maintain its position until there is an effective and all-inclusive Government, law and order are restored and there is a clear road map outlining the transition to democratic governance in Libya. Mr. Allam-mi (Chad) (spoke in French) I have requested the floor to say a few words about a situation that concerns my country, as Libya is a neighbour of Chad. After some hesitation — justified by the complexity of the situation in Libya, which makes the concerns expressed by many here today understandable — my country has decided to express its willingness to cooperate with the National Transitional Council (NTC), which, realistically speaking, has Libya’s destiny in its hands. As a neighbouring country very familiar with Libya, where there is not even a minimum of Government, we had no choice but to put our trust in that entity to build the Libya of tomorrow. Chad therefore recognized the National Transitional Council as the only legitimate authority embodying the aspirations of the Libyan people. One only need look at its composition to understand why. Our most ardent hope as Chadians is that peace will return to Libya, that the killings will end and that Libyans will reconcile and unite around the NTC and form a Government, which we hope will be a member of the African Union and its Peace and Security Council. That is not to say that the NTC is the only inevitable governmental entity or that it is in fact the Libyan Government. For the NTC to comprise the Libya of tomorrow, we support it in establishing the rule of law and democracy. We hope that in the new Libya our nationals will be compensated, that their rights will be respected and that they will hold the status of immigrant workers, and not be branded as mercenaries, as some have seen fit to do. We intend our relations with the new Libya to be those of friendship, cooperation and good-neighbourliness between our two fraternal peoples and countries. That is what I wanted to say earlier, in support of the report of the Credentials Committee (A/66/360), of which we are in favour.
Mr. Khazaee IRN Islamic Republic of Iran #63009
We voted in favour of resolution 66/1, to accept the credentials of representatives of Member States to the sixty-sixth session of the General Assembly, including accepting the credentials of the representative of Libya’s National Transitional Council. As a nation that toppled a foreign-backed dictator in the Middle East 32 years ago, the Islamic Republic of Iran has always been supportive of the just struggle of peoples against dictatorship. As a principled position rooted in our religious beliefs and elaborated in our Constitution, we will continue to support such just struggles of freedom-seeking peoples and their efforts to establish national Governments of their own choice. At the same time, I would like to explain that the Islamic Republic of Iran categorically rejects all forms of foreign intervention and interference in the internal affairs of other States. In a situation where a nation is firmly resolved to determine its own destiny, foreign interference only leads to more complexity, bloodshed and destruction of economic infrastructure, and therefore is counterproductive. We hope that with the end of the NATO operation in Libya — which also resulted in the killing and injuring of many innocent civilians, including women and children, and the destruction of Libyan infrastructure — the Libyan nation will be able to realize its desire to establish a national Government of its choice. We are fully confident in the ability of the Libyan people to fully achieve that goal very soon, and we wish them every success.
The President [Arabic] #63010
We have heard the last speaker in explanation of vote after the vote. The General Assembly has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of sub-item (b) of agenda item 3.
The meeting rose at 12.10 p.m.