A/31/PV.85 General Assembly

I shall now call on those representatives who wish to explain their vote before the vote on any or all of the draft resolutions recommended by the Fourth Committee in paragraph 71 and on the draft consensuses referred to in paragraph 72 of the report [A/31/3621. Representatives will also have an opportunity to explain their vote after all the votes have been taken. I should like to repeat: we shall hear explanations of votes before the vote, then we shall proceed to vote on the draft recommendations one by one and, after all the votes have been taken, we shallhear other explanations of vote.

Mr. President, on behalf of the President and the people of the Philippines, I wish, first of all, to extend through you to the President and the people of the People's Republic of Angola heartiest congratulations and a warm welcome on their admission to the United Nations. 16. My delegation will vote against draft resolution IX, on the question of East Timor for the following reasons. First, my delegation believes that the process of self-determination in the Territory has taken placein a manner consonant with the wishes expressed by the people of East Timor. The draft resolution does not, therefore, conform to the present situation in East Timor. Secondly, the People's Assembly of East Timor, on 31 May 1976, exercised the right of self-determination and opted to become independent through integration with the Republic of Indonesia. Thirdly, the Indonesian Government accepted integration in accordance with the resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1541 (XV) of the General Assembly, in which there is a provision allowing colonial Territories, by the expressed will of the people, to be integrated into any other country. For these reasons, and in view of the fact that the principles of decolonization stipulated in the United Nitions Charter and the relevant General Assembly resolutions have been complied with, my delegation believes that the question of East Tlmor has been settled accordingly.

Mr. President, on this, my first statement in a plenarymeetingof the Assembly, permit me to extend my congratulations on your assumption of office and on the exemplary m"xner in whichyou have been presiding overthis body. 19. If I may, let me say that I am particularly pleased to make this statement. In January of this year I, with a number of my colleagues from the United States Senate, visited Guam and while there we talked with members of the legislature and other government officials. We talked with the people of Guam. So I speak today with a special confidence that what I have to say reflects not only the position of the Governmentof the United States but alsoof the Guamanian people. 20. Guam if: a Territory of the United States and the people of Guam are American citizens. Under the Charter of the United Nations and international law, the United States has the unquestionable right to defend the Territory of Guam and to establishsuch bases on that Territory as are necessary to the defence of the United States and to the collective defence of the United States and its allies. No Government would accept any challenge to its right to defend itself and to take military measures on its own territory for the purposes of that defence. The United States categorically rejectssuch a challenge and accordingly finds improper and unacceptable the language in the draft resolution regarding military bases on Guam and that portion of it which approves the chapter of the report of the Special Committee on Guam [A/31/23/Rev.l, chap. XXIIII, which also expresses concern about United States military bases on Guam. 21. The United States has pursued long-standing policies supporting self-determination and promoting maximum self-government for the people of Guam. In furtherance of these policies on Guarn, we have long ago provided for the election of the Governor and the Legislature and recently have approved legislation authorizing the convening of a Guam constitutional convention. Accordingly, we disagree with the fourth preambular paragraph of the draft resolution, which asserts the need to accelerate progress towards full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples with respect to Guam. Independence is only one possible outcome of an act of self-determination. Moreover, as I have noted, the people of Guam are citizens of the United States. They enjoy the protection of the Constitution of the United States. The elected leadership, as well as over 90 per cent of the electorate, in a recent free vote have indicated that they prefer association with the United States to independence. Certainly the United States Government has no intention of dictating to the people of Guam how they should determine their future. The United States believes in genuine self-determination on the basis of the free choice of the people involved. 22. And fmalJy, I regret that the attention of this Assembly has been diverted from its legitimate responsibilities by the efforts of those whose sole purpose appears to be to denigrate and criticize the United States and who have foisted on the General Assembly language concerning military bases more extreme and offensive than the already

I thank the representative of the United States for the kind words addressed to me.

Before voting on draft resolution IX concerning Timor, the delegation of Oman would like to explain its vote. My delegation was disappointed that this matter should come up for discussion in the United Nations, especially in the present context of decolonization. The entire people of Timor, and in fact of Indonesia as a whole, are related by ethnic, cultural, linguistic and geographical affinities. The delegation of Oman, therefore, considers that the United Nations should not interfere with a free decision of the Indonesian people or of any other people to strengthen their unity and the national integrity of their territory and to work as a united people for national progress and prosperity.

The United Kingdom delegation explained its position on the question of the Falkland Islands in detail in the Fourth Committee'! We explained why we have been cautious in our approach to previous General Assembly resolutions, which did not give weight to the wishes of the inhabitants of the Falkland Islands. Draft resolution V, which was adopted by the Fourth Committee on 15 November, goes further. In fact, it stands in contrast to the other draft resolutions contained in the report of the Fourth Committee. It does not mention the principle of self-determination. We are told that the Falklands is a special case. We do not accept this. Surely this is a dangerous principle to accept in relation to the remaining-the mercifully few remaining-Non-Self- Governing Territories. We regret that the Fourth Committee should have recommended a draft resolution which conflicts with the principles which govern United Nations activity on decolonization elsewhere. The people of the Falkland Islands have the right to be consulted and to have their wishes about their own future taken into account. Yet the draft which is before the General Assembly deliberately sets these wishes aside, as though the views of the people of the Falklands were of no account. 26. I should like to reaffirm that the United Kingdom is willing to engage in dialogue with Argentina on the question of the islands on the basis of clear understanding and respect for each other's position. However, we will vote against draft resolution V recommended by the Fourth Committee because we do not accept that the only outcome of such contacts can be a transfer of sovereignty to Argentina over the heads of the people most closely concerned. 27. Furthermore, it will be harder for my Government to convince the people of the Falklands in future that any 29. Therefore, Guatemala will not take part in the voting on the draft resolution on the so-called question of Belize and will not cast any vote on a situation that implies an improper pretension on the part of certain nations sponsoring the proposal to interfere in the negotiations that are being held between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Guatemala with a view to settling the territorial dispute concerning Belize. 30. I should point out that Guatemala's position on this matter does not in any way signify abandonment of principles that we have consistently supported on all occasions. The longings of the developing nations, of the nations that for centuries have suffered exploitation by the stronger nations, are our longings also. Paradoxically, it was after we had arrived at independent life, a century and a half ago, that we have suffered more strongly the aggression of domination, imperialism, and colonialism. Thus, it is in our own day that the people of Guatemala has been able to devote itself to the work of affirming its own identity in the face of everything that seeks to harm it. 31. However, if the principles of self-determination and of territorial integrity are to be combined reasonably and in accordance with a morality generally accepted by all nations, that requires that one must not destroy the other. Not only must both principles be held as clear legal statements but they must also and necessarily be capable of being suitably joined together, so that the assertion of one will not involve the denial of the other. The essence of a system and a regime of law lies basically in finding that what is reasonable is adjusted to what is ethical, for the legal life of peoples and of international relations requires safeguarding the rights inherent in individual life, along with the needs and interests of the collective life of organized society, since, in the end, no society can have greater justification than in its ultimate purpose of the realization of human values. 32. Therefore, we affirm and we respect the mission of this Assembly as a means of expressing common political aspirations, as a means of putting into effect principles of sovereign equality between nations, and as a means of generating a collective opinion of the international community-that is to say, as a means of achieving and preserving peace, But, when the expressions of the collective opinion of the Assembly have no greater basis than a fleeting political objective, and when they depart from what is reasonable, impairing justice and equity, then we are running the risk of directing our activities and our aspirations not toward the ideal, but toward what is sterile and ineffective. 33. Conduct thus inspired can lead only to a gradual loss of the prestige of certain declarations of the Assembly. 35. This is illegal, irrational and immoral. The transfer of political concepts to legal ones is possible and occurs constantly. The reverse procedure, that of transferring the legal to the political, is not permissible if through the transfer the same values are not fulfilled: peace, justice, security, equality and equity. To attempt to scorn the absolute status of these values in the name of political ties accommodatingly shared is to undermine the very raison d'etre of this Organization. 36. We deplore this draft resolution, especially since it causes our people to lose confidence in this organ, which should be the best means for achieving peace and collective security, and which we now see being transformed into an instrument of passion and irresponsibility. 37. I need not repeat the concepts already stated with diaphanous clarity by the representatives of Guatemala in this and other forums. At this time I shall limit myself to pointing out a few of the extravagant effects implied by the possible adoption of this draft resolution by the Assembly. The Republic of Guatemala suffered territorial plunder at the hands of the British Empire. The plunder was effected arrogantly by its breaking its solemn word pledged in an international convention. It is absurd, actually, for this Assembly to try to free and exonerate the colonialist Power from its responsibilities in the name of a principle of self-determination that is not at stake in this situation. From this one sees that, no matter what the Assembly does on this matter, it will be ineffective, because only the law is capable of stanching the wound suffered and of re-establishing the lost equilibrium. 38. We have been negotiating within the law and its procedures, determined to exhaust peaceful means for settling this dispute. We have participated in negotiations in a correct manner, sticking to the forms and methods of action that should prevail in international negotiations. The International Court of Justice has raised negotiations and mcdeof conduct in them to the level of rules of law, having declared in the North Sea Continental Shelf Cases: 43. Regarding the new States of the Americas, which played a pivotal role in bringing the question of Belize before this Assembly, we should recognize that there has not been enough united effort to share in ideals and to impart information. If we share with these States the same sea, we must also come to share our lives and our hopes. In so far as we are concerned, we shall endeavour to strengthen the ties that should bind us, without harking back to what might possibly mar our active relations in the future. "... the parties are under an obligation to enter into negotiations with a view to arriving at an agreement and not merely to go through a formal process of negotiation, as a sort of prior condition for the automatic application of a certain method of delimitation in the absence of agreement; they are under an obligation so to conduct themselves that the negotiations are meaningful, which will not be the case when either of them insists upon its own position without contemplating any modification of it".2 2 See North Sea Continental Shelf, Judgment, LCJ. Reports 1969, p.47• 40. In view of this untenable aspect of the resolution concerned, through which an effort is made to twist, direct and constrain the will of the sovereign States, it becomes increasingly clear that the Republic of Guatemala is bound to proclaim the invalidity of any similar declaration and, finally, that we are completely exonerated from complying with it. 41. The principles of international law-those recognized by the community of nations, and not those that are merely passing expressions of political passion-tare the ones that guide Guatemala in the negotiations on the territorial dispute regarding Belize. We shall not be led by the political views of any organization. If in international life we do not try to respect the regime of law and the standards of prudent harmonious relations, we shall have made a joke and a mockery of the principles on which United Nations Charter is based and shall have reduced our ideals to ashes and rubble. 42. With one sole exception, the American nations did not vote in favour of this draft resolution in the Fourth Committee. We greatly appreciate this show of solidarity, which demonstrates once more that the ideals of the American republics still have and will continue to have the force that they have had from the time of our independence-maintaining alive the concept of our association that is pledged to peace and unity. 44. A mere transitory phenomenon of inaccurate assessment of the Belize question has separated us at the present time from the so-called third world, to which we belong from all points of view. We are confident, then, that the settlement of the dispute will give us all greater scope to know and understand each other. 45. I must repeat what we have already said: the United Nations General Assembly is within its rights in concerning itself with colonial problems and situations; but it goes too 46. I have said that we will not take part in the voting, as we do not wish to countenance this illegal act with our presence. Nor will we again ask the Assembly to decide on its competence in this matter, since if it should be necessary, there will be opportunity to request this of an organ that has full and objective authority to do so. 47. Because of its defects and errors, both in form and in substance, resolution 3432 (XXX) was incapable of placing on us any obligation to comply with it. Any resolution that in any way, whether in whole or in part, repeats or takes up the concepts of this action of the thirtieth session of the Assembly will be equally without effect, will not impose upon us any obligation, and will not be complied with. 48. I end this statement by repeating once again the goodwill of the Guatemalan people towards the people of Belize, between whom no conflict exists. We have both been the victims of the unmerciful greed of colonizing and imperialist Powers. If there is a lack of trust between us, it, too, is the work and the after-effect of the colonialist presence. Our desires and destinies have to be guaranteed by full, joint development and by the effective common affirmation of our authentic ideals. 49. To conclude this statement, I should like to state categorically and expressly, on behalf of the Government and the people of Guatemala, that we wish to reserve each and every right that we have relating to Belize,because it is an integral part of our territory. Consequently, until the negotiations under way or any other means of peaceful solution produce a settlement, Guatemala will not accept any act relating to dominion over the territory of Belize,or any change in its status, unless that change takes place with the full concurrence and acceptance of the Government and people of Guatemala.

The delegation of Argentina had not intended to make a statement prolonging what will surely be a very long meeting ahead of us. But, for reasons beyond our control, we should like on this occasion to put forward a few further considerations relating to a matter of undoubted importance in the area of decolonization. 51. During the debate on item 25 in the Fourth Committee-and more recently in the plenary meetings-the delegations of Canada, Sweden and Austria deemed it appropriate to take the floor to express, overtly or tacitly, their disagreement with the content of those draft resolutions which recognized that each and every colonial quesvon is a separate matter and that it is impossible to apply indiscriminately to all of those cases the principle of self-determination. That principle, as we have repeatedly stated, is applicable in most cases, but it is one and only one of the principles which should be taken into account and applied in the area of decolonization. Its standing and its role in the process which concerns us is of course important. But that is no reason why, in certain circumstances, it should not be brought into line with other principles, such as the principle of territorial integrity, 53. In the interests of brevity, we shall not repeat here the many resolutions whereby the General Assembly has accepted the fact that colonial casesare individual in nature and that one must not prejudge what principle should be applied to each case. I might only remind you that resolution 1514 (XV) establishes quite clearly, in paragraph 6, that in certain circumstances-including, without any doubt, those deriving from acts of territorial usurpation against a country-the applicable principle is territorial integrity and not self-determination. This very clear and sensible provision lay at the root of the three resolutions relating to the question of the IslasMalvinas and resolution 31/4 relating to the Comorian island of Mayotte adopted at the start of the current session. 54. The suggestion that, when adopting decisions like the one that the General Assembly is about to vote on, we are contradicting past practice in this area is therefore unacceptable. 55. Furthermore, it is obvious that, substantively speaking, this new draft resolution on the question of the Islas Malvinas is only a logical sequel to resolutions 2065 (XX) and 3160 (XXVIII). While we respect the right of every delegation to change its position on a particular question when and for whatever reasons it deems appropriate, we must say that we are surprised at the decision of certain countries which, having voted in favour of resolutions 2065 (XX) and 3160 (XXVIII), have, on this occasion, taken a different position. We are even more surprised to see that this new position is based on opposition to the very principles that those delegations supported barely three years ago. 56. What we have referred to briefly are not mere isolated elements in the corpus juris relating to decolonization. The General Assembly has stated its view categorically on the subject and, in addition, international legal theory and jurisprudence have confirmed, in a manner perfectly clear to us, that it is impossible to apply only one criterion to the problem of decolonization. 57. By way of example I shall only refer briefly to some of the considerations contained in the advisory opinion handed down by.. the International Court of Justice on 16 October 1975.3 In that important document, both in the text of the opinion itself and in the statements and individual opinions accompanying the test, we find a number of elements which support our position. 3 Western Sahara, Advisory Opinion, I.e.l. Reports 1975, p. 12. 59. However, the most decisive paragraph on the subjectis the last one in the advisory opinion, paragraph 162, from a reading of whichit isperfectlyclearthat in those situations where there is a dispute regarding sovereignty over a colonial Territory, whether or not the principle of selfdetermination should be applied depends on the nature of the link between the Territory in question and the State in question at the moment of colonization. 60. Let us consider very briefly for a moment the individual opinions of the members of the Court. Justices Nagendra Singh and Ammoun have stated their views very clearly on the subject. It is clear that for Judge Nagendra Singh self-determination need not be applied when there is proof that at the time of colonization of the Territory the Territory belonged to a State and was separatedfrom it by the colonizers. Judge Ammoun says that there are many cases where "the application of the principle of self-determination was dispensed with by the General Assembly"," 61. Both these international judges, finally, describe general situations which would fall within these basic categories. 62. However, it is the opinion of Judge Petren of Sweden that we find most decisive in this area. The Swedish magistrate states his view succinctly as follows: first of all, the lawon decolonization is "in the course of takingshape", and, although it derives essentially from the principle of self-determination, that is no reason why in certain specific cases account should not also be taken of the principle of national unity and integrity of States. He stresses that the process of decolonization takes place by means of a combination of different elements of international law evolving under the inspiration of the United Nations. Furthermore, in an equally decisive way he says that there is no uniform opinion on the subject of decolonization because "... the wide variety of geographical and other data which must be taken into account ... have not yet allowed of the establishment of a sufficiently developed body of rules and practice to cover all the situations which may give rise to problems. In other words, although its guiding principles have emerged, the law of decolonization does not yet constitute a complete body of doctrine and practice."! 4 Ibid, p, 99. 5 Ibid., p, 110. 63. I sincerely regret that I have had to make this lengthy statement. I can assure you, as well as the representatives here, that we would have much preferred not to have prolonged today's meeting. However, it is obvious, asI said at the beginning of my statement, that because of certain statements by certain delegations a reply at considerable length was required so as to ensure that the Assembly would not be misled by the denial of certain facts and a reality as recognized as the fact that each colonial case should be taken up individually and that it is impossible indiscriminately to apply one single principle in this area. 64. As is clear from my statement, it is precisely that approach which, if followed, would be at variance with international theory and practice-a matter all the more serious in view of the fact that this would prolong or validate certain situations which are notoriously illegal or unjust. 65. In conclusion, I would like to thank both those countries which came forward as sponsors and those which supported the draft resolution adopted in the Fourth Committee which will shortly be put to the vote in the General Assembly as draft resolution V on the question of the Islas Malvinas in document A/31/362. We hope that it will be adopted by an overwhelming majority as it was in the Fourth Committee. The adoption of this recommendation by the General Assembly would require of us that we pursue our efforts to bring about a speedy and peaceful settlement of the dispute relating to sovereignty over the Islas Malvinas, in accordance with the procedures laiddown in the Charter for the settlement of international disputes. In that spirit it is our hope that we will resume as soon as possible substantive negotiations with the Government of the United Kingdom as requested by this resolution and its immediate predecessors, resolutions 2065 (XX) and 3160 (XXVIII).

In its statement made in the Fourth Committee before the vote was taken on the draft resolution on the French Territory of the Afars and the Issas, the Frenchdelegation had clearly at that time stated the reasons why it was not participating in the vote,« This attitude of ours is unchanged now that the General Assembly, in its turn, hasto take a decision on this text. My delegation would like to recall that the discussions on the Territory of Djibouti,like draft resolution XV before the Assembly, are in contradiction with the spirit of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of States as stated in Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter. This Territory, in fact, is part of French sovereignty and wc intend to exercise our responsibilities fully up to the very day of independence. 67. The French Government solemnly declared on 31 December 1975, and once again reiterated on 11 February 68. As I announced on 25 November in the Fourth Committee, the conversations which will involve representatives of the parties and liberation movements, provided that they respect the rules of democracy, will take place in Paris at the beginning of next year. My delegation had hoped that our Organization, in order to enable this Territory to accede to independence under peaceful and democratic conditions in accordance with the interest of that region, would have been able to adopt a text in which more prfcise commitments were requested so that the world communitycould thus recordunequivocal assurances about the guarantees for the independence, sovereignty and the territorialintegrity of the future State. 69. Someprogress has been made since the two neighbouring countries became sponsors of the draft resolution that was adopted in the Fourth Committee, but the text falls short of what was desired. 70. My delegation has already had an occasion, furthermore, in the Fourth Committee to state what we thought of the unacceptable and invalid nature of certainparagraphs appearing in the draft resolution. We shall not rehash those comments now. I should like to express our regret that in the peculiar conditions in which the question of Djibouti was brought up this year-at a time when the stages leading that Territory to independence in full respect of the principle of self-determination had been publicly announced-it appeared impossible to initiate consultations with the sponsors so as to reach a text which would be more realistic. In this connexion, I shouldlike to point out that this unrealistic text does not even take account of the requests and the observations which were made by the President of the Council of the Government of Djibouti himself. We all say a great deal here about the need for dialogue. Therefore, no single groupshould monopolize the drafting of resolutions that are mainly of concern to countries which are not Members. In the present case no one would be surprised that France was absentin a vote on provisions which go so far in ignoring the efforts made to promote proper self-determination, which had been undertakenjointly by all those concerned. 71. The ambition of my country is to provide the inhabitants of Djibouti with conditons which will make it possible for them to live in a peaceful State, which can develop satisfactorily, and to ensure that the entire international community would assist them. It is the hope of my delegation that our Organization and the specialized agencies of the United Nations family will help this future State to consolidate its independence. When this has been done-and when it becomes a Member of our Organization-it is something which can no longer be called into question. As I said on 25 November, the future State must

There are no more delegations wishing to speak in explanation of vote before the vote. Therefore, I invite members to turn their attention to the draft resolutions recommended by the Fourth Committee in paragraph 71 of its report [A/31/362J. 73. We shall first take up draft resolution I entitled "Question of western Sahara". As the Fourth Committee adopted this draft resolution without objection, may I take it that the Assembly wishes to do likewise? As I hear no objection,it is so decided. Draftresolution I was adopted(resolution 31/45).

Draft resolution 11 is entitled "Questionof the Solomon Islands".The Fourth Committee adopted draft resolution 11 without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do likewise? Asthere are no objections, it isso decided. Draftresolution II was adopted(resolution 31/46).

Draft resolution III is entitled "Question of the Gilbert Islands". The Fourth Committee adopted draft resolution III without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do likewise? As there is no objection, the draft resolution is adopted. Draftresolution III was adopted(resolution 31/47).

Draft resolution IV is entitled "Question of Tokelau". The Fourth Committee adopted draft resolution IV without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do likewise? Asthere is no objection,it is so decided. Draftresolution IV was adopted(resolution 31/48).

Draft resolution V is entitled "Question of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas)". A recorded vote on it has been requested.

Draft resolution VI is entitled "Question of Belize". A roll-call votehas been requested.

We now turn to draft resolution VIII, entitled "Question of Bermuda, Cayman Islands, Montserrat, and Turks and Caicos Islands". The Fourth Committee adopted draft resolution VIII without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do likewise? As I hear no objection,it isso decided.

Draft resolution IX is entitled "Question of Timor", A recorded vote on it has been requested.

We turn now to draft resolution X, entitled "Question of the British Virgin Islands". The Fourth Committee adopted draft resolution X without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do likewise? As I hear no objection, it is so decided.

Draft resolution XI is entitled "Question of American Samoa". The Fourth Committee adopted draft resolution XI without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do likewise? In the absence of any objection, it is so decided.

Draft resolution XII is entitled "Question of Brunei". A recorded vote on it has been asked for.

We come next to draft resolution XIII entitled "Question of the United States Virgin Islands". The Fourth Committee adopted this draft resolution without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do likewise? In the absence of any objection, it is so decided.

Draft resolution XIV is entitled "Question of Guam". A recorded vote on it has been asked for. In favour: Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Bangladesh, Barbados, Benin, Botswana, Bulgaria, Burundi, Byelorusslan Soviet Socialist Republic, China, Congo, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Democratic Kampuchea, Democratic Yemen, Ecuador, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, German Democratic Republic, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Hungary, India, Iraq, Jamaica, Kenya, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Libyan Arab Republic, Madagascar, Mali, Malta, Mauritius, Mexico, Mongolia, Mozambique, Pakistan, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Peru, Poland, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Togo, Trinidad and Touago, Uganda, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Republic of Cameroon, United Republic of Tanzania, Venezuela, Yugoslavia,Zambia. Against: Australia, Belgium, Canada, Chile, Denmark, Dominican Republic, France, Germany, Federal Republic of, Grenada, Haiti, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Paraguay, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America, Uruguay. Abstaining: Argentina, Austria, Bahamas, Bhutan, Bolivia, Brazil, Central African Republic, Chad, Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Fiji, Finland, Gabon, Greece, Guatemala, Honduras, Iceland, Indonesia, Iran, Ivory Coast, Jordan, Liberia, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Nepal, Norway, Oman, Philippines, Portugal, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Spain, Surinam, Sweden, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, Upper Volta, Zaire. 12 The delegation of Nigeria subsequently informed the Secre- tariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution. 13 The delegation of Nigeria SUbsequently informed the Secre- tariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as haVing been in favour of the draft resolution.

I now invite the Asembly to turn its attention to Draft Consensus I recommended by the Fourth Committee in paragraph 72 of its report fA/31/362J. Draft Consensus I deals with the question of St. Helena. The Fourth Committee adopted it without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do likewise? In the absence of any objection, it is so decided.

Draft Consensus 11 relates to the question of Tuvalu. The Fourth Committee adopted draft 14 The delegation of Papua Ncw Guinea subsequently informed the Secretariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution. 15 The delegations of Nigeria and Sierra Leone subsequently informed the Secretariat that they wished to have their votes recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution.

Draft Consensus III deals with the question of Gibraltar. It also was adopted by the Fourth Committee without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do likewise? It is so decided.

Draft Consensus IV deals with the question of the Cocos (Keeling) Islands. The Fourth Committee adopted draft Consensus IV without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to do likewise? It is so decided.

Finally, we turn to the draft decision recommended by the Fourth Committee in paragraph 73 of its report fA/31/362J. May I take it that the General Assembly adopts that draft decision? As I hear no objection it is so decided.

I shall now call on those delegations that wish to speak in explanation of their vote.

Although the United States has abstained in the vote on draft resolution XV, the Djibouti resolution, we find the resolution, in many respects, to be a significant contribution to the passage of Djibouti to independence. We are encouraged by the support which the steps announced by France have generally received and we hope that this will enhance the possibilities for a peaceful transition to independence. We believe it is important to use this forum to support French efforts rather than to make unrealistic demands. Accordingly, we have reservations about operative paragraph 7. Until independence, France remains responsible for the security of the Territory and until then, security decisions should be left to its judgement. After independence, the question can only be properly addressed by the successor Government. That being said, my Government concurs in a number of points that we made in the resolution, particularly the reference to the solemn declarations of the Ethiopian and Somali delegations to recognize, respect and honour the independence and sovereignty of Djibouti and its territorial integrity after its accession to independence. Given the geography and history of the area, we understand the concern of neighbouring States, and we therefore support moves by all parties to foster the long-term independence of Djibouti. At the same time, we wish to associate ourselves with the call upon all States to refrain from interfering in the Internal affairs of the Territory, and to abstain from any action likely to impede or adversely affect the present processes of the country's accession to independence. We would urge, as this resolution recommends, that all Member States, the specializedagencies and other organizations co-operate with the administering Power to render all possible moral and material assistance to the people of the Territory.

The delegation of Peru abstained at this stage in the consideration of the question of Belize because it believes that resolution VI does not contain all those elements which are characteristic of this case. In particular (Iere is no reference to the dispute between the Govern- ::ents of Guatemala and the UnitedKingdom. 97. However, we are aware that the existence of that dispute should not be used to delay the process of decolonization. That process should move forward within an atmosphere guaranteeing the legitimate aspirations of the people of Belize and their future development within a geographical framework which should preserve an atmosphere of harmony. 98. While reiterating my country's devotion to the principle of self-determination, which is one of the pillars of decolonization, my delegation wishes in this context to express the hope that the brotherly people of Belize will soon, without any interference, fully exercise their legitimate right to determine their own future.

The delegation of Tunisia abstained in the vote on resolution XIV just adopted by the General Assembly on the question of Guam, because that resolution does not reflect the debate which took placeon that question in the Special Committee, and has thus not reproduced the provisions which were patiently and carefully worked out and which had gained the support of the entire Committee. 100. The resolution is a departure from the text of the Special Committee because there is a new operative paragraph 5 which, in the opinion of my delegation, is hardly likely to set in motion a peaceful and harmonious process of decolonization. The language of that paragraph will make more difficult the decolonization of the Territory. It will alienate in particular the administering Power and wiIJ limit the ability of certain Member States to intercede and intervene. We feel that the concerns that some of its sponsors expressed in that paragraph should have been placed in some other form and in another context than decolonization, which is the least appropriate for such considerations. . 101. My delegation wouldhave had no difficulty in voting i'or the draft resolution if that paragraph had been voted on separately and eliminated. 102. It regrets that, in contradistinction to the other questions dealt with, it proved impossible to take into account the conclusions reached after much hard work by the Special Committee, and thereby to gain, for a more balanced and less radical resolution, if not unanimity, at any rate, the votes of a greater number of delegations, including mine. 103. It should be clear that my delegation remains more attached than ever to the cause of the liberationof colonial

The delegation of Mexico wouldlike to explain its vote on draft resolution VI of the report of the Rapporteur on the question of Belize. We stated our views in the Fourth Committee on 17 November last.I 6

Permit me to avail myself of this opportunity to express the gratification of my delegation, my Government and the people of Pakistan on the admission of the People's Republic of Angola to the United Nations. We are confident that the People's Republic of Angola will play a meaningful and constructive role in the affairs of the United Nations. The admission of Angola to the United Nations is another step forward in the elimination of the last vestiges of colonialism from the continent of Africa and the worldat large. 106. My delegation has voted in favour of draft resolution XIV on the question of Guam because of our firm adherence to, and consistent support for, the principle of the inalienable right of the peoples to self-determination and independence, in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 107. Our delegation, therefore, finds itself in agreement with the principles enunciated in the resolution on Guam just adopted. As regards the preambular paragraphs and operative paragraph 5 of the resolution, we have some reservations on the language these are couched in and our delegation would have abstained on these paragraphs if a separate vote on them had beencalled for.

My delegation deeply regrets that the Assembly has adopted draft resolution IX on East Timor only on the strength of ridiculous claims and absurd accusations made by some countries whose motives have nothing to do with the interestsof the people of East Timor. These motives arc certainly not the paramount interests of East Timorese people, nor are they relevant to the exercise of the right to self-determination. What those countries have in mind is to serve their own political and ideological designs. I have already clarified Indonesia's position on the resolution during the discussion in the Fourth Committee.t ? It is not my intention to repeat it at length, but I would not do justice to my compatriots in East Timor who have given their lives and their blood to resist and overcome the terror and the tyranny of a political minority if, at this closing stage of the debate, I did not stress once again some of the main aspects of our position,however, briefly. 110. The present resolution totally ignores these facts, and I must say that it is quite candid about it. As stated in its preambular paragraph, it has taken note only of the statements made by the spokesman of the so-called FRETILIN18 and by the representative of Portugal, a country which the resolution apparently still insists on considering as the administering Power by reaffirming resolution 3485 (XXX) in its operative paragraph 2. This Assembly knows very well that all political parties, and I repeat, all political parties in East Timor, have clearly rejected that contention. When the Portuguese colonial administration abandoned the Territory after the outbreak of the fighting, the Portuguese Government of those days openly declared itself unable to restore its authority in East Timor. The resolution ignores resolution 1541 (XV) which, in the case of East Timor, is no less important than resolution 1514 (XV). In fact, the resolution characterizes itself by its total lack of objectivity, by ignoring completely Indonesia's whole-hearted efforts to extend its full cooperation to the United Nations to help find a solution to the East Timor question. A case in point is a visit of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General to Timor. 111. The resolution also refers to the situation in the Territory as critical, worth being brought to the attention of the Security Council. Nothing can be more misleading. The situation has already returned to normalcy except for some criminal activities in a few isolated areas. The people are devoting all their efforts to the pressing task of reconstruction and development. They have only one wish, to be left alone, also by the United Nations, which in their hour of need did not live up to their hope and expectations, in order that they can concentrate on the heavy task. And now, the Assembly has voted in favour of a resolution that is definitely not in accordance with the objective facts in East Timor and that is certainly not in the interests of the people of East Timor, which is supposed to be the paramount consideration in every process of decolonization. ) 12. The people of East Timor have exercised their right to self-determination and Indonesia has formally accepted

Draft resolution XV on French Somaliland, just adopted by the General Assembly with the support of the overwhelming majority of States Members of this Organization is a culmination of the United Nations efforts to decolonize the Territory of French Somaliland. The just realization of the national aspirations of the people of French Somaliland, which it; now assured of early fulfilment, is to a large extent the broadest of international actions and the culmination of the efforts of States Members of this Organization, who through the years have played an effective role in promoting the desire of the people to cast away a century-old colonial domination. 114. It is a matter of record that Somalia's contribution to the advancement of the legitimate rights of the people of French Somaliland to self-determination and independence has been not only positive but also consistent throughout. This resolution, which has received the overwhelming endorsement of this Assembly, upholds certain fundamental principles and positions to which we subscribe. While reaffirming the unqualified support of Member States for the right of the people to immediate and unconditional independence, it rightly calls upon the administering Power to implement scrupulously and equitably, under full democratic conditions, the programme for the independence of the Territory within the indicated time-limit. Moreover, it addresses itself to the necessity for the return of all refugees in order to ensure their participation in all the processes leading to independence. 11S. My delegation would have preferred to see this resolution also embody an equally important provision on the need for the immediate dismantling of the electrified barbed wire and minefields surrounding the city of Djibouti. As long as this barrier is in existence, it will continue to create an unfavourable psychological atmosphere and it will hinder the exercise of the full democratic rights of the people. The administering Power is under an obligation to honour the commitment it has undertaken before the Fourth Committee, namely, to create the 116. The Somali Government takes this opportunity to reiterate the stand it has taken in each of those resolutions and declarations at the time and place of thetr adoption. My delegation maintains, as it has always done in the past, that the spirit and letter of those resolutions and declarations, as well as the resolution just adopted by the General Assembly, have a sole objective, namely, the decolonization of the Territory in conformity with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960. 117. Those of us who are closely assoclated with the formulation of the present resolution are well aware that a broad measure of consensus resulted only after it was agreed that the resolution should address Itself solely to the decolonization aspect of the issue in keeping with the guiding principles, objectives and the purposes of the United Nations. My delegation will not, therefore, subscribe to any interpretation of this resolution other than that which I havejust explained. 118. Finally, from this rostrum, the Somali Governmen t and people extend their best wishes to the people of French Somaliland, who are now on the threshold of freedom and dignity, thanks to their unrelenting struggle and to the solidarity and the support of the international community.

My delegation would like to take this opportunity to extend its felicitatlons to Angola and to welcome its admission to the United Nations. The entry of Angola into this Organization provides an appropriately significant background to the examination of the progress, or perhaps lack of progress, in the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 120. This important Declaration, adopted 16 years ago, envisaged that immediate steps should be taken by the Administering Authorities to transfer all powers to the peoples of Non-Self-Governing Territories, so that they might enjoy complete freedom. Nothing of the kind has happened of course, because in practice colonial authorities have proved to be extremely reluctant to surrender power to the people, except under sustained political, economic or military pressures, since they seem to be generally immune to moral pressures, As a result, the Declaration on decolonization has had to be implemented more often by oil Resumed from the 83rd meeting. 122. The General Assembly, on several occasions, has called upon all States willing to do so, to provide national liberation movements with material and other forms of assistance in their struggles for independence. Apparently, this is the least that we can do in the present circumstances of the functioning of the United Nations. 123. When one examines the record of the Administering Authorities, one finds a variety of dismal and frustrating experiences, with a few notable exceptions. Some Authorities have had the wisdom to know when to hand over power gracefully. Some have abandoned their Territories in the face of superior forces. Others have passed on their problems to the United Nations when the situation became too hot for them to handle. Some, of course, still hang on to their colonies, either for economic gain or for reasons of pride and prestige, or on flimsy legalistic grounds, or for considerations of security. Some have unfortunately allowed racist minorities to seize power unilaterally and illegally. Some are "last ditchers" by nature and are prepared to fight to the bitter end, using mercenaries and other dubious means. We have now a new phenomenon, a deviation in decolonization, in the form of' spurious independent States, satellites of colonial Powers, such as Transkei, which cannot hope to survive and wUl surely be swept away by the people in the course of time. 124. The attitudes of the Administering Authorities towards the United Nations in the field of decolonization have also not been uniform. Only a few of them have been responsive to the resolutions of the General Assembly, or even to the obligations placed upon them by the Unttsd Nations Charter. Some continue to cherish the illusion that Territories scattered far and wide still remain integral parts of the metropolitan area, legally and culturally. Others interpret their obligations under the Charter within such a narrow framework of international accountability that they 125. However, the hard nuts of decolonization have remained totally impervious to United Nations resolutions on questions such as the liberation of Zimbabwe, the removal from Namibia of the illegal regime there, the liquidation of apartheid and the establishment of a separate new nation-State for the Palestinian Arab people. These are the hard-core problems of colonialism and racism, problems which have a colonial legacy and have also a bearing on the maintenance of international peace and security. These are all situations in which the people themselves have been forced by circumstances to take direction action to assert their legitimate national rights, because the United Nations has proved unable to intervene and to uphold the principles and purposes of the Charter. 126. One has heard from this forum a good deal of nonsense, distortions of history, counsels for moderation and expressions of pious hopes from the apologists of colonialism. The plain fact of the matter is that, even in a straightforward case such as that of Namibia, which the entire world community, including the Pretoria regime, regards as having the status of an international Territory, nothing has been done to bring the Territory under United Nations administration. We are still fiddling about with futile institutions such as a Commissioner, a Council, etc., as if the oppressed people of Namibia have all the time in the world. There is no greater blow to the authority of the United Nations than the failure of the Security Council to recover the international Territory of Namibia from the Pretoria regime. The dilemma facing us today is whether the United Nations-or, to be more precise, the Security Council-is prepared to use its powers, or whether the people of Namibia must use their own power. 127. There is one other general point I wish to make and that is that, in promoting tll\. ,')focess of decolonization, we must be very careful not to .onfuse decolonization with self-determination. We have seen the new advocates of the right of self-determination sowing the seeds of confusion, diViding peoples and neighbours and generally exploiting the resulting situation. In our view, decolonization simply means termination of colonial rule and the vacation of colonial Territories by the colonial authorities. It is absurd to say that the people should be consulted as to whether or not they wish'to be free. Self-determination of peoples is a principle of internal policy. It embodies the principle of popular sovereignty. The exercise of the right of selfdetermination cannot be a pre-condition to the termination of colonial rule. We must not, therefore, confuse decolonization, which is the termination of colonial rule, with self-determination, which is indeed the beginning of Independent existence. For example, Transkei is nothing more than a mirage of freedom on the shifting sands of self.uetermination. The principle of selt-determlnation is also sometimes abused in the process of decolonization in an attempt to destabilize neighbouring Governments and States. 129. Let us not mindlessly congratulate the United Nations, because we have not done as much as we should to implement the Declaration on decolonization. Let us concentrate our efforts and priorities during the coming year on two questions: first, the liberation of Zimbabwe, in which the United Kingdom Government should and could play a crucial role, if it would accept the challenge and the opportunity to rectify the mistake of 1965; secondly, the liberation of Namibia, which by all rights is the responsibility of the Security Council. Failure to live up to the demands of these historic responsibilitiea will only result in the peoples taking up arms to liberate themselves with such help as friends may offer them.

The Romanian delegation is participating in the present debate on item 25 with the firm belief that the United Nations, which has played and still plays an important role in hastening the process of decolonization , should take new steps aiming at eliminating, as se..n as possible, the last remnants of the colonial system of colonialist policies and practices. Such steps are awaited and will undoubtedly help all the people living in the Territories still under colonial dependence to exercise their inalienable rights to independence and selfdetermination. 131. We consider that such measures are all the more necessary as the decolonization process of the last colonial Territories has lately met with some difficulties and problems and even with situations that jeopardize international peace and security. Resolute action by the United Nations in this direction stems from the provisions of the Charter and from the obligations solemnly assumed by this Organization towards the colonial peoples 15 years ago, when it approved the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. At the same time the complete abolition of colonial rule is claimed by the latest developments in the contemporary world, which have set before the United Nations a primordial and urgent task, namely, the establishment of a new lnternational economic and political order. 132. By adopting in 1960 resolution 1514 (XV) regarding the right of colonial peoples to self-determination, the United Nations has not only performed an act of lnter- 133. The previous debates on this item have already revealed progress in the field of decolonization and have paid well-deserved homage to the colonial peoples, to their national liberation movements, which have gained their independence through heroic struggle and heavy sacrifices. At the same time, the United Nations has consistently reaffirmed its determination to lend in the future, too, its full support to the efforts aiming at the liberation of peoples from all the Territories which still are in a state of dependency or under colonial domination. 134. All these debates have spotlighted the undeniable fact that the assertion of newly independent States represents the defining feature of the latest revolution in the colonization process. The people's sacred right to selfdetermination and independence has gained wide recognition and the great majority of the former colonial Territories have occupied their deserved place in the family of sovereign nations. 135. Such an evolution confirms the invincibility of the national liberation struggle of the colonial peoples determined to assume their own destinies and to shape their future according to their own national aspirations. This is an indication of the fact that the evolution towards freedom and independence is irreversible and that the removal of the last remnant of colonial practices has reached its finalphase. 136. Nevertheless, serious difficulties and obstacles are still to be overcome before bringing the decolonization process to a successful and full conclusion. It is well known, for instance, that, although the sphere of colonization has drastically shrunk, about 40 Territories comprising a population of approximately 12 er 14 million inhabitants are still in a state of colonial dependency. In southern Africa the right of the peoples to self-determination and independence both in Namibia and Zimbabwe are violated in the most brutal way. 137. The further maintenance of colonial rule in a series of Territories represents a flagrant transgression of the sacred rights of the respective peoples to a free existence. This situation has been rightly qualified by the forum as being contrary to the fundamental human rights and to the United Nations Charter. Moreover, the most recent development in the internationalarena unequivocally shows that the act of depriving peoples by force and detention of their right to live free and independent lives and of perpetuating the colonialist and neo-colonlallst practices seriously endangers international peace and security. It suffices to mention in this respect the grave situation 138. Romania considers that the complete and definitive liquidation of colonialism and the type of relations it has engendered, including the policies of apartheid and racial discrimination, represent an essential component of the establishment of a better and more equitableworld. In our delegation's opinion, the establishment of relations between all States and nations on new principles of equal rights and respect for national independence imperatively requires that the United Nations focus its attention to a greater extent on the ways and means likely to support efficiently the struggle of the people still under colonial dependence and efforts aimed at liquldating, without delay and for ever, the colonialist and neo-colonlalist policies of apartheid and racial discrimination. 139. In this connexion, the initiative taken by the Special Committee for organizing, jointly with the United Nations Council for Namibia and in consultation with OAU, an international conference in support of the Zimbabwean and Namibian peoples is welcome and praiseworthy and it enjoys the full support of the Romanian delegation. Sucha conference may represent a good opportunity for achieving a broad mobilization of workdpublicopinionin support of the colonial peoples and for establishing, in the light of the present situation and of the stage reached by the struggle for national liberation, the necessary assistance on the part of the Inteznatlonal community. 140. Increasing the assistance grantedby the international community to the colonial peoples and to their national liberation movements is indeed a matter of priority, to which the United Nations shouldpay appropriate attention. In this respect, Romania stands for the adoption of new practical measures aimed at supporting the national liberation movements by ensuring adequate representation of these movements within the framework of the United Nations and by creating favourable conditions for their activity as observers in this Organization. It is necessary that specific programmes for the multilateral assistance of the peoples fighting to shake off the colonial yoke be worked out by the United Nations and its specialized agencies as long as the liberation struggle continues and for the period immediately following the obtaining of independence. 141. A major contribution to the higherefficiency of the national liberation struggle is expected to come from the support and solidarity fund for southern Africa, vouchis to be created on the basis of the decision taken by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries in Colombo."? We deem it necessary that, parallel to the measure to be taken in order to bring about the liberation of all peoples from whatever form of colonial oppression and to liquidate any manifestations whatever of colonialist and racialist policies, resolute measures should also be taken in order to overcome any manoeuvres aimed at perpetuating colonial domination in this form. 19 See document A/31/197. annex IV. resolution NAC/CONF.5/ S/RES.2. 143. The present debate on decolonization is taking place under new conditions, conducive to the struggle of peoples for self-determination. The scope of colonialism has considerably diminished and the balance of powerhasradically changed in this Organization as a resultof the admission of newly independent States. Important changes have also taken place in regard to the increased organizational and fighting capacities of the colonial peoples. It is only natural, in our opinion, that the present approach to colonial problems, as well as the resolutions to be elaborated in this connexion, should not be a classical one but should take into consideration the changes which have occurred in the international arena. 144. It is significant, in our delegation's view, that, unlike the past, the Fourth Committee has succeeded this yearin reaching agreement on a larger number of resolutions on problems involving the Territories still in colonial dependency. Most of theee resolutions have been adopted without objection. Moreover, some initiatives have been taken in order to solve certain problems on the agenda of thisCommittee by way of negotiations. 145. Although the most serious problems are encountered in the Territories situated in southern Africa, we consider that the liquidation of colonial dependency is a matter which concerns to no lesser extent all the colonial Territories, including the so-called specific Territories, since all peoples, whatever their .number, have an equal and inalienable right to self-determination and to an independent life of their own. 146. In the lightof these considerations, we think that the examination by the Special Committee of the possibilities of working out a practical programme and establishing, also in consultation with the administerlng Powers, some deadlines for the accession to self-determination and independence of each Territory on the basis of the specific conditions prevailing in each Territory would be a matter of currentinterest. 147. Being aware of the increasing role that the United Nations is objectively called upon to play in international affairs, Romania, as is known, submitted at the thirtieth session of the General Assembly a comprehensive document containing its views on the improvement and democratization of this Organization's activities.2 o It is stressed in this document that the United Nations and its Member States must adopt strong measures to ensure the rapid and complete liberation of all peoples from every form of foreign oppression, the total liquidation of all manlfestations of exploitation and discrimination, racism and apartheid and the absolute rejection of any measure which will allow suchmanifestations to recur. 148. In keeping with this position,Romania has reiterated in the General Assembly its proposal concerning the 149. The Romanian people, which has itself undergone the painful experience of foreign domination, has lent its full support to the fight of colonial peoples and national liberation movements. Solidarity with peoples fighting against foreign oppression, colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism and for the abolition of any form of domination represents one of the basic guidelines of Romania's foreign policy. 150. In full agreement with this position of principle, Romania has granted full political, diplomatic, moral and material support, both by multilateral and bilateral ways, to the peoples fighting for self-determination and independence and to their nationalliberation movements. 151. As recently stressed by President Nicolae Ceausescu, Romania firmly supports the fight of peoples for national liberation, for gaining and consolidating their independence and for completely liquidating the imperialist policy of domination and oppression as well as racist and apartheid policies. In this respect, Romania is determined to eooperate with all forces fighting against colonialism and nee-colonialism and to support actively, in the future too, the struggle of all peoples and their national liberatiun movements against foreign domination and for freedom and independence. 152. It is in this spirit that the Romanian delegation is willing and ready to co-operate with other delegations and with the representatives of national liberation movements in order that new measures conducive to the liquidation without delay of all situations of dependency and colonial domination might be adopted by this Organization with a view to securing the right of peoples in colonial Territories to live a free and independent life.

Sixteen years after the adoption by the General Assembly of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in resolution i 514(XV), the United Nations has yet to provide for the full implementation of the Declaration and its application to the remalnlng colonial Territories. During these years, however, there have been dramatic changes and positive developments in the field of decolonization. 154. As a result of the protracted struggle of the peoples undercolonial and alien domination under the leadership of their national liberation movements, which have brought about a grudging retrea: by colonial Powers in the world, particularly in Africa, ::. number of colonial Terntorleshave attained thetr lndepeudence and joined the community of nations as sovereign and independent States. In this connexlon, my delegation welcomes the admission today of Angola to membership in the United Nations. We wish the people of Angola success and prosperity. 156. For the full implementation of the Declaration on decolonization and its early application to the reminaing colonial Territories, there is an imperative need for concerted efforts and the formulation of more effective measures by this Organization. The full implementation of the Declaration, in our view, entails both a moral responsibility and a legal obligation for Member States.In view of the consistency of the aims and objectives of the Declaration with the provisions of the Charter,violation of the substance of the Declaration could constitute a violation of the Charter itself. 157. Thenon-compliance by some Member t3tates withthe provisions of the Charter and the Declaration has been one of the major factors in the slow process of decolonization in some colonial Territories. Furthermore, such failure on the part of certain States to fulfil their obligations under the Charter has provided continuous encouragement to the racist and illegal white minority regime in southern Africa to continue their repressive policies and their denial to the inalienable rights of the people of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe to self-determination and independence. 158. We remain convinced that the legitimate struggle of peoples still under colonial and alien domination for their right to self-determination and independence will eventually succeed. Change in colonial Territories in favour of freedom and independence is inevitable. Policies aimed at subjugating peoples to alien domination or at consolldatlng colonial rule are therefore doomed to failure. The colonial and administering Powers must have realized by now that they cannot continue their domination over the Territories under their administration. Fragile tranquillity in some of these Territories should not mislead the colonial and administering Powers concerned. The struggle of people for tJ1~ right to self-determination and independence will continue. The desire for freedom and liberty will not perish. 159. Peaceful and orderly accession to independence of colonial Territories is an ideal situation for the United Nations. However, the persistent refusal of the right of peoples to self-determlnctton and independence by some colonial and occupying Powers, particularly in southern Africa, has left the people there with armedstrugJe as the only means for the realization of their legitimate aspirations. To evaluate the present status of the decolonization efforts of the United Nations, there are a number of dilturbing factors which are adver..~ly affecting imple- "All Member States shall give the UnitedNations-every assistance in any action it takes in accordance with the present Charter and shall refrain"-and I would like to repeat-"and shall refrain from giving assistance to any state against which the United Nations is taking preventive or enforcement action." Accordingly, the continuation of assistance to the racist Government of South Africa by certaincountries Members of this Organization which has now been expanded to include assistance in military and nuclear fields to the illegal minority regimes of Southern Rhodesia and South Africa constitutes a violation of the provisions of the Charter and an impediment to the speedy implementation of the Declaration. 160. The success or failure of the United Nations in carrying out its responsibilities under the Charter for the maintenance of international peace andsecurityand for the realization of the right of peoples to self-determlnatlon and independence, as well as for the well-being of the peoples of the world, depends upon the amount of support which Member States extend to this Organization and to the extent of their compliance with the principles of the Charter and the resolutions of this Organization. As far as the implementation of the Declaration isconcerned, certain States apparently do not seem to be very faithful in their support of the decolonization efforts of the United Nations. As just mentioned, the violations by these States of Article 2, paragraph 5, of the Charteris an example. 161. Secondly, the intensified activities of a number of foreign economic, financial and other interests in colonial Territories and their depletive exploitation of natural resources particularly in the colonial Territories of southern Africa constitute a major obstacle to the political independence of these Territories anti tlhstruct the full andspeedy implementation of the Declaration. 162. Thirdly, the vast natural resources of th~ colonial Territories and their continuedexploitation and, in certain cases, the strategic importance of the Territories concerned, seem to have become a negative element in the decolonlzation process of those Territories. The continued reluctance of some of the administering powers to take appropriate measures aimed at providing for the u.iplemen- 164. Afghanistan has always maintained that all peoples still under colonial and alien domination have the inalienable right to self-determination andindependence, and that an immediate end should be put to colonial and alien domination and to the remnants of classical colonialism everywhere, based on the principle of ''·:If-determination and the free will of the peoples concern t •• My Government has always supported efforts aime« \t finding a just solution, by peaceful means and thti\t;e:.1 negotiations, of colonial problems involving the right of f/'.:->ple to self-determination and independence. The firm support of the Republic of Afghanistan of the legitimate struggle ot peoples still under colonial and alien domination and its opposition to colonialism, alien domination, apartheid and the occupation of territories by force is based upon our genuine faith in the ideals of the Charter and upon our belief that the right of man to dignity and freedom shall always remain paramount. 167. The delegation of the German Democratic Republic welcomes with great satisfaction the fact that the People's Republic of Angola has finally beenable to occupya fitting place in the United Nations. Under pressure on the part of progressive world public opinion, the socialist States and the non-aligned countries, the forces which attempted to deny the people of Angola, which had waged a lengthy and selfless struggle against Portuguese colonial oppression of the right to decide its own future, were obliged to give up their resistance to the People's Republic of Angola being admitted to membership in this world Organization. We welcome, then, the youngest Member of our Organization, the People's Republic of Angola, whose voice sounded so clearly this morning at this thirty-first session of the General Assembly.

The historic decision taken at the initiative of the Soviet Union on 14December 1960, which confirmed the right of peoples subject to colonial and racist repression to independence and self-determination, includleg their right to a free choice of the way in which they should develop, and condemning the enslavement of peoples by other- States and colonial oppression as incompatible with the Charterof the United Nations, still remains valid even to the present day, since the peoples in southern Africa are still suffering under colonial oppression and the peoples of smaller Territories continue to be deprived of their right to self-determination. 166. However, the process of the liberation of peoples from the colonialist, racist and imperialist oppression is developing continuously. The number of StatesMembers of the United r~ations is growing constantly. The influence of those States, which, until quite recently, were colonies or semi-colonies, has considerably increased. These States, together with the States of the socialist community and all "Both parties agree that further, even closer development of friendly relaticns and co-operation between African countries and socialist countries is an important factor for the consolidation of the independence of those States,and decisively contributes towards creating favourable conditions for the final liberation of Africa. The German Democratic Republic and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau declare their unswerving support for the struggle waged by the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and the South African Republic for their liberation and nationalindependence." 168. The imperialist forces are still resisting the idea that the peoples who have been subjected to colonial and racist oppression in Namibia, Zimbabwe and the Republic of South Africa should be able to exercise their right to self-determlnation. Notwithstanding the clear-cut decisions and resolutions of the United Nations, certain Western States and transnational corporations continue to support the Fascist overlords in Pretoria and Salisbury and are arming these regimes with the most up-to-date means of waging war. In this way, they are directly contributing to increasing the threat to peace and security which proceeds from these colonial and racist regimes in southern Africa. 169. For that reason, in the resolutions adopted at the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, they were named specifically and censured. Certain representatives of Western States have claimed that theh States are not supplying arms to South Africa. However, .ue report of the Special Committee, in document A/31/23/Rev.l, chap. V, provides data on the types of weapons of foreign manufacture which have been found in the hands of the South African occupying forces in Namibia. Furthermore, one wonders why the same representatives of those States persist in voting against those decisions and resolutions 170. To behave in this way means that one is directly expressing a preference for the illegal minority regimes. The leaderof the racists, Mr. Smith,according to a communique published in the Washington Post, recently stated that he had received a promise of new material support from the United States and other Western States should the Geneva talks on Zimbabwe fail. At the same time, the Western press, as for example the Christian Science Monitor of 26 November 1976, published communiques on the building of new installations for the army and air force of the racist regime of Southern Rhodesia on the border of independent African States. 171. At the same time, the stepped-up economic, military and even nuclear co-operation of certain imperialist Powers with the racists in South Africa has been buttressed by further initiatives in the political area. It is not against the racist regimes in Pretoria and Salisbury but rather in full agreement with them that certain States are trying to save what they think they still can save. Asdemonstrated by the deliberations in the Trusteeship Council, the Special Committee and the Fourth Committee, certain colonial Powers are setting up further obstacles to hamoer the process of decolonization for the peoples in small Territories. 172. In this connexion, an important role is played by certain military and strategic interests which place themselves above the right of colonial peoples and countries to self-determination and independence. In the opinion of my delegation, it is inconsistent with the letter and spiritboth of the United Nations Charter and of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for certain colonial Powers to insist on maintaining theirmilitary bases, even after the national independence of small Territories has been established. Such demands represent far-reaching interference in the exercise by these oppressed peoples of their right to self-determination and are a direct infringement of the sovereignty of these new States. 173. It is inevitable that, in discussing the state of implementation of resolution 1514(XV), we must deal with neo-colonialist actions, which are becoming moreand more frequent. The representative of one of the major imperialist Powers, in a recent statement, held that the Marxists, as he said, had conjured up the "spectre of neo-colonialism". Unfortunately, he received ideological support from another majorPower which has denied that it is a super-Power or wishes to become one, but which does lay claim to playing a leading part in the so-called third world. 174. As you know, neo-colonlahst practices are not a product of the imagination. This was clearly demonstrated in the discussion on agenda item 87 entitled "Activities of foreign economic and other interests ..." in the Fourth Committee and in the resolution which was adopted under that item {resolution 31/7/. The Wall Street Journal of 28 October 1976, stated quite bluntly that in the subsoil of 175. The Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, in its Political Declaration, exposed suchactivities: "The Conference noted that the process of decolonization has reached its final and decisive phase. Imperialists however, continued in their attempts to devise new methods designed to perpetuate their domination and exploitation of peoples. Imperialists are reacting to the reverses they have suffered from the success of struggles for liberation by a deliberate policy of vicious repression in those countries over which they still maintain direct control in a desperate effort to regain their lost positions and maintain their domination." [A/31/197, annexI, para. 28./ 176. Our African friends, at this time more than any other, have had to deal with large-scale neo-colonialist manoeuvres of this kind. Let me recall what was stated by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of Mozambique regarding the designs of imperialist and racist forces and their plans to continue to maintain the old structures of power and exploitation in Zimbabwe notwithstanding the interests of the people of that country. Attempts are being made to maintain military bases, to impede the exercise of the rightof peoples to manage their own natural resources and so on. Many of these States which have become liberated and which recently, in a hard and selfless struggle, have won their own national independence know from their ownexperience the sort of obstacles which can be erected by those imperialist, neo-colontalist forces when those States arc choosing the way in which they wish to develop. 177. The capitalist system engendered colonialism, racism and depredation and has practised it for decades, and it is this self-same system that also engendered nco-colonialism. Socialism shuns the exploitation of man by man.Therefore, the socialist States arc uncompromisingly in favour of the final elimination of colonialism in all its manifestations and stand side by side with the peoples which are struggling for genuine independence and the right to self-determination. The elimination of all vestiges of colonialism and racism will further strengthen peace and international security and will provide peoples with even more favourable conditions 21 SeedocumentA/31/431-S/122SS, annexI. The meeting rose at 6.40p.m.