A/36/PV.40 General Assembly

This morning the Assembly has before it in document A/36/537/Add.2 a letter, dated 13 October 1981, from the Chairman of the Committee on Conferences requesting the Assembly's authorization for two subsidiary organs to hold additional meetings during the thirty-sixth session, as an exception to the rule established in paragraph 34 of General Assembly decision 34/401. The two subsidiary organs are the Committee on Relations with the Host Country and the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 2. May I take it that the General Assembly approves the requests and authorizes those additional meetings?

Togo, which participated in the International Conference on Kampuchea, held from 13 to 17 July 1981 in New York, wishes to speak once again on this item. In so doing, my delegation desires to express once. again its great concern over the situation prevailing in that part of the world. 15. Indeed, Togo, a country that loves peace, freF.:dom and dialogue, believes that nations must live in harmony and avoid any crises likely to endanger that ha'..mony. That is why Togo condemns any situation of conflict and spares no effort to participate in any endeavour in the search for peace. That is why Togo is against any struggle for hegemony, which engenders wars and the insecurity of peoples. That is why Togo was deeply disturbed by the invasion of Kampuchea and was among the countries which, desirous of finding a negotiated solution to J the situation in Kampuchea, participated in the Interna- . tional Conference on Kampuchea. 16. My country, Togo, believes profoundly in the principles contained in the Charter. By signing the Charter or by acceding to it, all countries have undertaken not only scrupulously to respect its principles but also to defend them and to ensure that they are respected wherever the need arises. 18. There is no need to recall again facts that ~.now well known to the whole intemational community, but it is important to emphasize the efforts made by that community to resolve the problems brought about by 'the facts. 19. Unfortunately the efforts to find a peaceful solution to the problem of Kampuchea have remained vain: General Assembly resolutions 34/22 and 35/6 have not heen implemented because of the opposition of one of the parties directly involved in the conflict. This situation is fraught with serious dangers for the region and for the rest of the world. 20. It is therefore necessary to put an end to that conflict as rapidly as possible through a negotiated solution in accordance with the Charter. That is precisely the purpose of resolution 35/6.. under which the International Conference on Kampuchea was held in order to adopt a declaration and a resolution capable of contributing to the settlement of the Kampuchean problem. My country, which took part in that International Conference, voted in favour of the measures provided for in the Declaration and resolution, I and it wishes to reiterate its total support for those measures. 21. In any event my delegation wishes to reaffirm that the settlement of the conflict in Kampuchea, if it is to be in conformity with the Charter, must meet the following foui requirements: first, the deployment of a United Nations peace-keeping force in l(ampuchea; secondly, the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampuchea; thirdly, the organization of free elections under the auspices of the United Nations in order to enable the people of Kampuchea to choose their own political system and Government without any foreign interference; and, fourthly, the signing of an international agreement aimed at guaranteeing the existence, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kamp.,uchea. 22. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Co-operation of the Togolese Republic has said in his statements at the thirty-fourth and thirty-fifth sessions of the General Assembly, the international community cannot accept the fait accompli of Kampuchea. Such acceptance would in fact constitute a dangerous precedent that would greatly disturb the confidence of the small States that the Uoited Nations can ensure their right to existence, their independence and respect for the integrity of their territories. 23. Also, in the course of the general debate at the present session [33rd meeting], the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Co-operation, Mr. Anani Kuma Akakpo- Ahianyo, stated that the occupation of a country by force goes against the Charter of the United Nations, and he appealed to all the States concerned to apply without delay the resolutions of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and of the recent International Conference on Kampuchea. 24. The Togolese delegation firmly hopes that the measures adopted at the International Conference will b~ implemented so that the nations of the region may all live in 25. The Togolese delegation will therefore support any resolution or decision of the General Assembly and will spare no effort to ensure that the resolution or decision adopted will contribute to bringing peace to that region of the world. For this reason the Togolese delegation will support the draft resolution now before the Assembly.

For the third time the General. Assembly is discusging the so-called situation in Kampuchea. This, as we have said on previous occasions, is a gross violation of the independence and sovereignty of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and direct interference in its internal affairs. 27. We are all well aware of the fact that the heroic people of Kampuchea have .after a determined struggle and great sacrifices overthrown the barbaric regime of Pol Pot. Having done so, they have embarked upon the allimportant task of nation-building and reconstruction, but unfortunately they are again being subjected to acts of hostility and aggression by forces inimical to the peace and stability of the region. The people of Kampuchea are in fact being asked to surrender nothing less than their very sovereignty. 28. Obviously, the question of peace and stability in South-East Asia, as elsewhere, should be a source of concern to all of us. What is needed there is peace, and that in ess~nce means respecting the wishes and aspirations of the peoples conce111ed. The heroic people of Kampuchea have overwhelmingly indicated that it is their wish and aspiration to rid themselves of the genocidal regime. It is the duty of the rest of the world to recognize and accept that. . 29. A lot has been made of the presence of Vh~tnamese troops in Kampuchea. We must not lose sight of the fact that those troops are in the People's Republic of Kampuchea today in response to the wishes of the people and in solidarity with the legitimate Government of that sovereign State. The Vietnamese troops are there because the threat being posed by the remnants of the overthrown regime is still seriously endangering the freedom and independence of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. The situation has been all the more complicated by the fact that the remnants of that tyrannical regime are being aided and abetted by international imperialism, intent on sowing discord among the countries of the region. The people of Kampuchea are the tragic victims of the imperialist machinations and hegemonistic policies of those who want to fish in troubled waters. The People's Republic of Kampuchea, in seeking help from friends, is exercising its sovereign right, as do all other nations. R~fusal to reconcile oneself with that obvious fact is tantamount to intolerable interference in the internal affairs of that country. As to Vietnam's response to the request for help, this is equally in keeping with its own sovereign rights and internationalist duty. The presence of Vietnamese troops in the People's Republic of Kampuchea is a threat to no one, save perhaps those that have aggressive designs on that country. The futile attempts of those who seek to derive a propaganda advantage from it will not alter these facts. 31. It is sad to note that the people of Kampuchea are not represented here while matters rightly affecting them are being deliberated upon. What is being represented here instead is the interests of reactionary elements that have subjected the Kampuchean people to unprecedented misery and tyranny. 32. The Kampuchean people expressed their desire eloquently in the general elections held recently. What they now need is peace and a respite in order to build their country. To do this they need the understanding and full support of all. The United Nations would be ill-advised to be a party to a nefarious scheme that is designed to deprive the people of Kampuchea of the opportunity for genuine freedom and progress. The task of the United Nations should be to foster meaningful dialogue among the countries of the region and not to assume a partisan role. We note with regret, however, that the Organization is being manipulated. It is the considered view of my delegation that the heroic people of Kampuchea are today masters of their own destiny. Contrary to what their adversaries proclaim in a shrill voice in this Hall, the situation in that country has returned to normal and the people are peaceably going about the reconstruction of their land. In the light of this fact, the deliberations here on the socalled situation in Kampuchea are nothing but an orchestrated campaign against the basic interests and the cherished aspirations of the Kampuchean people. No amount of falsification can alter, still less obliterate, the fact that the Kampuchean people have freely chosen their path to development. More than 300,000 Kampucheans who had fled Po] Pot's tyrannical rule have already returned home. Are \'t'~; :0 understand therefore that deliberations here on Kampuchea are an expression of a yearning for the return of that tZame barbaric regime which has been overthrown by the Kampuchean people? In the view of my delegation facts are being grossly distorted and fabrications are being churned out principally by those same imperialist forces whose hands are still stained with the blood of hundreds of thousands, if not millions, in South-East Asia. The cynically tender-hearted talk about human rights by thuse countries, whose record of performance in that regiGn is most appalling, is therefore tendentious, self-serving and . hypocritical. 33. In the light of those observations, my delegation is convinced that the exercise which the Assembly has at present embarked upon will serve no useful or constructive purpose. We therefore reject draft resolution A/36/ L.3/Rev.l and welcome instead the peace initiative being pursued on a regional basis by the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.

Again this year and for the third consecutive time the question of Kampuchea is on the agenda of the General Assembly. That is proof that despite difficulties and obstacles of every kind the international community is determined to persist in seeking an equitable solution to that painful problem. At the two previous sessions a general 35. At this stage in our debates it seems to us useful to define once again the nature and origin of this question of Kampuchea. In the opinion of my delegation the question of Kampuchea is essentially a matter of law in international relations. It is a problem of law because the events which contributed to creating that situation were the result of failure to respect three fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations, namely: the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States; the principle of the territorial integrity and political independence of other States; and, finally. the principle of nonrecourse to force in international relations. 36. Whatever justification may be alleged, the intervention of foreign troops in a country with.)ut the consent of that country's legal authorities cannot be approved by my country. That is nothing less than the use of force against the political independence and territorial integrity of a sovereign State. Such intervention is not only contrary to the purposes and principles of the Charter, but if it were legalized, it could set a dangerous precedent for the secutity of the world in general and small countries in particular. 37. My country's Foreign Minister recalled that here a few days ago in his statement in the general debate when he said: "These situations . . . should, because of their illegitimate nature and the disastrous consequences they entail for relations among States, lead the international community to take the necessary steps to combat the introduction and strengthening of the tendency to violate the fundamental principle of respect for the sovereign~y of States laid down in the Charter." [20th meeting, para. 231.] It is in the name of that principle of law that my country remains detennined to support all sections of the Kampuchean people in the search for an honourable solution. 38. One of the major concerns of the Assembly is to make a positive contnbution to creating the necessary conditions for the restoration of peace and security in that part of the world. That praiseworthy concern led us, two years ago, to adopt resolution 34/22, which aimed mainly at the calling of an International Conference on Kampuchea, with the participation of all the concerned and interested parties, to try to achieve a comprehensive political solution. 39. Despite the dif\.culties inherent in that kind of enterprise, and the obstacles, we were able, through per- , severance, to hold that Conference last July. The fact that a large majority of Member States took part in that Conference is encouraging, because it shows the will of the international community to seek a negotiated political settlement of the problem on the basis of the values and principles enshrined in the Charter. 40. It is true that the General Assembly had already. in resolution 34/22, given the general outline of such a settlement, but the Conference had the merit of going into 41. In adopting those measures, the conference paved the way for later progress towards the restoration and preservation of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea, as well as the effective guaranteeing of the fundamental freedoms of the Kampuchean people. 42. At a more practical level, the Ad Hoc Committee established by the Conference, of which my country is a member, should be able, with the aid and support of the concerned and interested parties, to formulate concrete proposals so that negotiations may finally begin for the benefit of the Kampuchean people, who have suffered so much from this tragedy. 43. It is clear that the International Conference on Kampuchea was not able to settle all the problems involved in the situation in that country. But it is to its credit that, in a spirit of compromise, it was able to outline a plan of action which can ultimately lead to a peaceful settlement of the problem. There is no doubt that the implementation of the measures that the Conference envisaged implies their acceptance by all the parties to the conflict. It is to be hoped th3t they wi!l all finally realize that the path of negotiation is the only one that can ensure the success of their arguments and preserve their dignity. 44. In my delegation's opinion, draft resolution A/36/ L.3/Rev.l goes in that direction. Its adoption and complete implementation would contribute to bringing back peace, co-operation and understanding between the States in that region.

The Assembly is called upon once again to discuss an item entitled "The situation in Kampuchea". Allow me at the outset to reiterate the principled position of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. 46. It is the firm belief of my Government that the situation in a country is subject to consideration only by its own people and their lawful representatives. For us. there is only one authority which represents the people of Kampuchea. namely. the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, under the leadership of Comrade Heng Samrin. a Government which exercises full sovereignty over the entire territory of Kampuchea and enjoys the full support of its people. That Government is a result of the long struggle of the people of Kampuchea against a regime, dominated by the satanic clique of Pol Pot. Ieng Sary and Khieu Samphan, which had embarked upon the road of mass annihilation of its own people. 47. The atrocities committed by the Pol Pot gang exemplify the most shocking horror to which a nation has ever been condemned by its own "leaders". The established facts about the murder of :nore than 3 miliion 'innocent Kampuchean men, women and children testify, be- 49. Despite the well-founded and repeated objections of the legitimate Government of Kampuchea, the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea, the imperialist, hegemonist and other reactionary quarters have imposed on the Assembly discussion of the internal developments in that country. 50. The Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is against any debate here on the so-called "Kampuchean question" aimed at outright interference in the domestic affairs of Kampuchea. The lawful rights of the People's Republic of Kampuchea in the United Nations should be restored without any further delay, l:ind the agents of the bloody Pol Pot gang should be thrown out of the Assembly. 51. The present escalating tension in the region of South-East Asia is a direct result of imperialist, hegemonist and other reactionary machinations. Having been defeated in the dirty colonial wars against the peoples of Indo-China, the imperialists are still determined to retaliate for their defeat by exerting all kinds of pressure from within and outside that region. In this strategic plot, China and some countries of the Association of South- East Asian Nations [ASEAN] are assigned special roles. The China card played by the United States not only serves the imperialist designs, but is also beneficial to the great chauvinistic ambitions of the Chinese ruling circles. 52. The peoples of Indo-China are thus deprived of the right to divert their limited resources to the reconstruction of their war-tom countries, the achievement of social and economic development and the promotion of mutually beneficial co-operation with other countries of South-East Asia. 53. In spite of the negative endeavours of those in imperialist and hegemonist quarters, the people of Kampuchea have scored remarkable achievements during the past three years of their resurrection. Life has returned to normal ~ agricultural and industrial production have increased consistently; education and the health service have been expanded throughout the country;.security has been established; the people of Kampuchea have organized themselves in democratic institutions that govern their social and political life according to the newly worked out Constitution; the national and international prestige of the people and Government has increased. 54. We attribute those achievements to the tireless efforts of the people and Government of Kampuc:hea and to the international assistance rendered to them. These achievements are the firm basis for the happy future of the long-suffering people of Kampuchea and they are determined to defend their revolutionary gains. Thanks to this determination, the ongoing process in Ka:npuchea is. without any doubt, irreversible. 55. My Government voted against resolution 35/6 calling for a so-called international conference which "should involve the participation of all conflicting parties in Kampuchea". Even the convening of that so-called conference 56. Afghanistan objected to the convening of that propagandistic conference and therefore rejects its entire proceedings and outcome. The establishment of the Ad Hoc Committee is designed to draw the United Nations into a vicious political game against the Kampuchean people's sovereignty, to obstruct the General Assembly's role of good offices and to hinder the efforts to bring about a dialogue between the countries in the region. 57. Afghanistan will reject any attempt to impose the will of imperialists and hegemonists and other reactionary circles and their henchmen on the people of Kampuchea. The Kampuchean people's and any other people's right to choose their own political and economic system must be recognized and respected, no less than their right to individual and collective self-defence. Instead of meddling in the internal affairs of the Kampuchean people, every effort should be made to assist that people to eliminate the remnants of an era of destruction and suppression, te alleviate the social and economic hardship they have inherited from the dark past and therefore to pave the way for promoting peace, stability and co-operation in the region of South-East Asia.

A lawyer friend of mine once observed that in arguing a case before a court of law, some lawyers foHow the following rule. If you have the facts on your side, address your arguments to the jury. If you have the law on your side, address your arguments to the judge. If you have neither the facts nor the law on your side, thump the table and try to impress the court with a show of rhetoric. I have observed that in the United Nations some speakers resort to abusing their opponents when they have neither the facts nor the law on their side. I was therefore not entirely surprised when my friend and colleague from Viet Nam, Mr. Ha Van Lau, in his statement to the Assembly, at the 37th meeting, hurled some insults and abuse at the countries of ASEAN. I will refrain from reciprocating in kind but will attempt to maintain our debate on the plane of reason. 59. T~ose who are opposed to draft resolution A/36/ . L.3/Rev.l have adduced seven arguments against it. I will attempt to respond briefly to these arguments. 60. First, the opponents of the draft resolution argued that there is no such thing as a Kampuchean problem and . that item 22, "The situation ill Kampuchea", constitutes an interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea. This argument is a paradigm of the phenomenon of double-talk and double-think. Why do I say this? Viet Nam has committed the most serious form of interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea. It launched a large-scale military invasion of that country, overthrew its' Government and imposed a puppet regime on its people. Having done all that, Viet Nam brazenly tells us that any discussion of its actions against Kampuchea constitutes interference in the internal affairs of that country. 61. The second argument which Viet Nam and its support...rs have adduced against the draft resolution concerns the legal basis supporting the presence of the approximately 200,000 Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea. They argue that the Vietnamese troops are in Kampuchea in accordance with the terms of an agreement concluded be- 62. The third ar.gument which Viet Nam and its supporters have raised is that the Vietnamese troops are in Kampuchea in order to defend the sovereignty and independence of that country against the threat of China. A brief look at the historical record shows that in December 1978 when the Vietnamese invaded Kampuchea the independence and sovereignty of Kampuchea were not being threatened by China. On the contrary, the Governments of China and Democratic Kampuchea were on the best of terms at that time. 63. The fourth argument is that we should accept the Vietnamese intervention in Kampuchea becaase, to use the words of my good friend from the Lao People's Democratic Republic, Mr. Sourinho, it is a good fait accompli and because, according to Viet Nam's reasoning, it has brought about the renaissance of the Kampuchean people. My response to this argument is twofold. First, I do not think there is a distinction between good faits accomplis and bad faits accomplis. The use of force by one State against another, acts of interference in the internal affairs of another co~ntry, are never justifiable. It would be very dangerous if we were to accept the doctrine that the use of force by one State against another, an act of interference by one State in the internal affairs of another, can be justified if the consequences are good. As for the argument that the Vietnamese intervention is justifiable because it has brought about an improv.eme!1t in ~he wellbeing of the Cambodian people, were we to accept the logic of this argument we could end up by justifying the return of colonialism to some parts of the third world. 64. Fifthly, Viet Nam and its supporters have urged us to recognize the Heng Samrin regime because he was elected in a free and democratic election held in May 1981 and because the situation in Kampuchea is irreversible and we should accept the realities of the situation. The so-called election held in May this year cannot be described as free and democratic since it was held under the guns of the occupying army and because patriotic Kampucheans opposed to the Vietnamese occupation of their country were not allowed to participate in that election. As for the argument that the situation in Kampuchea ifi .rreversible and that we should accept the realities of the situation, that is tantamount to asking us to accept the use of force. If we accepted that argument, then we, the small nations of the world, would be entirely at the mercy of our militarily more powerful neighbours. We cannot and must not accept the realities if those realIties were created by the imposition of force. 65. Sixthly, Viet Nam and its supporters have urged the ASEAN countries to accept the proposal of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the Heng Samrin regime for a regional dialogue. The ASEAN countries have not accepted that proposal for three reasons: first, the proposal implies our recognition of tPe Heng Samrin regime; secondly, the proposal is that the countries of the region will conduct a dialogue not on Kampuchea but on 66. Finally, Viet Nam and its supporters have argued that the International Conference on Kampuchea is gross interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea and is aimed at preparing the return of Pol Pot. The International Conference on Kampuchea is not interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea. Indeed, its very purpose is to negotiate an end to foreign interference in the internal affairs of that country. The aim of the Conference is to establish a negotiating process which could lead to a comprehensive political settlement of the Kampuchean conflict. We would like the Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea to be withdrawn from that country. We would like to see restored to the people of Kampuchea the right to determine their own future. After the withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea, free elections would be held, under the supervision of the United Nations, in an enviionment free from coercion by armed men. All Kampucheans, including Heng Samrin, 'would be entitled to participate in the election. 67. In conclusion I wish to join my ASEAN colleagues in appealing to Viet Nam to participate in future sessions of the International Conference on Kampuchea. Almost three years have passed since Viet Nam invaded and occupied Kampuchea. With the passage of time resistance to Viet Nam's a~tion, both within Kampuchea and in the world at large, has increased. The international community is not prepared to accept the so-called realities in Kampuchea created by Viet Nam by the use of force. We urge Viet Nam to rethink the course which it has pursued in the past three years. The International Conference on Kampuchea opens a door through which Viet N?.n Ci:lii walk without loss of face to the negotiating table. \Ve urge Viet Nam to walk through that door and to come to the negotiating table.

I shall now call on those representatives who wish to explain their Jotes before the vote. I remind members that in acccance .,/ith decision 14/401 explanations of vote should be limited to 10 minutes and should be made~by delegations from their seats.

My delegation will vote against draft resolution A/36/L.3/Rev.1 for the following reasons. 70. We firmly support the just position of ~he People's Republic of Kampuchea in rejecting that draft resolution as set out in the statement of 16 October 1981 by that country's Minister for Foreign Affairs, as follows: "2. This is a manoeuvre by the ASEAN countries, manipulated by the Chinese expansionists in collusion with the United States imperialists, which is aimed at thwarting the renascence of the Kamjmchean people and restoring the genocidal Pol Pot regime. In the past, the enemies of the Kampuchean people have been careful to conceal their support of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary- Khieu Samphan clique under the banner of a so-called legal 'Democratic Kampuctiea'. But now they have openly revealed their systematic hostility towards Kampuchea by overtly choosing Singapore and Bangkok as meeting-places for traitors to the nation such as Khieu Samphan, Sihanouk and Son San, with a vi~~ to the "3. The Kampuchean people are firmly and for ever opposed to the return of the Pol Pot clique; they earnestly desire to live in peace, friendship and co-operation with all the countries of the world. "There is no 'Kampuchea problem' and hence there can be no 'comprehensive political settlement'. If there is a problem, it is precisely that of putting an end forthwith to the policy of aggression and intervention pursued by the Chinese expansionists in collusion with the United States imperialists and the other reactionary forces against the Kamp.uchean people and the other countries of Indo-China. "The solution proposed by the Fourth Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the three countries of Indo-China in June 1981, and the seven principles governing relations between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries submitted to the current session of the United Nations General Assembly by the Lao People's Democratic Republic constitute the best course for the attainment of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia. . .. "4. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of Kampuchea strongly condemns the repeated manoeuvres of the imperialist and reactionary circles which are hostile to the revolutionary cause of the Kampuchean people. It rejects and regards as illegal, ,null and void any resolution concerning Kampuchea that may be adopted by the current session of the United Nations General Assembly which is based on the falsification of the situation jn Kampuchea and the efforts to impose a so-called '~omprehensive political settlement' on the renascent Kampuchean people in disregard of the protests by the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. All manoeuvres and activities aimed at impairing the independence and sovereignty of the People's RepiIblic of Kampuchea will meet with resolute opposition from the Kampuchean people and will be doomed to total failure. "5. The Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea appeals to the States Members of the United Nations and to all countries which care for peace and justice to reject this draft resolution, thus restoring the prestige of the United Nations, in conformity with the deepest aspirations of the nQn-aligned countries and the peoples of the world for lasting peace and stability in South-East Asia. "It wishes to thank sincerely all the friendly countries which have raised their voices to defend the just cause of the Kampuchean people and the prin~~ples of justice, morality and international law." [See A/36/609, annex, paras. 2-5]. 71. With regard to so-called Democratic Kampuchea, which exists only on Thai territory, my delegation reit- 72. True to our foreign policy of peace, independence and international co-operation, and with the aid and support of our brothers and friends throughout the world and in close solidarity with the peoples of the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Kampuchea, we shall continue with determination the work of the national reconstruction and defence of our country. The designs of the hegemonistic and expansionist circles of Beijing, in collusion with American imperialism and the other reactionary forces which are trying to use the United Nations machinery to block the forward march of the three peoples of Indo-China-something they were unable to obtain in the field by force of arms-will be doomed to failure. 73. My delegation wishes to reaffirm the constant policy of the Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, a policy which involves the settlement of the problems of South-East Asia through sincere and frank dialogue among the countries of the region without any interference from outside. The memorandum from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic Republic [see A/36/561] constitutes a just and reasonable basis for such dialogue. - 74. Having confidence in the just cause of the peoples, Viet Nam will spare no effort to hasten the day when in this great gathering justice and law will finally triumph and the People's Republic of Kampuchea will resume in dignity, for all time, its place in the community of nations. 75. Miss GONTHIER (Seychelles): Deliberation in the General Assembly of the situation in Kampuchea without the consent and participation of the People's Republic of Kampuchea constitutes interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea, contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. 76. Last year the Republic of Seychelles voted against resolution 35/6, which called for an international conference on Kampuchea in 1981, forthe reasons already stated. On the other hand, the conference on the Indian Ocean called for in resolution 34/80 B, which no delegation voted against, has the principal objective of reducing the danger of interference in the internal affairs of the Indian Ocean States and the threat to their security and peaceful development. Resolution 34/80 B specifically calls for the convening of a conference on the Indian Ocean in 1981. Among those who will vote' in favour of draft resolution A/36/L.3/Rev. I, there are a few who are working feverishly to prevent the convening of a conference on the Indian Ocean so that they may continue their unwanted and dangerous militarization in the Indian Ocean. 77. We reject draft resolution A/36/L.3/Rev.l on the basis of the principles already stated and because the Republic of Seychelles is not a party to any conflict in South-East Asia. 79. First, we wish to point out that the aforementioned draft resolution makes reference to a number of resolutions adopted in the past in the voting on which my country did not participate because of reservations it had about them. We have already given our explanations in that regard and we shall refrain from restating them now. However, we want to reiterate that we have the same reservations about the draft resolution that is now before the Assembly. 80. Secondly, the draft resolution now before us contains in its preambular and operative paragraphs a number of evaluations and appraisals of international activities and documents about which my delegation has reservations. 81. Thirdly, we wish to emphasize that the draft resolution, in our opinion, does not properly reflect all t.he causes which led to the grave situation now existing in Kampuchea; nor does it condemn in the proper manner and with the proper force all the enemies of the freedom, independence and sovereignty of the Kampuchean people. 82. The AI1;>anian delegation wishes to reiterate its known position that it is ~ "must" to put an end to all foreign interference in the internal affairs of the Kampuchean people, no matter from what quarters it may come, so as to create the appropriate conditions for a just and lasting solution of the Kampuchean probiem. After so many years of suffering, the Kampuchean people should be left free to decide of their own will, without any kind of coercion, about their own destiny. It is for the Kampuchean people alone, and nobody else, to decide upon the road they will follow and to choose the regime and Government they themselves find fitting.

The Republic of Zimbabwe would like to express its views on the draft resolution which is before the Assembly. We believe that the conflict in Kampuchea is a very serious situation on which this body must take a decision. We believe also that all the parties and groups in that country should be allowed to participate in the efforts to find a solution to the conflict in Kampuchea. Therefore, Zimbabwe supports any efforts that are directed at finding an internationally acceptable solution that would al!:)w the principle of self-determination to be applied in Kampuchea. Accordingly, we support the present draft resolution. 84. Zimbabwe does not support any particular group, but it will support the efforts of this body to find a solution that would not leave out any particular group and ' would assist all the people of Kampuchea towards selfdetermination.

The Assembly will now take a decision on draft resolution A/36/L.3/Rev.1. 86. The report of the Fifth Commi~~ee on the administrative and financial implications of the draft resolution is contained in document A/36/607. . In favour: Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Belgium, Belize, Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Burma, Burundi, Canada, Central African Republic, Chile, China, Colombia, Comoros, Costa Rica, Democratic Kampuchea, Denmark, Djibouti, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Equatorial Guinea, Fiji, France, Gabon, Gambia, Germany, Federal Republic of, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Indonesia, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lesotho, Liberia, Luxembourg, Malaysia, Maldives, Malta, Mauritania, Mauritius, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Portugal, Qatar, Rwanda, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Singapore, Solomon Islands, Somalia, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Sweden, Thailand, Togo, Tunisia, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Cameroon, United States of America, Upper Volta, Uruguay, Venezuela, Yugoslavi~, Zaire, Zimbabwe. Against: Afghanistan, Angola, B'Jlgaria, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Chad, Congo, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Democratic Yemen, Ethiopia, German Democratic Republic, Grenada, Hungary, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Mongolia, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Poland, Seychelles, Syrian Arab Republic, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Vanuatu,2 Viet Nam. Abstaining: Algeria, Benin, Cape Verde, Finland, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, India, Lebanon, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mexico, Panama, Sao Tome and Principe, Sierra Leone, Trinidad and Tobago, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia.

I call. on the representative of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, who wishes to explain his vote. -

To the great detriment of the United Nations, the General Assembly, as in the past two years, has just adopted a draft resolution on the so-called situation in Kampuchea. Thus, again, the international organization has committed a flagrant act of interference in the internal affairs of the Kampuchean people and of the Pee,ple's Republic of Kampuchea, a sovereign and independent State. 90. On the basis of our unswerving position of principle regarding respect for the principle of non-interference, we have unhesitatingly voted against that draft resolution. Par from contributing to a peaceful settlement of the di~putes in South-East Asia, it can only increase tensions in that part of the world. I shall not dwell further on tbis aspect of the question, since I dealt with it at length in my statement to the Assembly at the 38th meeting. I shall confine myself to saying that the resolution, which takes no account of the facts of the situation prevailing in South-East Asia in general and in Kampuchea in particular, is-,.contrary to its sponsors' professions of good. or. rather. bad. 91. Besides being a distortion of the facts, this resolution purely and simply has the General Assembly endorse the decisions of the recent so-called International Conference on Kampuchea-a Conference which we have firmly rejected and condemned as constituting flagrant intervention in the internal affairs of the people of Kampuchea: an additional reason for our voting against the resolution. 92. We wish to make it clear that this type of document has no future in the settlement of any of the problems of South-East Asia. It will inevitably end up in the wastebasket" of United Nations history. I would also make it perfectly clear that I am speaking only of this resolution; I do not want any of my detractors to try to insinuate in the Assembly, in accordance with their well-established habit, that my country has no respect for resolutions adopted by large majorities, in particular those which affect southern Africa or human rights in Chile, for example. Yes. we have a great deal of respect for those resolutions, because they are just and balanced, and we have constantly supported them. 93. Finally, the resolution just adopted by the General Assembly will, according to the Fifth Committee's report in document A/36/607, have considerable financial implications. In our opinion, this money would be better spent directly in supplying food and medicine to the peo- 94. My delegation categorically states that our country will not contribute a single penny to the supplementary expenditure entailed by this resolution. 95. Before concluding, I should like to refer to the statement this morning by my colleague the Ambassador of Singapore. He said that the regional Conference envisaged by the three countries of Indo-China would imply recognition by the countries of ASEAN of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. That, according to him, was the main reason why ASEAN rejected our proposal. I would point out to him that in advancing this argument he seems to have forgotten that the 1973 Paris negotiations between the United States of America and what was then the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam-and those two countries did not at that time have diplomatic relations, nor do they today-did not have any conclusive results. The meeting rose at J2.J0 p.m. NarES 'See Report. of the International Conference on Kampuchea. New York (13-17 July /98l) <United Nations publication. Sales No. E.81.1.20), annexes I and 11. 2The delegation of Vanuatu subsequently infonned the Secretariat that it had intended to abstain.