A/67/PV.48 General Assembly

Monday, Dec. 3, 2012 — Session 67, Meeting 48 — New York — UN Document ↗

In the absence of the President, Mr. Charles (Trinidad and Tobago), Vice-President, took the Chair.
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The meeting was called to order at 10.10 a.m.

Reports of the First Committee

The General Assembly will now take up the reports of the First Committee on agenda items 86 to 102, 116 and 131. I now request Mr. Knut Langeland of Norway, Rapporteur of the First Committee, to introduce the reports of the First Committee in one intervention. Mr. Langeland (Norway), Rapporteur of the First Committee: It gives me great pleasure to introduce to the General Assembly the reports of the First Committee on agenda items 86 to 102, 116 and 131. The reports are contained in documents in documents A/67/401 through A/67/419. In response to the General Assembly’s appeal, the First Committee continued to fully utilize its existing resources and was able to conclude its work at the current session in four weeks, in full accordance with the planned completion date, with 22 formal meetings. The work of the Committee at the present session could be characterized as very efficient, procedurally smooth and substantively constructive, especially in the light of the ongoing efforts of the Secretary- General and Member States to re-energize the process of disarmament in multilateral forums. As the Assembly knows, the work of the First Committee, as well as that of the other Main Committees, was negatively affected by Hurricane Sandy, which severely limited the time available to delegations during the second stage of the Committee’s work, that is, the thematic debate. Despite those difficulties and owing to the great leadership of the Chair, Ambassador Desra Percaya of Indonesia, and to the full cooperation of all delegates, the Committee was successful in finishing its work on time. It is worth noting that in that time of distress, on the initiative of the Chair, the First Committee arrived collectively at the so-called Sandy formula, whereby delegations took the floor for short interventions, while their full statements were placed on the First Committee web portal. The application of that formula contributed to the spirit of congeniality and enabled the Committee to complete its work as planned. The First Committee had before it 53 draft resolutions and six decisions under various disarmament and related international security agenda items for its consideration. Of 59 adopted draft resolutions and decisions, 34, or 57 per cent, were adopted without a vote. This year the nuclear issues were again at centre stage of the general debate in the First Committee. Of 59 adopted draft resolutions and decisions, 21 were on nuclear issues and four on other weapons of mass destruction. The draft resolutions on The Hague Code of Conduct against Ballistic Missile Proliferation, the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty and the fissile material cut-off treaty were adopted with overwhelming support from Member States. Visible progress in the area of weapons of mass destruction in general and on nuclear weapons in particular did not obscure the importance of such vital disarmament and international security issues as small arms and light weapons, the universalization of existing legal instruments or on the role assigned to multilateralism in disarmament. On the contrary, draft resolutions on various aspects of small arms and light weapons enjoyed increased support from Member States. The overwhelming majority of delegations expressed their deep concern at the failure of the international community to adopt the arms trade treaty in July 2012. On the other hand, the success of the second Review Conference on the Small Arms and Light Weapons Programme of Action gave us hope that the good momentum in the area of conventional weapons could contribute in the future to consensus on that important aspect of disarmament. The overall tone and results-oriented approach were clearly evident during the thematic discussion stage. Panel discussions and interactive dialogues, with the participation of the high-level officials of major international disarmament bodies — the International Atomic Energy Agency, the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban-Treaty Organization, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, the Conference on Disarmament, the Disarmament Commission and others — explored the conceptual as well as the practical aspects of national and international security. Another contributing factor was the sustained support of civil society for greater progress on a wide range of disarmament issues. Although the Committee was unable to hear statements from the representatives of civil society due to Hurricane Sandy, their contribution to disarmament was hailed by many delegations. Many side events were appreciated, and the daily documents produced by Reaching Critical Will were widely read. The First Committee was assigned 20 agenda items for the current session. In the course of the general debate, more than one hundred delegations, including observers and representatives of international organizations, made statements. Among those, seven spoke on behalf of various groups. About 150 short statements were made within the framework of thematic discussions, based on the Sandy formula. Both those numbers are unprecedented. The large number of statements in the thematic discussions again demonstrated the relevance of the Committee as an annual venue for deliberations. Many speakers who spoke in the general and thematic debates expressed concern with respect to the continuing impasse at the Conference on Disarmament. By adopting a number of decisions and resolutions, the Committee was able to point to possible ways out of the current deadlock. To conclude, I would like to pay a well-deserved tribute to all delegations for their active participation in the work of the Committee and their spirit of cooperation in the common search for a better, safer and more stable world. I should like to express special gratitude to the Chair of the First Committee, Mr. Desra Percaya of Indonesia, who, with his vast experience in disarmament and international security matters, skilfully led the proceedings of the Committee with vision and great leadership. Let me also, on behalf of the Committee and my own behalf, extend our sincere gratitude to the Committee’s Vice-Chairs, Mr. Salim Mohamed Salim of Kenya, Mr. Dovydas Špokauskas of Lithuania and Mr. Alexis Aquino of Peru, for their valuable contribution to its work. I also wish to express my appreciation to Ms. Angela Kane, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, and to Mr. Jean-Jacques Graisse, Acting Head of the Department for General Assembly and Conference Management, for their leadership and contribution, as well as to the Secretariat staff that assisted the Committee. Finally, special thanks go to the Secretary of the First Committee, Mr. Sergei Cherniavsky, whose invaluable institutional experience and encyclopedic knowledge of disarmament issues made a significant contribution to the successful outcome of the Committee’s work. Since it was the Committee’s last session before his retirement, I would like to wish him success in all his future endeavours. On a very personal note, I can say I have been around in the First Committee for many, many years, and I would like to thank Sergei Cherniavsky for always being forthcoming and service-minded, giving us good advice. It has been a great pleasure to work with him through all these years, and I really appreciate his contribution to the First Committee. I wish him all the best for the future. I should also like to express my gratitude to Ms. Sonia Elliott, to Ms. Jullyette Ukabiala and to Mr. Ioan Tudor, Special Assistant to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, as well as to other officers of the Secretariat for their valuable assistance to the Committee. Again speaking personally, I highly appreciated their contributions and their hard work. With those remarks, I present the reports of the First Committee, as contained in documents A/67/401 through A/67/419, to the General Assembly for its consideration and adoption.

95.  Review and implementation of the Concluding Document of the Twelfth Special Session of the General Assembly Report of the First Committee (A/67/410)

Vote: 31/37 Consensus

96.  Review of the implementation of the recommendations and decisions adopted by the General Assembly at its tenth special session Report of the First Committee (A/67/411)

Vote: 31/37 Consensus
Offi cial Records

94.  General and complete disarmament Report of the First Committee (A/67/409)

Vote: 31/37 Recorded Vote
✓ 146   ✗ 2   35 abs.
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✓ Yes (146)
I thank the Rapporteur of the First Committee. If there is no proposal under rule 66 of the rules of procedure, I shall take it that the General Assembly decides not to discuss the reports of the First Committee which are before the Assembly today.
It was so decided.
Vote: 32/413 Recorded Vote
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— Abstain (3)
✗ No (2)
✓ Yes (180)
Vote: 32/413 Consensus
Statements will therefore be limited to explanations of vote. The positions of delegations regarding the recommendations of the First Committee have been made clear in the Committee and are reflected in the relevant official records. May I remind members that, in accordance with General Assembly decision 34/401, “a delegation should, as far as possible, explain its vote only once, that is, either in the Committee or in plenary meeting, unless that delegation’s vote in plenary meeting is different from its vote in the Committee”, and that explanations of vote are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats. Before we begin to take action on the recommendations contained in the reports of the First Committee, I should like to advise representatives that we are going to proceed to take decisions in the same manner as was done in the Committee, unless notified otherwise in advance. That means that where separate or recorded votes were taken, we will do the same. I also hope that we may proceed to adopt without a vote those recommendations that were adopted without a vote in the First Committee. Before proceeding further, I would like to draw the attention of members to a note by the Secretariat, in English only, entitled “Situation reports of the First Committee on agenda items 86 to 102, 116 and 131”, which has been circulated as document A/C.1/67/INF/3. The note has been distributed desk to desk in the General Assembly Hall as a reference guide for action on draft resolutions and decisions recommended by the First Committee in its reports. In that connection, members will find, in the second column of the note, the numbers of the draft resolutions and decisions of the First Committee, with the corresponding numbers of the reports for action in the plenary in the fourth column of the same note. Furthermore, members are reminded that additional sponsors are no longer accepted, now that draft resolutions and decisions have been adopted by the Committee. Any clarification about sponsorship in the Committee reports should be addressed to the Secretary of the Committee.

86.  Reduction of military budgets Report of the First Committee (A/67/401)

May I take it that the Assembly wishes to take note of the report of the First Committee contained in document A/67/401?
Vote: 32/413 Consensus
It was so decided.
Vote: 31/100 Consensus
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 86?
It was so decided.

87.  African Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty Report of the First Committee (A/67/402)

The Assembly has before it a draft resolution recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. We will now take a decision on the draft resolution. The First Committee adopted the draft resolution without a vote. May I consider that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Vote: 31/100 Recorded Vote
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✓ Yes (135)
Vote: 32/95 Consensus
The draft resolution was adopted (resolution 67/26).
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 87?
It was so decided.
Vote: 31/169 Consensus

88.  Maintenance of international security — good-neighbourliness, stability and development in South-Eastern Europe Report of the First Committee (A/67/403)

The Assembly has before it a draft decision recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. We will now take action on the draft decision. The First Committee adopted the draft decision without a vote. May I consider that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
The draft decision was adopted.
May I take it that the Assembly wishes to conclude its consideration of agenda item 88?
Vote: 32/97 Consensus
It was so decided.

89.  Developments in the field of information and telecommunications in the context of international security Report of the First Committee (A/67/404)

The Assembly has before it a draft resolution recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. We will now take a decision on the draft resolution. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
The draft resolution was adopted (resolution 67/27).
Vote: 32/98 Consensus
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 89?
Vote: 32/97 Consensus
It was so decided.

90.  Establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East Report of the First Committee (A/67/405)

The Assembly has before it a draft resolution recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. We will now take action on the draft resolution. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Vote: 32/99 Consensus
The draft resolution was adopted (resolution 67/28).
I give the floor to the representative of Israel in explanation of vote on the resolution just adopted.
Vote: 32/98 Recorded Vote
✓ 155   ✗ 4   27 abs.
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✓ Yes (155)
Israel once again joined the consensus on the resolution entitled “Establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East”, resolution 67/28, notwithstanding our ongoing substantive reservations regarding certain elements contained in it. They include the reference to the non-consensual resolution of the General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) entitled “Applications of IAEA safeguards in the Middle East”. We did so because Israel remains committed to a vision of the Middle East developing eventually into a zone free of chemical, biological and nuclear weapons, as well as of ballistic missiles. Nonetheless, Israel has always maintained that the issue at hand, like all other such regional security- related issues, can be realistically addressed only within the regional context. Israel’s perspective and policy in the field of regional security and arms control has always been a pragmatic and realistic approach. It is rooted in its belief that all security concerns of regional members should be taken into account and addressed within the regional context. The disturbing realities in the Middle East mandate a practical, step-by-step approach, bearing in mind the goal of achieving peaceful resolutions and reconciliation among all the States of the region. That process is inherently an incremental one. It can realistically begin only with modest arrangements for confidence- and security-building measures in order to build the stable infrastructure and the necessary trust for more ambitious cooperative security undertakings. At present, no regional dialogue exists in the Middle East, nor is there a forum in which to develop confidence-building measures and defuse tensions. The countries of the Middle East have no regional forum in which they can directly communicate with each other and have dialogue on core issues that affect their security. At the beginning of the 1990s, the arms control and regional security talks were the appropriate forum to promote confidence and address security issues and challenges in the area. Such a mechanism is lacking today in that there is no channel for direct discussion between the States in the Middle East. No majority vote or one-sided resolution in international forums can be a substitute for a broad regional dialogue and cooperation. Our vision of what we can do in the space between aspiration and reality begins with the need to establish confidence-building measures and genuine efforts to reduce tensions in the area with our neighbours through greater dialogue. The region of the Middle East is undergoing historic and signifi cant transformational changes. The current turmoil in the Arab world gives a clear example of how fragile and unstable the region is today. Unfortunately, Israel does not enjoy peace with the region as a whole, and at times we feel that our existence and survival are put into question. Countries in the area, like Iran, that threaten to wipe Israel off the map and terrorist organizations, like Hamas and Hizbullah, that do not accept Israel’s right to exist and continuously engage in the massive acquisition of rockets and missiles still pose fundamental security threats. Any regional security dialogue has to focus on actual threats, like rockets and missiles, which are a vital component of any regional disarmament. Despite the current situation, Israel positively engaged, in July 2011, in the European Union (EU) seminar convened in Brussels entitled “Promoting confidence-building in support of a process aimed at establishing a zone free of weapons of mass destruction and means of delivery in the Middle East”. Israel is planning to participate in the second EU seminar, which will convene in Brussels next week. Israel also participated in the IAEA Director General’s forum in November 2011, in which participants from the Middle East and other interested parties could learn from the experience of other regions, including with regard to confidence-building relevant to the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone. That stems from our understanding that only direct dialogue between the parties could move us to a more stable architecture of regional security. It has been Israel’s long-standing position that the essential preconditions for the establishment of the Middle East as a mutually verifiable zone free of weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems are comprehensive and durable regional peace and full compliance by all regional States with their arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation obligations. In that context, it should be recalled that in the Middle East, unlike other regions in the world where nuclear-weapon-free zones have been established, there are continuing threats against the very existence of one State, namely, Israel. Those threats are significantly exacerbated by the irresponsible behaviour of certain States, in the region and beyond, and concern the export of materials, technologies and know-how related to weapons of mass destruction and the very substantive discrepancies between States’ non-proliferation commitments and their actual behaviour. The international community should not overlook the fact that four of the five widely acknowledged cases of gross non-compliance with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons involved Middle Eastern States, while the country concerned in the fifth case, namely, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, is deeply involved in nuclear proliferation to the Middle East. Israel sincerely hopes that the future will yield a more stable and secure Middle East, where an environment of peace and reconciliation prevails. In that context, we hope that the positive implications of the democratization process that have been budding in the region may offer an opportunity for a better atmosphere, one which could be conducive to building trust and confidence among the regional parties.
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 90?
It was so decided.
Vote: 32/99 Consensus

91.  Conclusion of effective international arrangements to assure non-nuclear-weapon States against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons Report of the First Committee (A/67/406)

The Assembly has before it a draft resolution recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. We will now take a decision on the draft resolution. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
The draft resolution was adopted by 126 votes to none, with 57 abstentions (resolution 67/29).
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 91?
Vote: 32/100 Recorded Vote
✓ 132   ✗ 5   50 abs.
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✓ Yes (132)
It was so decided.

92.  Prevention of an arms race in outer space Report of the First Committee (A/67/407)

The Assembly has before it a draft resolution recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. We will now take a decision on the draft resolution. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
The draft resolution was adopted by 183 votes to none, with 2 abstentions (resolution 67/30).
Vote: 32/101 Consensus
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 92?
It was so decided.

93.  Role of science and technology in the context of international security and disarmament Report of the First Committee (A/67/408)

The Assembly has before it a draft decision recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. We will now take action on the draft decision. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Vote: 35/94 Consensus
The draft decision was adopted.
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 93?
It was so decided.
Vote: 33/173 Consensus
The Assembly has before it 33 draft resolutions recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 94 of its report and three draft decisions recommended by the Committee in paragraph 95 of the same report. Before proceeding further, I should like to inform members that action on draft resolution IV, entitled “The arms trade treaty”, is postponed to a later date to allow time for the review of its programme budget implications by the Fifth Committee. The Assembly will take action on draft resolution IV as soon as the report of the Fifth Committee on its programme budget implications is available. The Assembly will now take a decision on draft resolutions I to III and V to XXXIII and draft decisions I to III, one by one. After all the decisions have been taken, representatives will have the opportunity to explain their vote on any or all of the draft resolutions and draft decisions. I now invite delegations to turn to section III of the report, which contains the draft resolutions. We first turn to draft resolution I, entitled “Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in Central Asia”. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution I was adopted by 146 votes to 2, with 35 abstentions (resolution 67/31).
We now turn to draft resolution II, entitled “Implementation of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on Their Destruction”. A recorded vote has been requested.
Vote: 39/192 Recorded Vote
✓ 162   ✗ 1   20 abs.
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✓ Yes (162)
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution II was adopted by 165 votes to none, with 19 abstentions (resolution 67/32).
Draft resolution III is entitled “Follow-up to the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons”. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution III was adopted by 135 votes to 22, with 26 abstentions (resolution 67/33).
Draft resolution V is entitled “Towards a nuclear-weapon-free world: accelerating the implementation of nuclear disarmament commitments”. A separate, recorded vote has been requested on operative paragraph 11 of draft resolution V. I shall put that paragraph to the vote first.
A recorded vote was taken.
Operative paragraph 11 was retained by 172 votes to 4, with 5 abstentions.
I now put to the vote draft resolution V as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution V, as a whole, was adopted by 175 votes to 6, with 5 abstentions (resolution 67/34).
Draft resolution VI is entitled “Measures to uphold the authority of the 1925 Geneva Protocol”. A recorded vote has been requested.
Vote: 40/143 Consensus
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution VI was adopted by 181 votes to none, with 4 abstentions (resolution 67/35).
Draft resolution VII is entitled “Effects of the use of armaments and ammunitions containing depleted uranium”. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Vote: 40/144 Recorded Vote
✓ 123   ✗ 48   15 abs.
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✓ Yes (123)
Draft resolution VII was adopted by 155 votes to 4, with 27 abstentions (resolution 67/36).
Draft resolution VIII is entitled “Observance of environmental norms in the drafting and implementation of agreements on disarmament and arms control”. The First Committee adopted draft resolution VIII without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draft resolution VIII was adopted (resolution 67/37).
Draft resolution IX is entitled “Promotion of multilateralism in the area of disarmament and non-proliferation”. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution IX was adopted by 132 votes to 5, with 50 abstentions (resolution 67/38).
Draft resolution X is entitled “High-level meeting of the General Assembly on nuclear disarmament”. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution X was adopted by 179 votes to none, with 4 abstentions (resolution 67/39).
Vote: 55/108 Consensus
Draft resolution XI is entitled “Relationship between disarmament and development”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Draft resolution XI was adopted (resolution 67/40).
Draft resolution XII is entitled “Assistance to States for curbing the illicit traffic in small arms and light weapons and collecting them”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Vote: 40/233 Consensus
Draft resolution XII was adopted (resolution 67/41).
Draft resolution XIII is entitled “The Hague Code of Conduct against Ballistic Missile Proliferation”. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Vote: 40/234 Consensus
Draft resolution XIII was adopted by 162 votes to 1, with 20 abstentions (resolution 67/42).
Draft resolution XIV is entitled “Preventing and combating illicit brokering activities”. Separate, recorded votes have been requested on the twelfth and thirteenth preambular paragraphs of draft resolution XIV. I shall first put to the vote the twelfth preambular paragraph of draft resolution XIV, on which a separate, recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Vote: 56/167 Consensus
The twelfth preambular paragraph was retained by 183 votes to 1, with 2 abstentions.
I now put to the vote the thirteenth preambular paragraph of draft resolution XIV, on which a separate, recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Vote: 39/201 Consensus
The thirteenth preambular paragraph was retained by 181 votes to 1, with 2 abstentions.
I now put to the vote draft resolution XIV as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Vote: 56/169 Consensus
Draft resolution XIV, as a whole, was adopted by 183 votes to 1, with 1 abstention (resolution 67/43).
Draft resolution XV is entitled “Measures to prevent terrorists from acquiring weapons of mass destruction”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Draft resolution XV was adopted (resolution 67/44).
Draft resolution XVI is entitled “Reducing nuclear danger”. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution XVI was adopted by 123 votes to 48, with 15 abstentions (resolution 67/45).
Draft resolution XVII is entitled “Decreasing the operational readiness of nuclear weapons systems”. A separate, recorded vote has been requested on the eighth preambular paragraph. I shall first put to the vote the eighth preambular paragraph.
A recorded vote was taken.
The eighth preambular paragraph was retained by 162 votes to 4, with 17 abstentions.
Vote: 56/170 Consensus
I shall now put to the vote draft resolution XVII as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution XVII, as a whole, was adopted by 164 votes to 4, with 19 abstentions (resolution 67/46).
Draft resolution XVIII is entitled “United Nations study on disarmament and non-proliferation education”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Vote: 47/147 Recorded Vote
✓ 179   ✗ 4   4 abs.
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✓ Yes (179)
Draft resolution XVIII was adopted (resolution 67/47).
Draft resolution XIX is entitled “Women, disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draft resolution XIX was adopted (resolution 67/48).
Draft resolution XX is entitled “Information on confidence-building measures in the field of conventional arms”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Vote: 59/92 Recorded Vote
✓ 147   ✗ 4   31 abs.
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✓ Yes (147)
Draft resolution XX was adopted (resolution 67/49).
Draft resolution XXI is entitled “Consolidation of peace through practical disarmament measures”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draft resolution XXI was adopted (resolution 67/50).
Vote: 58/246 Consensus
Draft resolution XXII is entitled “Preventing the acquisition by terrorists of radioactive sources”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draft resolution XXII was adopted (resolution 67/51).
Draft resolution XXIII is entitled “Mongolia’s international security and nuclear- weapon-free status”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Vote: 59/94 Consensus
Draft resolution XXIII was adopted (resolution 67/52).
Draft resolution XXIV is entitled “Treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices”. A separate, recorded vote has been requested on operative paragraph 3. I shall first put to the vote operative paragraph 3.
A recorded vote was taken.
Operative paragraph 3 was retained by 156 votes to 3, with 27 abstentions.
I now put to the vote draft resolution XXIV as a whole, A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution XXIV, as a whole, was adopted by 166 votes to 1, with 21 abstentions (resolution 67/53).
Draft resolution XXV is entitled “Implementation of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling, and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draft resolution XXV was adopted (resolution 67/54).
Draft resolution XXVI is entitled “Nuclear-weapon-free southern hemisphere and adjacent areas”. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution XXVI was adopted by 179 votes to 4, with 4 abstentions (resolution 67/55).
Draft resolution XXVII is entitled “Taking forward multilateral nuclear disarmament negotiations”. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution XXVII was adopted by 147 votes to 4, with 31 abstentions (resolution 67/56).
Draft resolution XXVIII is entitled “Regional disarmament”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draft resolution XXVIII was adopted (resolution 67/57).
Draft resolution XXIX is entitled “The illicit trade in small arms and light weapons in all its aspects”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draft resolution XXIX was adopted (resolution 67/58).
Draft resolution XXX is entitled “United action towards the total elimination of nuclear weapons”. Separate, recorded votes have been requested on operative paragraphs 2, 8, 9 and 16. I shall first put to the vote operative paragraph 2.
A recorded vote was taken.
Operative paragraph 2 was retained by 180 votes to 3, with 3 abstentions.
I shall now put to the vote operative paragraph 8 of draft resolution XXX, on which a separate, recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Vote: 63/71 Consensus
Operative paragraph 8 was retained by 182 votes to 1, with 4 abstentions.
I shall now put to the vote operative paragraph 9 of draft resolution XXX , on which a separate, recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Operative paragraph 9 was retained by 177 votes to 2, with 8 abstentions.
I now put to the vote operative paragraph 16 of draft resolution XXX, on which a separate, recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Operative paragraph 16 was retained by 178 votes to 1, with 7 abstentions.
I now put to the vote draft resolution XXX as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution XXX, as a whole, was adopted by 174 votes to 1, with 13 abstentions (resolution 67/59).
Draft resolution XXXI is entitled “Nuclear disarmament”. A separate, recorded vote has been requested on operative paragraph 16. I shall first put to the vote operative paragraph 16.
A recorded vote was taken.
Operative paragraph 16 was retained by 178 votes to 1, with 6 abstentions.
I now put to the vote draft resolution XXXI as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution XXXI, as a whole, was adopted by 124 votes to 44, with 18 abstentions (resolution 67/60).
We now turn to draft resolution XXXII, entitled “Confidence-building measures in the regional and subregional context”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draft resolution XXXII was adopted (resolution 67/61).
We now turn to draft resolution XXXIII, entitled “Conventional arms control at the regional and subregional levels”. A separate, recorded vote has been requested on operative paragraph 2. I shall first put to the vote operative paragraph 2
A recorded vote was taken.
Operative paragraph 2 was retained by 150 votes to 1, with 34 abstentions.
I will now put to the vote draft resolution XXXIII as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
Draft resolution XXXIII, as a whole, was adopted by 185 votes to 1, with 2 abstentions (resolution 67/62).
The Assembly has before it draft decision I, entitled “Missiles”, recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 98 of its report. We will now take action on the draft decision. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
The draft decision was adopted.
We now turn to draft decision II, entitled “Transparency in armaments”. A recorded vote has been requested. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Afghanistan, Albania, Andorra, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahamas, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belarus, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bhutan, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Cameroon, Canada, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Cuba, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Eritrea, Estonia, Ethiopia, Fiji, France, Gabon, Gambia, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Latvia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Mexico, Micronesia (Federated States of), Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Mozambique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, Palau, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Korea, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Russian Federation, Rwanda, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, San Marino, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Serbia, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, South Africa, South Sudan, Spain, Sri Lanka, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Switzerland, Tajikistan, Thailand, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Timor- Leste, Togo, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Tuvalu, Ukraine, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Uruguay, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), Viet Nam, Zambia Against: None Abstaining: Algeria, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Tunisia, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Zimbabwe
Draft decision II was adopted by 162 votes to none, with 24 abstentions.
We now turn to draft decision III, entitled “Open-ended Working Group on the Fourth Special Session of the General Assembly Devoted to Disarmament”. A recorded vote has been requested. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Andorra, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belarus, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bhutan, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Cameroon, Canada, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Cuba, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Eritrea, Estonia, Ethiopia, Fiji, Finland, Gabon, Gambia, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Ireland, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Latvia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Morocco, Mozambique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Republic of Korea, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Russian Federation, Rwanda, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, San Marino, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Serbia, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Switzerland, Syrian Arab Republic, Tajikistan, Thailand, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Timor-Leste, Togo, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Tuvalu, Uganda, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Republic of Tanzania, Uruguay, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), Viet Nam, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe Against: None Abstaining: France, Israel, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America
Draft decision III was adopted by 181 votes to none, with 4 abstentions.
I now give the floor to the representative of South Africa for an explanation of vote.
My delegation would like to explain its vote on resolution 67/60, entitled “Nuclear disarmament”. South Africa remains a staunch supporter of the establishment and maintenance of a nuclear- weapon-free world and consequently supports international efforts to rid the world of nuclear weapons by pursuing and concluding negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament. In that regard, my delegation has consistently emphasized the need to build upon the unequivocal undertaking by the nuclear-weapon States to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals in a concrete, transparent, irreversible and verifiable manner, in accordance with article VI of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). It is our view that the unequivocal undertaking of nuclear disarmament made during the 2000 NPT Review Conference lays the foundation for a process that would reduce the threat posed by nuclear weapons, de-emphasize their importance and lead to their elimination. While South Africa therefore fully supports the broad thrust of resolution 67/60, we abstained on it due to our belief that the concrete nuclear disarmament steps must still be undertaken by the nuclear-weapon States and those that maintain nuclear-weapon arsenals pending the conclusion of a universal, non-discriminatory, legally binding agreement banning the production, use, stockpiling and development of nuclear weapons and that should contain clearly defined benchmarks and timelines for their complete elimination. As such, the steps I have mentioned still to be undertaken by the nuclear-weapon States are distinct and separate from a future legally binding multilateral legal instrument on the elimination of nuclear weapons yet to be negotiated. In that regard, one preambular paragraph and two operative paragraphs in resolution 67/60, dealing with the framework of time relating to a phased programme for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, unfortunately contradict South Africa’s position on this specific issue. It is for that reason that my delegation abstained in the voting on resolution 67/60.
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude this stage of its consideration of agenda item 94? It was so decided.
The Assembly has before it eight draft resolutions recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 24 of its report. The General Assembly will now take a decision on draft resolutions I to VIII, one by one. After all the decisions have been taken, representatives will have the opportunity to explain their vote on any or all of the draft resolutions. We turn first to draft resolution I, entitled “United Nations regional centres for peace and disarmament”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Draft resolution I was adopted (resolution 67/63).
We now turn to draft resolution II, entitled “Convention on the Prohibition of the Use of Nuclear Weapons”. A recorded vote has been requested. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Afghanistan, Algeria, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Azerbaijan, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belize, Benin, Bhutan, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Botswana, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Cuba, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Fiji, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, India, Indonesia, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Jamaica, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Mongolia, Morocco, Mozambique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Oman, Pakistan, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Qatar, Rwanda, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Solomon Islands, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Syrian Arab Republic, Tajikistan, Thailand, Timor- Leste, Togo, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkmenistan, Tuvalu, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, United Republic of Tanzania, Uruguay, Vanuatu, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), Viet Nam, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe Against: Albania, Andorra, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Micronesia (Federated States of), Monaco, Montenegro, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Palau, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Moldova, Romania, San Marino, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Turkey, Ukraine, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America Abstaining: Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Japan, Kyrgyzstan, Marshall Islands, Republic of Korea, Russian Federation, Serbia, Uzbekistan
Draft resolution II was adopted by 129 votes to 49, with 10 abstentions (resolution 67/64).
Draft resolution III is entitled “United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draft resolution III was adopted (resolution 67/65).
Draft resolution IV is entitled “United Nations Regional Centre for Peace, Disarmament and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Draft resolution IV was adopted (resolution 67/66).
Draft resolution V is entitled “United Nations Disarmament Information Programme”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draft resolution V was adopted (resolution 67/67).
Draft resolution VI is entitled “United Nations disarmament fellowship, training and advisory services”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Draft resolution VI was adopted (resolution 67/68).
Draft resolution VII is entitled “United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Africa”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Draft resolution VII was adopted (resolution 67/69).
Draft resolution VIII is entitled “Regional confidence-building measures: activities of the United Nations Standing Advisory Committee on Security Questions in Central Africa”. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Draft resolution VIII was adopted (resolution 67/70).
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 95? It was so decided.
The Assembly has before it two draft resolutions recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 9 of its report. We will now take a decision on draft resolutions I and II. We turn first to draft resolution I, entitled “Report of the Disarmament Commission“. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
Draft resolution I was adopted (resolution 67/71).
Draft resolution II is entitled “Report of the Conference on Disarmament“. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
Draft resolution II was adopted (resolution 67/72).
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 96? It was so decided.

97.  The risk of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East Report of the First Committee (A/67/412)

The Assembly has before it a draft resolution recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. I now give the floor to the representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran, who wishes to speak in explanation of vote before the voting.
I take the floor regarding this draft resolution, on the risk of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, which contains a reference to a 2012 conference on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. It is a source of deepest regret that, after the adoption of the draft resolution by the First Committee, the United States announced that the conference would not be convened. While the Islamic Republic of Iran and all Arab countries announced their intention to participate in the conference, the United States claims that “the States in the region have not reached agreement on acceptable conditions for a conference”. But the truth is that the Israeli regime was the only party that refused to participate in the conference, a fact that even the United States itself could not cover up. In its statement, the United States said that it “would not support a conference in which any regional State would be subject to pressure or isolation”. In fact, to avoid such isolation, the United States, under the pretext of “appropriate guidelines on security issues in the Middle East which provide the necessary assurances that a State can attend the conference”, ironically conveys the preconditions of the Israeli regime for participation in the 2012 conference. The Islamic Republic of Iran strongly rejects any precondition whatsoever and by whomsoever regarding that conference, including for participation therein, and it stresses that there should be strong pressure on that regime to participate in the conference without any preconditions. We fully associate ourselves with the statement issued recently by the Non-Aligned Movement on the 2012 conference on the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction, in which the Movement strongly rejected the alleged impediments presented by the convenors, who are not convening the conference on schedule, and urges them all to convene the conference in 2012, in accordance with the mandate entrusted to them by the Final Document (NPT/CONF.2010/50 (Vol. I)) of 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in order to avoid any negative repercussions for the relevance and credibility of the NPT, its 2015 review process and the nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime as a whole. The Islamic Republic of Iran once again would like to make it clear that the decision on the 2012 conference was adopted consensually by the States parties to the NPT. Accordingly, not only shall any decision on that be made by the NPT Review Conference itself, but also the rules of procedure of the NPT Review Conference shall fully apply to the 2012 conference, including its preparatory process.
We will now take a decision on the draft resolution. Separate, recorded votes have been requested on its fifth and sixth preambular paragraphs. I shall first put to the vote the fifth preambular paragraph. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Andorra, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belarus, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Canada, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Cuba, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Eritrea, Estonia, Ethiopia, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Gambia, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, Indonesia, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Ireland, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Latvia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Morocco, Mozambique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Palau, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Republic of Korea, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Russian Federation, Rwanda, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, San Marino, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Serbia, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Switzerland, Syrian Arab Republic, Tajikistan, Thailand, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Timor-Leste, Togo, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Tuvalu, Uganda, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Tanzania, United States of America, Uruguay, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), Viet Nam, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe Against: India, Israel Abstaining: Bhutan, Pakistan
The fifth preambular paragraph was retained by 180 votes to 2, with 2 abstentions.
I shall now put to the vote the sixth preambular paragraph. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Andorra, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belarus, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Canada, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Cuba, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Eritrea, Estonia, Ethiopia, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Gambia, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, Indonesia, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Ireland, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Latvia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Morocco, Mozambique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Palau, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Republic of Korea, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Russian Federation, Rwanda, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, San Marino, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Serbia, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Switzerland, Syrian Arab Republic, Tajikistan, Thailand, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Timor-Leste, Togo, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Tuvalu, Uganda, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Tanzania, United States of America, Uruguay, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), Viet Nam, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe Against: India, Israel Abstaining: Bhutan, Pakistan
The sixth preambular paragraph was retained by 180 votes to 2, with 2 abstentions.
I shall now put to the vote the draft resolution as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested.
A recorded vote was taken.
I shall now give the floor to representatives who wish to speak in explanation of vote following the voting. May I remind delegations that explanations of vote are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats.
My explanation of vote refers to resolution 67/73, just adopted under agenda item 97, “The risk of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East”. Every year we question the motivation of the authors behind the draft resolution entitled “The risk of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East” and the motivation of the States who vote in favour of it. We cannot help but wonder whether the distance between New York and the Middle East is not stretched unnaturally, to such an extent that their vision has been irreparably blurred. There is no question regarding the risk of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East. Israel continuously and consistently points to this danger. With four of five widely acknowledged cases of gross non-compliance with obligations under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) taking place in the Middle East and the fifth case — the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea — being heavily involved in nuclear proliferation to the Middle East, this seems to require no great cognitive powers. All these cases fundamentally challenge Israel’s security and cast a dark shadow on the prospects for embarking upon a meaningful regional security process. They also demonstrate the cynical way in which some regional States treat their international commitments in the nuclear domain, while they and others exploit the multilateral arena and the automatic majority that exists against Israel. In that context, we wonder whether the current turmoil and transformation processes under way in the region will shed light on the full extent of the real proliferation risks in the region. Israel expects that, under the item “The risk of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East”, the international community will closely look at the cases of Iran and Syria. These are the two regional States that are undergoing investigation by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) owing to their clandestine activities in contravention of their NPT obligations. It cannot be overemphasized that those countries have been the subject of numerous resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the IAEA Board of Governors. At a minimum, Israel would expect a call for compliance by all States of the region with their relevant international non-proliferation obligations. Lamentably, this resolution chooses to ignore relevant IAEA and Security Council resolutions, as well as the evidence contained in IAEA reports regarding Iran’s and Syria’s gross violations. Adopting such an ill-motivated and unbalanced resolution, which aims to single out Israel in a biased manner, will not serve the greater objective of curbing proliferation in the Middle East, nor will it contribute to the role and standing of this body in advancing peace and security in the Middle East. Similarly, it will not be consistent with the responsible behaviour we expect of regional States and the international community at large if there is true interest in regional security. Finally, the fact that the sponsors choose to include in this anti-Israeli resolution language referring to the 2012 conference proves, above all, the ill intent of the Arab States with regard to that proposed conference.
I would like to explain our vote on resolution 67/73, entitled “The risk of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East”. During the general debate and the substantive debate in the First Committee at this sixty-seventh session, many of the statements made welcomed the convening of a conference aimed at creating a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. The conference was to be held in Finland in December 2012. However, such optimism was unwarranted, as the international community, represented by this Organization, had not foreseen that the holding, or not holding, of the conference would be subject to the whim of just one party from the region. That party possesses nuclear warheads and the delivery systems for them and is far from being in compliance with obligations under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Those weapons and their delivery systems threaten international and regional peace and security. Shaul Chorev, Director General of the Israeli Atomic Energy Commission, in his statement at the annual conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in Vienna, underscored that it was premature to hold an international conference for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. He used as a pretext the idea that creating a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East would require preconditions and a change in the current direction in the region. He thereby flouted the international consensus and the outcome of the 2010 NPT Review Conference and denied the fact that his country was the only country in our region that poses a nuclear threat. But that is not all. The United States, one of the sponsors of the conference, just a few days ago issued a statement through the official spokesperson of the State Department, informing us that the United States regretted to announce that the conference would not take place given the current situation in the Middle East and the fact that the countries of the region were not able to reach agreement on acceptable conditions for its convening. We are surprised that the irresponsible statements by Israel and the United States — which stood by Israel, as it traditionally does — were not condemned by countries that usually call for the maintenance of international peace and security, democracy, equality, respect for the principles of international law, nuclear non-proliferation and for upholding the sacred nature of the NPT. Those countries saw fit to remain suspiciously silent when those statements were made. That is in itself a threatening and dangerous precedent that undermines the principles of the Organization. About seven decades ago, we all committed to respect these principles of the United Nations. Israel has declared that it does not wish to participate in the conference. The United States called for its cancellation. This is a strange and inappropriate way to abandon one’s collective commitments, which apply to all States, in accordance with the resolution on the Middle East and the Final Document of the 2010 NPT Review Conference (NPT/CONF.2010/50 (Vol. I)). This is a test of credibility within the international community and of its good faith with respect to the creation of a zone free from nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. We have just heard the representative of Israel deliver a statement that was like a piece of absurdist theatre. With lies and false arguments, he accused certain parties in order to distract us from the true danger of Israeli nuclear proliferation. Israel refuses to adhere to the international resolutions on this matter, to accede to the NPT and to submit its nuclear installations to IAEA safeguards and oversight. It is an open secret that Israel pursues an aggressive nuclear-weapon policy with an enormous nuclear arsenal, including delivery systems, that is larger than those of the United Kingdom and France, for example. Israel has nuclear weapons but likes to remain silent, through a policy of nuclear ambiguity, on the threat they pose. The representative of Israel makes false statements while his country refuses to live up to the relevant international resolutions and to submit its nuclear installations to IAEA inspections. This is ironic. We call upon the international community to pressure Israel to accede to the NPT as a non-nuclear party, and ultimately to get rid of its nuclear arsenal, including delivery systems, in order to achieve security and stability in our region.
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 97? It was so decided.

98.  Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects Report of the First Committee (A/67/413)

The Assembly has before it a draft resolution recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 8 of its report. We will now take a decision on the draft resolution. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
The draft resolution was adopted (resolution 67/74).
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 98? It was so decided.

99.  Strengthening of security and cooperation in the Mediterranean region Report of the First Committee (A/67/414)

The Assembly has before it a draft resolution recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. We will now take a decision on the draft resolution. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do the same?
The draft resolution was adopted (resolution 67/75).
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 99? It was so decided.

100.  Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Report of the First Committee (A/67/415)

The Assembly has before it a draft resolution recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. We will now take a decision on the draft resolution. A separate, recorded vote has been requested on the sixth preambular paragraph. I shall first put to the vote the sixth preambular paragraph of the draft resolution. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Andorra, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belarus, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bhutan, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Canada, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Cuba, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Eritrea, Estonia, Ethiopia, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Gambia, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, Indonesia, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Ireland, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Latvia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Marshall Islands, Mauritania, Mexico, Micronesia (Federated States of), Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Morocco, Mozambique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Palau, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Republic of Korea, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Russian Federation, Rwanda, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, San Marino, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Serbia, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Switzerland, Tajikistan, Thailand, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Timor- Leste, Togo, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Tuvalu, Uganda, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Tanzania, United States of America, Uruguay, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), Viet Nam, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe Against: Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Abstaining: India, Israel, Mauritius, Pakistan
The sixth preambular paragraph was retained by 181 to 1, with 4 abstentions.
I shall now put to the vote the draft resolution as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Andorra, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belarus, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bhutan, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Cameroon, Canada, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Costa Rica, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Cuba, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Eritrea, Estonia, Ethiopia, Fiji, Finland, France, Gabon, Gambia, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea- Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, Indonesia, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Latvia, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Marshall Islands, Mauritania, Mexico, Micronesia (Federated States of), Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Morocco, Mozambique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Palau, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Republic of Korea, Republic of Moldova, Romania, Russian Federation, Rwanda, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, San Marino, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Serbia, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, Solomon Islands, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Switzerland, Tajikistan, Thailand, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Timor-Leste, Togo, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Tuvalu, Uganda, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Tanzania, United States of America, Uruguay, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of), Viet Nam, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe Against: Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Abstaining: India, Mauritius, Syrian Arab Republic The draft resolution, as a whole, was adopted by 184 votes to 1, with 3 abstentions (resolution 67/76).
I now give the floor to the representative of Israel in explanation of vote.
Israel decided to vote in favour of resolution 67/76 because of the importance it attaches to the objectives of the Comprehensive Nuclear- Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) present in the resolution. However, Israel cannot support, and has strong reservations regarding some of, the language, including in the sixth preambular paragraph and in paragraph 1. It is the long-standing position of Israel that the CTBT and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) are not linked. An attempt to artificially force such a linkage, especially through a reference to the NPT Review Conference — a forum that Israel is not a member of — would only jeopardize the CTBT and its noble causes, as well as any prospect for better regional security in the Middle East. Israel’s signing of the CTBT in 1996 reflected its long-standing policy of bringing itself closer, wherever possible, to international norms on nuclear safety, security and non-proliferation. Since the establishment of the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO), Israel has actively participated in the development of all elements of the CTBT verification regime. Israel also transmits data from its certified seismic station to the International Data Centre and actively participates in various activities related to on-site inspections. We are pleased to announce that Israel’s radionuclide laboratory supporting the International Monitoring System was recently certified. That substantive and intensive involvement demonstrates the importance Israel attributes to the CTBT and its contribution to the enhancement of international peace and security. Israel appreciates the significant progress made in the development of the CTBT verification regime, whose completion is a prerequisite to the entry into force of the Treaty. However, completing the verification regime still requires further efforts. Major steps are still needed for the continued build-up and testing of the International Monitoring System stations, the completion of the on-site inspection operational manual, and equipment purchase and training. In that connection, we commend the Executive Secretary and the Provisional Technical Secretariat of the CTBT for its ongoing work and preparations for the Integrated Field Exercise 2014, to be hosted in Jordan. On behalf of the Government of Israel, I would like to congratulate Mr. Lassina Zerbo on his election as the next Executive Secretary of the Preparatory Commission for the CTBTO and wish him fruitful work. I also wish to take this opportunity to commend the outgoing Executive Secretary, Ambassador Tibor Tóth, for his leadership and efforts in connection with the verification regime. For Israel, the regional security situation in the Middle East, including adherence to and compliance with the Treaty by States in the region, is a major consideration for ratification. It is Israel’s view that the Treaty’s verification regime should be robust enough to detect non-compliance with its basic obligations, be immune to abuse and at the same time allow each State signatory to protect its national security interests. For Israel, the completion of the verification regime constitutes a major consideration for ratification, as we would like to ensure that there is adequate coverage of the Middle East by the International Monitoring System. In addition, Israel’s status in the policymaking organs of the Treaty, including those connected to the geographical regions of the Middle East and South Asia, and in the Executive Council of the future CTBTO, must be addressed. Sovereign equality, which is a cornerstone of multilateralism, must be ensured. Pending its entry into force, we believe that the CTBT should be advanced further by States taking upon themselves the following commitments and activities. They must maintain the commitment not to carry out any nuclear-weapon test explosion, in line with the Treaty’s basic obligations, and complete as soon as possible the CTBT verification regime. States must operate, maintain and test the International Monitoring System and International Data Centre in order to gain experience and provide early detection capabilities and, where there are coverage gaps of International Monitoring System stations, take temporary measures to fill those gaps, such as operating auxiliary seismic stations as primary ones until all primary stations are effectively functioning and transferring data. And States must maintain the technical and apolitical nature of the work of the Preparatory Commission and respect its rules and procedures. As we have done in previous years, Israel voted in favour of this resolution. Our voting pattern stems from and reflects the importance we attach to the objectives of the CTBT. It is our hope that they will be realized faithfully and in a forthcoming manner.
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 100? It was so decided.

101.  Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction Report of the First Committee (A/67/416)

The Assembly has before it a draft resolution recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 8 of its report. We will now take a decision on the draft resolution. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
The draft resolution was adopted (resolution 67/77).
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 101? It was so decided.

102.  Revitalizing the work of the Conference on Disarmament and taking forward multilateral disarmament negotiations Report of the First Committee (A/67/417)

The Assembly has before it a draft decision recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 7 of its report. We will now take action on the draft decision. The First Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
The draft decision was adopted.
May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 102? It was so decided.

116.  Revitalization of the work of the General Assembly Report of the First Committee (A/67/418)

The Assembly has before it a draft decision recommended by the First Committee in paragraph 5 of its report. We will now take action on the draft decision, entitled “Proposed programme of work and timetable of the First Committee for 2013”. The Committee adopted it without a vote. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise?
The draft decision was adopted.
The General Assembly has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of agenda item 116.

131.  Programme planning Report of the First Committee (A/67/419)

May I take it that the General Assembly takes note of the report of the First Committee? It was so decided.
The Acting President on behalf of General Assembly #66296
The Assembly has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of agenda item 131. On behalf of the General Assembly, I would like to thank the Chair of the First Committee, His Excellency Mr. Desra Percaya of Indonesia, the members of the Bureau, the Secretary of the Committee and representatives for a job well done. The Assembly has thus concluded its consideration of all the reports of the First Committee before it, with the exception of draft resolution IV, entitled “The arms trade treaty”, contained in document A/67/409. As noted earlier, the Assembly will take action on draft resolution IV as soon as the report of the Fifth Committee on its programme budget implications is available.
The meeting rose at 12.25 p.m.