A/36/PV.77 General Assembly

Statements will be limited to explanations of vote. The positions of delegations regarding the various recommendations of the Fifth Committee have been made clear in the Committee and are reHected in the relevant official records. 7. I would remind members that, under decision 34/401, the General Assembly agreed that, when the same draft resolution is considered in a Main Committee and in plenary meeting, a delegation should as far as possible explain its vote only once, that is, either in the Committee or in the General Assembly, unless that delegation's vote in the Assembly is different from its vote in the Committee. I also remind members that, in accordance with the same decision, explanatio!ls of vote should not exceed 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats. 8. I now invite members to turn their attention to part 111 of the report of the Fifth Committee on agenda item 18 (a). A I"l'corded "ote was takell. 9. In paragraph 5 of the report the Fifth Committee recommends that the General Assembly should appoint the following persons as members of the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions for a threeyear term beginning on I January 1982: Mr. Lucio Garcfa de Solar, Mr. Anatoly Vasilievich Grodsky, Mrs. Virginia Housholder, Mr. Rachid Lahlou and Mr. Carl Pedersen. May I take it that it is the wish'of the Assembly to adopt that recommendation?

I now ask members to turn to the report of the Fifth Committee on item 18 (b). 11. In paragraph 4 of the report, the Fifth Committee recommends that the General Assembly appoi(Jt the following persons as members of the Committee on Contributions for a three-year term beginning on I January 1982: Mr. Amjad AIi, Mr. AnatoIy Semenovich Chistyakov, Mr. Miguel Angel Dcivila Mendoza, Mr. Wilfried Koschorreck, Mr. Yang Hushan and Mr. Philippe Zeller. May I take it that it is the wish of the Assembly to adopt that recommendation?

We come now to the report of the Fifth Committee on agenda item 98. 13. The Assembly will now take a decision on the recommendations of the Fifth Committee in paragraphs 7 and 8 of its report. 14. In paragraph 7 the Committee recommends the adoption of a draft resolution which the Fifth Committee adopted without a vote. Is it the wish of the Assembly to do so also?

We turn now to the draft resolution recommended in part I of the report of the Fifth Committee on agenda item 110, concerning subitem (a). 17. I call on the representative of Alhania for an explanation of vote.

We do not intend to speak in detail about the financing of the United Nations forces in the Middle East since we have done so on previous occasions. But the Albanian delegation wishes to reiterate once again its position that it ~ill not take part in the financing of the United Nations forces in the Middle East, not e'-xcluding UNDOF. We will therefore vote against the draft resolution.

In paragraph 7 of the report dealing with the financing of UNDOF, the Fifth Committee recommends draft resolutions A and B. I first put to the vote draft resolution A. A recorded vote has been requested. In favour: Argentina, Australia. Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh. Barbados. Belgium, Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana. Brazil, Burma. Burundi, Canada, Central African Repuhlic. Chile. Colombia, Costa Rica. Cyprus. Denmark. Dominican Republic. Egypt. Ethiopia. Fiji. Finland. France. Gabon. Ghana. Greece. Guatemala. Guinea, Guyana, Iceland. India, Indonesia. Ireland. Israel, Italy. Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Lebanon, Liberia, Luxembourg, Madagascar,. Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives. Malta. Mauritius. Mexico, Morocco. Nepal, Netherlands. New Zealand. Niger, Nigeria. Norway, Oman, Pakistan. Panama. Papua New Guinea, Peru. Poland. Portugal, Romania. Rwanda, Samoa, Senegal. Sierra Leone. Singapore. Solomon Islands. Somalia, Spain, Sri Lanka, Suriname, Sweden, Togo. Trinidad and Tobago. Tunisia. Turkey. Uganda, United Arab Emirates. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. United Republic of Cameroon, United States of America. Upper Volta. Venezuela. Yugoslavia, Zaire, Zambia. Zimbabwe. Against: Albania. Iraq. Syrian Arab Republic. Abstaining: Afghanistan, Algeria, Angola, Bulgaria, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Chad. Cuba. Czechoslovakia, Democratic Yemen, German Democratic Republic, Hungary, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Mali, Mongolia, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Viet Nam. Drqft resolutioll A was adoPted br 94 \'otes to 3. with /7 abstemiolls (resolutioll 36/66 A J. I

We shall now vote on draft resolution B. A recorded vote ha~ been requested. In favour: Argentina, Australia. Austria, Bahamas, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belgium. Bhutan. Bolivia, Against: Afghanistan, Albania, Bulgaria, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, German Democratic Republic, Grenada, Hungary, Iraq, Lao Peo- ple's Democratic Republic, Mongolia, Syrian Arab Re- public, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of So- viet Socialist Republics, Viet Nam. Abstaining: Algeria, Angola, Chad, Democratic Yemen, Mali, Mauritania, Mexico, Romania. Draji resolution B was adopted by 91 votes to 16, with 8 abstentions (resolution 36/66 B).

In connection with item 133, the Assembly has before it a revised draft resolution [A/36/ L.29/Rev.l], which the representative of Costa Rica introduced last Friday. 22. The Assembly wiII now take a decision on the draft resolution. May I take it that it is the wish of the General Assembly to adopt it?

I welcome this opportunity to address the General Assembly on a matter of such moral, political and human importance as apartheid. I speak as the representative of a relatively new nation, one founded squarely on the belief that the most basic function of Government is to protect the rights of its citizens-all its citizens. I speak here in the 24. Hence I welcome the United Nations focus on this critical moral and human subject. I wish that similar sessions were held about each and every systematic violation of human decency perpetrated by unjust Governments or groups around the world. 25. Fairness would dictate that different countries' human rights practices be judged by the same moral standards. This, regrettably, is not true here in the United Nations, which highlights real and tragic indignities said to be perpetrated by a select few countries while sliding over, if noticing at all, just as real and even more tragic indignities perpetrated by many other countries and groups. Were the United Nations to devote as much time to each existing vile system of rule as we are here devoting to apartheid, the General Assembly would need considerably more time to finish its work and that work would become far more important. Injustice afflicts so much of the world. 26. To say this is not to say that apartheid is of marginal importance, for it is of major importance. Since it assigns legal. political and economic rights by pigmentation-which no human can alter, as he or she can alter education or skill or even virtue-apartheid is morally repugnant. As it violates the natural rights of black, Coloured and Asian people, as it denies equal access to freedom, and economic opportunity and equal protection of the law, and as it allows a minority to dictate the rules of that State. it is reprehensible. 27. None the less, apartheid is not the most brutal form of repression; it is only the most blatant. South Africa is not the only repressive regime in Africa. There are many other ways, besides apartheid of denying people the enjoyment of freedom, the right to choose and to criticize their political leaders. the rule of law, the opportunity for a gO.Jd job, a good education and a good life. 28. However, South Africa has the only system of denying a citizen's natural rights which is openly and legally based on racism. This bestows upon apartheir special distinction as the world's most condemned sy tern. While it is entirely appropriate for the United Nations and its agencies to condemn the spirit and practice of apartheid-as we are doing here. as we do in so many arenas of the United Nations, so often-the Organization should demonstrate a serious moral concern for freedom, equality and the law wherever violated by whatever race, religious authority, nationality or ideology. An oppressed individual cares less about the colour, religion or ideology of the tyrant or the tyrannical system than he or she does about the fact that oppression is being inflicted upon that person. 29. While this world body has, as I said, an obligation to contemplate the horrors of apartheid and the future of South Africa, the Government of South Africa has an even greater obligation. Its examination of this issue is far more important than ours. As its all-white Parliament soon reassembles, no longer able to ignore growing internal and external forces making for political change, South African leaders will grasp how the welfare of the white minority has become intrinsically tied to the welfare of the other races there. 31 . Such a'society will be one in which the contending nationalisms of Afrikaaners and black Africans are finally reconciled. And such a march will face serious opposition by those seeking to flee present reality and substitute a false view of past security. In every society there are those lacking vision of a better future, whose eyes remain fixed on a fading idyllic view of the past, who are prepared to sacrifice their chi"ldren's future to pursuc unrealistic, sometimes twisted goals. 32. Apartheid is a twisted goal. While South African leaders acknowledge the economic unity of the Republic-a single economy, and not II separate economies-some have yet to acknowledge political realities, particularly the failure of apartheid as an ideology and as the basis of a stable and just society. 33. To this day, South Africa remains basically a democracy for whites and an authoritarian system for blacks. All the coercive powers of an authoritarian system are exercised by the white Government against the black majority: suppression of dissent, arbitrary arrest and imprisonment .and the systematic elimination of all opposition. 34. Clinging to its discredited homelands policy, the Government intends to grant the fragmented Ciskei "independence" th~s week. Just as the United States did not recognize Transkei, Venda and' Bophuthatswana, so we wiII not recognize Ciskei. Why this homelands process continues when its ideology has been discredited, when its perpetration has become ludicrous and when its practice is grounds for greater scorn remains a mystery. The policy becomes cruel when it bestows homelands "citizenship" in far-away areas to some 6 million urban blacks who may never have seen those poor lands at all. What does "citizenship" of this kind mean next to the loss of South African citizenship, which is at the root of territorial apartheid? 35. The United States abhors apartheid adorned by whatever name: separate development, parallel development, separate freedoms, differentiation, multinational development. It matters nothing what it is called. Apartheid remains white rule. There are 4.4 million whites-16 pcr cent of the population-who thereby continue domination over and disenfranchisement of the black majority, 22.9 million persons. 36. The most evident manifestation of apartheid, by whatever name, is the horror of forced population reloca': tions. Admittedly, this is a practice evident in a number of countries, some represented in this Hall now. In South Africa since 1960, more than 2 million citizens have been forcibly removed from one area to another of their own country. The practice of forced resettlement continues. It is just as squalid as ever. Government should rest on the wiII of its citizens, and the will of no citizen is to be resettled by force, without due regard for law and basic human decency. That it is all too common a practice in 37. My Government and the Governments of the Unitt:.d Kingdom, France, the Federal Republic of Germany and Canada arc currently engaged in a sustained and determined effort to bring about a settlement of the Namibia independence issue based on Security Council resolution ..U5 (1978). The United States believes that with succcss·-- -and we hope and pray for success, and, more critically, we work feverishly for success-South Africans and all Africans can witness first-hand and up-close a problem being resolved through peaceful negotiations, as opposed to violent confrontation. Lessons learned in Namibia can be educational elsewhere. Resolving the problem of Namibian independence can help determine and evcn ushcr in a new manner of race relations within the Republic of South Africa itself. 38. Mcanwhile, the United States supports those elemcnts insidc and beyond the Republic which foster peaceful cvolutionary change there. Those people constitute the moral vanguard of South Africa's future leadership. They need to be strengthened rather than undermined, championed rather than castigated and supported rather than shunncd. Intcrnal forccs can, and cver more strongly do, challenge llpartheid. They offer hope of meaningful political change, hope of moving towards a political system engaging blacks and whites together. Such a system the United Statcs keenly supports. We do not presume to prescribc how the process of political change in South Africa should be carried out. Who could bc presumptuous enough to do so'? But we vigorously support equality and justice for all races in South Africa. Let there be no mistake on that score. _~9. History bears out our commitment to racial justice in South Africa. The United States was the first country to impose a complete arms embargo against South Africa, in 1963, a full 15 years before the United Nations imposed a universal arms embargo. Even though South Africa is of modest economic interest to the United Stateswith only some I per cent of United States overseas investment in and only some I per cent of American trade with South Africa-still we have long been at the forefront of those concerned with human rights in that troubled country. We shall continue to be in the forefront. The legacy of America, as a nation founded on freedom and a beacon of liberty to all the oppressed overseas, permits no less. 40. What is the proper role of the United Nations in bringing constructive change to South Africa? We firmly believe that as a first step, South Africa should be allowed to take its rightful place in the Assembly. To do otherwise is to do violence to the Charter and to the standard of fairness, and to shy away from, rather than to face, the political realities in South Africa. The continued illegal exclusion of South Africa constitutes a serious violation of the Charter. More importantly, it diminishes the capacity of the United Nations to influence the Governmcnt of South Africa in any constructive fashion. 41. South Africa's exclusion from the General Assembly has clearly failed to erode apartheid but has succeeded thus far only in unde!:scoring the sad irrelevance of the United Nations to the future of South Africa and its people. Since that exclusion has so palpably failed to bencfit either the world body or the peoples of South Africa, why not change course and see if engaging South 43. But the major factors which may be bringing about the destructiun of apartheid are located closer to its source. These are three parallel trends: the spread of democratic ideals, the expansion of education and the demands of a growing economy. They have already produced social and cultural changes within that country. Thos~ seriously dedicated to achieving peaceful, non-destructive change in South Africa can help advance these trends. Those not so dedicated or not so serious can continue the soie emphasis which the United Nations places on punitive measures designed to communicate the universal abhorrence of apartheid. While still castigating apartheid, the United Nations should now broaden its focus, help bring about change and consider concrete ways to expand democracy, education and economic opportunity in South Africa. 44. The United States will soon expand programmes designed to meet the education needs of black South Africans, both refugees and those who remain. The United Nations may join our Government and other Governments already active in this role to help provide educational assistance to blacks within South Africa, through either scholarships or other education projects. Such concrete programmes, coupled with opening an honest dialogue with the South African Government, will place the United Nations in a better position to pursue peace and decency in South Africa. The United Nations would then fulfil its mandate as a mediator and facilitator of change in that troubled land. 45. ~ow much easier it is to become morally indignant against apartheid than against ills closer to-or even within-one's own country. How much more difficult it is to realize that the true evils of apartheid, of rule according to pigmentation, can be eliminated only by engagement and concrete programmes to help the oppressed in that tragic country. The United States considers this the only serious and indeed moral course for those interested, truly interested, and for thm e dedicated, truly dedicated, to the welfare of all South African citizens, black and white, Asian and Coloured.

The General Assembly has repeatedly declared apartheid a crime against humanity and a threat to peace and security. The policy of racism followed by South Africa has been universally condemned. The racist policy has not only caused sufferings to the black majority of South Africa and Namibia but also created an atmosphere of tension in the whple region. The regime has been committing aggression against neighbouring independent African States, such as that committed against Matola, Mozambique, in January 1981 and the massive aggression launched against Angola since the end of July 1981. 47. The continuing political, military, nuclear, economic and other collaboration of certain Western and other States with the racist regime of South Africa and the assistance provided by the transnational corporations, whether based in South Africa or outside, are providing 48. In defiance of international public opinion, the rulers of South Africa have escalated their inhuman policy of shameless exploitation of the black majority. Repression, violence and terror by the racist regime against the non-white population and two other far-reaching aspects of the system-migrant labour and the establishment of bantustans or reserves-have been the means of implementing the policy. Through the policy of bantust~niza­ tion the regime has made South Africans exiles in their own country. It has tried to deceive the world by proclaiming the so-called independence of Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda, and it is proceeding to proclaim the sham independence of Ciskei on 4 December this year. Under a new heading, "constellation of States", the regime is trying to consolidate the inhuman policy of apartheid, to destroy the territorial integrity of the country and to deprive the African people of South Africa of their inalienable rights. 49. The South African racist regime executed the famous freedom fighter Solomon Mahalangu and sentenced James Mange to death under the notorious Terrorism Act. The sham trial and sentencing of Nelson Mandcla and his colleagues was unanimously condemned by the United Nations and the international community. The campaign in South Africa for the release of Mr. Mandela and the world-wide support that it has obtained demonstrate clearly that it is the rulers in Pretoria who stand on trial before the world and are condemned for their inhuman policies. 50. The current budget of South Africa shows a 30 per cent increase in defence spending compared with the previous year. Similarly, South Africa has escalated the acquisition of sophisticated military equipment. All this spending on defence and armament~ is intended to keep the rulers safe from their own people and to carry out aggression against the front-line States. The situation in South Africa and southern Africa has escalated to such an extent that it has brought grave dangers for the peace of the region. 51 . The General Assembly has made repeated calls for effective and comprehensive sanctions, with an effective monitoring system, under Chapter VII of the Charter. In this connection, my delegation "reiterates its firm support for the Declaration on Sanctions against South Africa2 and the Special Declaration on Namibia,2 adopted unanimously by the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, held in Paris, from 20 to 27 May this year. Manctatory sanctions under Chapter VII are the only peaceful means which can force South Africa to desist from its policy of brutal oppression. 52. My delegation would also like to commend the Special Committee against Apartheid for its relentless campaign for international support for and assistance to the struggle of the South African people, and also to its Chairman, Mr. Maitama-Sule, of Nigeria. The contribution made by his predecessor, Mr. ('lark, is well known. Nepal will, as ever, extend its firm support to the people 54. The policy of apartheid is rightly subjected to sharp criticism. The General Assembly and the Security Council have on numerous occasions condemned the South African racists, who have established this criminal regime totally denying human dignity and elementary human rights and unleashed cruel terror in the Republic of South Africa for the purpose of putting down the struggle of the South African people for freedom and independence. 55. The policy of apartheid is one of the three crimes for which the Pretoria regime is being condemned by the international community as a whole. The unlawful occupation of Namibia and the intensified attacks against neighbouring independent African countries, the most recent evidence of which was the aggression against Angola in August this year, are further actions committed by this regime which are just as worthy of condemnation. 56. It is beyond question that the Government of the Republic of South Africa feels itself strong. But what is making it feel so self-confident? It is not so much confidence in itself as the awareness of support on the part of certain Western countries, in particular the United States. I am speaking here of political, diplomatic, economic and military support. It is no secret that the major Western countries are pursuing in the Republic of South Africa interests which are in direct conflict with resolutions adopted by the United Nations. Above all, these are strategic interests which emphasize the need for active cooperation with the Republic of South Africa and the apartheid regime, as ~ll as a number of economic and other interests in southern Africa as a whole. It is precisely in that region that one finds a symbiosis of political, economic, military and strategic interests of world imperialism and South African racism; it is there that the centre of gravity of the whole problem can be found~ After all, are not the triple veto in the Security Council against sanctions against the Republic of South Africa and the absence of the majority of these States from the Paris Conference on Sanctions against South Africa clear evidence of this? 57. Recently the racist regime has been criticized also by certain influential representatives of the trade circles of 58. Increasing internal resistance to apartheid is being offered from year to year by the oppressed non-white inhabitants of the Republic of South Africa itself. The intensity and the pressure of the strike movement is rising. In 1980 alone, there were 207 strikes-twice as many as in the previous year. Major actions by Africans, Coloureds, Indians and Others, under the leadership of the patriots of the African National Congress [ANC], have laid bare the great political, economic, social and moral crisis being experienced by the Republic of South Africa, which is manifesting itself chiefly in the growing antagonism between the regime of the white racists and the majority of the country, the 22 million oppressed non-whites. 59. All this has led to a situation where the ruling bourgeois circles have proclaimed a programme of reform. As a result, there is a certain softening of some external aspectsof apartheid, so that these reforms could quite appropriately be called "cosmetic surgery". In counterbalance to these "concessions"-if they can so be labelled-there is an intensification of action against the opponents of the regime. The reforms have not touched such areas as education, the economy, health and sports. They have not resulted in the repeal of the hated "Pass Law", which has on the whole converted the Republic of South Africa into a gigantic concentration camp for the non-white population. 60. The racist leaders are not. retreating; they are merely changing their tactics for the purpose of gaining time, seeking to obtain compensation for increasing political losses, halting the spread of the national liberation struggle and resolving the problem of southern Africa on a neo-colonialist basis. 61. Thus, the racism and apartheid of the Republic of South Africa continue to exist, and even grow stronger. But Pretoria's leaders do not realize one fundamental thing, namely, that the political awareness of the Africans after the victories of their brothers in Mozambique, Angola and Zimbabwe has grown greatly. There is no doubt that the Africans in the Republic of South Africa will likewise achieve complete victory. The African people is not alone in its struggle, nor will it be alone because on its side stands the anti-imperialist and anti-colonbHst movement throughout the world. This is illustrated also by developments last year in the course of which a number of important measures were carried out on an international scale which have contributed to the strengthening and expansion of the front of forces fighting agarnst colonialism and apartheid in South Africa. 62. Our country has broken diplomatic, economic, cultural and all other relations with the South African regime. It stopped all contacts with the Republic of South Africa as long ago as 1963 and is systematically and unswervingly carrying out a policy of boycotting South Africa. 64. We are unflinchingly striving and we shall continue to do so, together with other countries, towards the implementation of all measures and actions by the United Nations and its organs and other organizations which would hasten the fall of colonialism, racism and apartheid in southern Africa. We totally approve the results of the Paris Conference on Sanctions against South Africa. Together with the majority of the countries of the world, we share the view th?~ the policies 'of racist South Africa constitute a threat to intehlational peace and security and that the present situation in southern Africa calls for the full application of sanctions against the Republic of South Africa, in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter. 65. As was pointed out by the joint Czechoslovak- Mozambican communique, adopted during the official visit of friendship by the Chairman of the FRELIMO Party and President of the People's Republic of Mozambique, Samora Moises Machel, which took place at the invitation of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and President of the Czechoslovak Republic, Gustav Husak, in October of this year: "Both sides confirmed their support and active solidarity with the just struggle of the South African people, under the leadership of the African National Congress, -its sole legitimate representative. They condemn the repressive actions of the racist authorities of Pretoria against the South African people and the policy of the establishment of Bantustans in the Republic of South Africa. " Our solidarity with the people of South Africa has not been and never will be merely a matter of verbal assurances. We intend in the future .as well to provide its national liberation movement with our comprehensive assistance through the Czechoslovak' Government and through non-governmental organizations, as well as through international organizations to ensure total victory for that movement. 66. In conclusion the Czechoslovak delegation would like to praise highly the efforts of the United Nations in the struggle against apartheid. The Czechoslovak delegation fully approves the recommendations of the' Special Committee against Apartheid [see A/36/22 and Corr.i] and would like to support the proposal to proclaim 1982 the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. The Special Committee against Apartheid was successful this year in carrying out a whole series of mel.ba:res which mobilized the international community against the shameful actions of the South African racists. For this it deserves just recognition. Such successful measures unquestionably include the International Seminar on Publicity and the Role of the Mass Media in the International Mobilization against

The issue of the policies and practice of apartheid is not a new theme at the General Assembly sessions. The repeated inclusion of this item in the agenda testifies to the fact that the international community is facing an important and serious problem which is a heavy burden given the situation in Africa and for international relations in general. On the other hand, this is the proof of the resolve and determination of the United Nations not to falter in solving the pmblem and eradicating this evil, which constitutes a crime against mankind-an institutionalized system of ra~ial discrimination and a legalized method of mass violation and infringement of human rights. 68. Today more than before-and this year more clearly and emphatically than in previous years-it is essential to eliminate the problem of apartheid from our agenda. According to the data conscientiously collected by the Special Committee against Apartheid, the increased oppression of the black and Coloured population in South Africa, the threats, arrests and trials-including the death penalty for arrested patriots, the armed clashes of police and military forces of the racist regime with the combatants of the national liberation movements-ANC and the Pan Africanist Congress of Anzania [PAC]-the continu- . ous acts of aggre;ssion, subversion and terrorism committed by the racist regime against Angola, Zambia, Botswana and Ivlozambique, the occupation of parts of Angolan territory, the permanent occupation of Namibia and the rejection of the United Nations plan for Namibia-all these constitute not only a serious threat but also a violation of international peace and security and create a situation which calls for urgent intervention by the United Nations, including use of the measures provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter. 69. This need is even more strongly emphasized by the increased brutal suppression of the population opposing . apartheid. The use of terror against the majority has, in the course of the previous year, between the thirty-fifth and the thirty-sixth sessions of the General Assembly, escalated and become even more intensified, resulting in an increased number of political arrests and trials, an ever greater number Cif prohibitions of political, trade-union and social activities in general and in other various forms of pressure against the opponents of the policies of apartheid in South Africa. 70. The policy of bantustanization, assessed by the world as an unscrupulous attempt to create reservoirs of cheap labour for the industrial and agricultural facilities of the racist economy and dumping grounds for the aged and the infirm, has been continued and intensified. In the socalled constellation of southern African "independent States", there already exist a number of bantustans. The most recent is Ciskei. South Africa is trying to introduce these creations into international life and to open their diplomatic missions in Western European and American countries. The United Nations must once again clearly and fmnly oppose such an orientation l:nd condemn those countries which violate the international consensus on the illegal and unacceptable character of this form of apartheid and the policy of the racist minority regime. 72. South Africa has continued its brutal oppression, threats and terror against the Namibian majority and continues to wage merciless armed warfare against the national liberation movement in that country-the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO]-the only legitimate representative of the Namibian people. At the political level, despite the opposition of the Organization and of the international community, South Africa strives-and is tacitly supported by its allies-to promote the representatives of the interior quisling structures and to have them treated as equal partners in the process of decolonization of the Territory, aimed at providing its own further presence, influence and privileges in the period after the liberation and independence of Namibia. 73. The racist regime in Pretoria has strengthened its aggressive policy towards neighbouring sovereign and nonaligned countries. Angola is a victim of almost permanent aggression by South African troops, which have kept parts of that peace-loving country under their occupation for months. Zambia, Mozambique and Botswana were also victims of aggression. It is absolutely justified to ask: How is it possible that the Security Council partly disregards the obvious violation of international peace and security-South Africa's overt attempts to continue with its policy of oppression and exploitation in southern Africa? 74. Those countries which openly. or tacitly continue to co-operate with the racist minority regime in spite of numerous decisions and warnings of the United Nations and of the international community also bear great responsibility. for such a policy and for the behaviour of South Africa. According to the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid, the co-operation between South Africa and some developed Western countries intensified in the course of the past year. During that period South Africa's exports to those countries increased by 33 per cent, and its imports from them by 46 per cent. Foreign investment in South Africa has reached the amount of about $36 billion. Over 2,000 Western European and North American transnational corporations are active today in South Africa. Undoubtedly, they will continue their activity in the region of South Africa as long as the system of apartheid provides them with undisturbed profit-making through the exploitation of natural riches and the utilizatinn of cheap labour concentrated in bantustans. Collaboration with South Africa continues in the military, nuclear, political, sports, cultural and all other fields. . 75. The position of non-aligned countries in regard, to apartheid is well known. It was stated at several General Assembly sessions. The non-aligned countries call for the complete abolition of the policy of racism and racial discrimination, the elimination of the imposed minority rule and the cessation of the usurping of rights and privileges, which are all contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and to the basic norms of civilized behaviour. Non-aligned countries have, in the declarations adopted at their summit meetings, pointed out the need to undertake energetic measures against the South African 76. For its part, Yugoslavia has always consistently adhered to all measures, and has supported every action of the international community leading to the final eradication of the policy and practice of apartheid in southern Africa. Within its possibilities it has rendered all moral and political support and material assistance to the national liberation movements in South Africa. Yugoslavia has always considered that effective international pressure upon the South African racist regime, in order successfully to eradicate apartheid, should be combined with strong national resistance within South Africa under the liberation movements-ANC and PAC, recognized by the Organization of African Unity [OAU]. Yugoslavia will continue to do so in the future, as well.

On behalf of the delegation of my country I have the pleasure to express our appreciation for the efforts made by the Special Committee against Apartheid under the chairmanship of Mr. Maitama-Sule. My c(JUmry h2d the honour of being a member of the Spf~dal Committee when it prepared the report before us [A/36/22 and Corr.l and Add.l and 2]. It is an exhaustive report dealing with all aspects of i.he policies of apartheid and racial discrimination as exercised by the racist minority Government in South Africa. It also includes important recommendations proposed by the Special Committee to the international community in order to eliminate South Africa's inhuman policies. 78. My delegation wishes to express its thanks and appreciation to Mr. Reddy, Director of the Centre against Apartheid for the fight against" apartheid, as well as to all the members of the Centre for their efforts and dedication in the service of the campaign aimed at the elimination of apartheid. 79. Of all the political questions relating to human rights which the United Nations now has before it, there is not a single one more deserving of international examination and universal condemnation than the inhuman apartheid practices of South Africa. There is no other question as dramatic as this one. Since the elimination of nazism and the Third Reich there has been no regime which has enacted such iniquitous and inhuman laws as has the South African racist regime. The minority racist regime of South Africa, which controls all of the political and economic forces of that country, is an affront and a shame, an affront to the whole of mankind because it flagrantly violates fundamental human rights and despicably exploits and persecutes the overwhelming majority of the indigenous inhabitants. 80. That regime not only causes suffering for millions persecuted in South Africa, but is also a source of abuses and threats to international peace and security. Governments and countries that lOve peace, freedom, and dignity must ,a.ke every possible measure to promote international co-operation in order to isolate the racist regime and to provide the necessary assistance to the national ,-liberation movements in South Africa. 82. It seems clear that the racist regime in South Africa is obstinate in its arrogance because in spite of all the international condemnation of their racist policies, the Pretoria authorities continue to promulgate racist laws and to establish what are known as bantustans, those allegedly autonomous states. Along with the rest of Africa and countries in other regions, the Sudan has warned against these South African plans which make use of a new formula to perpetuate the domination by the white racist minority regime because what South Africa calls "gradual changes" are only manoeuvres intended to make the international community believe that there will be an improvement in its inhuman policies. Our rejection of those manoeuvres is due to our awareness of the true intentions of the racist minority in South Africa, and we are convinced that any changes it has made in its legislation are cosmetic and in no way affect the nature of the racist laws, which seek to ensure for the white minority its domination and exploitation of the natural resources of the usurped land, and which impose on the majority-the black indigenous inhabitants-a life of alienation and wretchedness and a life without freedom. 83. We wish here to reaffirm our belief that the apartheid regime of the racist minority in South Africa cannot be moderated or improved in any way. That regime must be destroyed, it must be exterminated by putting an end to all forms of racial discrimination and to apartheid itself, and by establishing a democratic social regime and ensuring equal rights for all so that me overwhelming majority can recover its rights to freedom and sovereignty in its homeland. Those rights will certainly be recovered, for, in its heroic struggle, that black majority will never yield to the racist regime, which daily invents new, ever more iniquitous and oppressive measures. 84. On an African initiative, and with the support of the international community, the Internatio.1al Conference on Sanctions against South Africa was held in Paris in May this year. That Conference was an ilr portant historic event in the context of the intensification of international action.... to put an end to the policy of apartheid practised by the racist minority in South Africa. The Paris Declaration on Sanctions against South Africa emphasized the importance and necessity of imposing sanctioni against South Africa within the framework of Chapter VII of the Che!"- ter of the United Nations in order to force South Africa to implement United Nations resolutions. For the choice is 85. During the past 35 years, the racist regime has shown that it will never give up its racist policies of its own accord as long as it continues to receive political and moral support and economic, military and material assistance fronl certain States Members of the United Nations. Through their co-operation with Pretoria and the support they provide to the racist regime, those Powers are encouraging that regime to continue its inhuman and brutal policies. If the international community is serious about putting an end to this racist regime, all countries must assume their respnnsibilities by putting all possible pressure on that regime, by applying the provisions of Chapter VII of the Cnarter and implementing Security Council resolution 418 (1977). 86. In the light of the positive participation by the international community in the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, my delegation appeals to the international community through the Assembly to support the Paris Declaration and implement the programme contained therein on sanctions against South Africa and a comprehensive boycott of South Africa. 87. My delegation also supports the Special Committee's recommendation that ~982 be declared International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. We appeal to all Members of the United Nations, to all gov~rnmental and non-governmental organizations, to trade unions and all other world sectors to intensify their efforts in the coming year to ensure the effective implementation of the programme of the Paris Declaration so that the racist regime will be aware of the international will to bring justice and freedom to South Africa. 88. The racist Government of South Africa has continued its incursions into the front-line African countries; this year it has attacked Angola and Zambia, causing large losses of life and property, and has pursued its attacks on refuge~s in ~ddition to those against Mozambique and Zimbabwe. The African front-line States, which are shouldering with great courage their responsibilities in supporting the liberation struggle,· must be given all necessary assistance by the interna~ional community, so that they can defend their territorial integrity and independence and compensate for all the economic losses incurred by the plundering of their natural resources. We wish to express our support for the recommendation that any threat by the racist Govemment of South Africa against the front-line States would constitute a threat to the international community and a violation of United Nations resolutions and of its prestige. 89. We wish also to reaffirm that Africa, in the face of all these attacks, tergiversations and dilatory manoeuvres of the racist regime of South Africa, will fmd itself obliged to unleash an armed war against that regime. We in the Sudan, along with the whole of Africa, will not hesitate to provide all necessary support, hoth material 90. In conclusion, I should like to draw the attention of the Assembly to the growing danger posed by the bilateral relations and co-operation between the two racist regimes of South Africa and Israel. The special report of the Special Committee [A/36/22/Add.l] highlights the most recent developments concerning relations and co-operation between Israel and South .l\frica in the military, political, nuclear, economic and cultural fields, in addition to exchanges of visits at official and non-official levels. We wish to appeal to the international community to make every effort to adopt all measures aimed at exerting every possible pressure to dissuade these two racist regimes-both of which have been condemned by the Assembly-from all collusion so that the people of South Africa can decide for itself on its destiny and so that the right of self-detennim ~~(JO can also be exercised by the peoples of Namibia and Palestine.

When in 1952 the Assembly decided to include in the agenda an item on the policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, it had already recognized the seriousness of the situation obtaining in South Africa. Since then quite a number of years have gone by; many statements have been delivered and many resolutions have been voted on, and we are sorry to note that the situation in South Africa has not only remained unchanged but acquired alanning prcportions, which of course represents a threat to international peace and security. How can we describe the anachronistic and inhuman practices of a Government which denies the most basic rights to the majority of the population of a country, which in a shameful and planned manner undertakes to destroy the territorial integrity of a country andthe national unity of its inhabit::mts and which, in addition, illegally occupies an international Territory and frequently and with impunity attacks neighbouring African countries? These are the 'unfortunate attributes of the apartheid regime of South Africa. 92. Thus, at a time. when we are witnessing a new wave of political emancipation of several peoples which yesterday were still oppressed and today are free and masters of their destiny, the Government of Pretoria turns its back on history and continues to impose on the people of South Africa institutionalized racial segregation, that is, apartheid, the doctrine of white supremacy in all areas and the official trade mark of that regi{l1e. - 93. Apartheid is the denial of the rights of the majority, which is politically oppressed, economically exploited and socially humiliated every day. What can we say about a regime which concentrates all power in the hands of the white minority while claiming to represent the black majority other than that it places itself outside the bounds of international legality? The black majority of South Africa which is excluded from the political life of the country and which to this day is without legitimate representatives, cannot wait indefinitely for the liberalization of the regime, which in any event can only become a reality through the total elimination of all manifestations of the apartheid system. 94. South Africa, with its unparalleled arrogance, continues to ignore the insistent appeals to reason of the international community. On the contrary, it continues to I 95. How can we continue to believe in the promises of reform on the one hand when on the other Pretoria seeks ways of refining and perpetuating the system of apartheid? 96. In that connection, one of the Machiavellian ramifications of apartheid is found in the policy of bantustanization, which is coldly implemented by the South African Government. Following an initiative of the Moroccan and other delegations, at its thirty-first session the General Assembly, in its resolution 31/6 A rejected the declaration of independence of the so-called Republic of Transkei. Since then, South Africa has continued systematically to pursue its sorry designs in that regard and has granted pseudo-independence to Bophuthatswana and Venda, and intends on 4 December 1981 to proclaim the independence of Ciskei. Actually, Pretoria thinks that it can guarantee the survival of apartheid by increasing the number of bantustans. Feeling threatened on all sides, the Pretoria regime has decided to sap all national feeling in South Africa by forcing the various tribes to establish themselves definitively in reservations, which it cynically terms homelands. The African inhabitants are authorized to go into the white areas only to serve the needs of the whites, who exploit that source of cheap labour. 97. My delegation shares the view of Mr. Maitama- Sule. the representative of Nigeria and Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, that the main objective of such Balkanization is to make a white .country out of South Africa, something it has never been and never will be. My delegation cries out in indignation against the policy of bantustans and denounces that flagrant violation of the national unity of South Africa. 98. The South African Government also imposes its policy of apartheid on the oppressed people of Namibia. The Pretoria regime continues to defy the international community and persists in its illegal occupation of Namibia. Together with foreign economic interests, it shares in the plunder of the natural resources of that Territory and places all sorts of obstacles in the way of its independence. Furthermore, South Africa makes use of Namibian territory to commit unjustified acts of aggression against neighbouring African countries. My delegation would like to take this opportunity to denounce the illegal occupation of Namibia and the denial by the South African Government of the Namibian people's right to self-detennination. The fact that the international community believes that the policy of apartheid and the illegal occupation of Namibia and their implications constitute a threat to the peace and stability of the\frican continent does not seem to be of major concern to the South African Government. 99. We believe that it is the continuing political, economic and military collaboration of certain countries, directly or through commercial corporations, with the Pretoria regime that encourages the latter to persist in its intransigence and to defy the international community. My delegation remains convinced that the combined efforts of all members of the international community, by means of strict observance of the arms embargo imposed by the Security Council in its resolution 418 (1977), economic isolation and strong political pressures, can prevail 101. The international community is morally bound to express its opposition to apartheid and its support for those who are its victims. We appeal to those who are still in a position to do so to use all the means available to them to prevail upon the Pretoria regime to abandon its discriminatory racial policy and to restore the political, economic and social rights to the indigenous inhabitants of South Africa so that they may finally assume their role as full-fledged citizens in a democratic and united South Africa.

Our debate today has the rare and even improbable feature of drawing up an indictment of crimes against humanity committed by a country that proudly and openly proclaims its own guilt. Indeed, South Africa is practising fascism, racism, terrorism and aggression officially, as natural and respectable things. But the paradox really lies elsewhere. It lies in the respectability which that country seems to enjoy in a large part of the world. The paradox lies in the fact that this outlaw country, this country of official racism, is accepted as a partner, ·and frequently as an ally, by many respectable States. 103. The General Assembly has just concluded its consideration of South Africa's challenge to the Organization in connection with the Namibian problem. And today, a new aspect of South Africa is revealed to us in all its nakedness by the Special Committee against Apartheid in its report. This report, which gives us an opportunity to offer 'our most heartfelt congratulations to the Special Committee and its Chairman, Mr. Maitama-Sule, fills in the less than attractive picture of what is by its very nature a segregationist and terrorist system. The report confirms for us that South Africa does not limit its activities which are contrary to peace and international morality to the confiscation of Namibia, in defiance of the inalienable right of its people, of the universal consensus and of the advisory opinion handed down by the International Court of Justice.4 It also confirms that South African terrorism is not by any means limited to the invasion of and attempts to destabilize our brother countries of southern Africa. 104. The Assembly is certainly aware that this is only the visible tip of the iceberg. These are only headlong rushes forward, dear to all colonial Powers in an attempt to hide the real thing. The most repulsive, the 1]1ost intolerable aspect of South Africa's global policy of terrorism is its policy of aparfheid. Nothing is left to chance in the name of a policy Cif separate development of citizens of one anf' the same country under the sole, aberrant criterion of the pigmentation of the skin. In South Africa, one is not a man: one is only "very white", Ha little white", "yellow", "very black" or "a little black". On the basis of that logic, a people is categorized, divided, oppressed. Consequently the most minimal rights recognized in the case of non-humans are denied to men because they are very black, a little black or merely yellow. 106. The Islamic Republic of Mauritania has never had relations with the minority regime in South Africa, in conformity with African solidarity, and in compliance with simple human ethics, and it has always observed a clear policy with regard to apartheid. This year once again, we reiterate our conviction that there can be no possibility .:>f compromise with this system, no liberalization by [(tIe steps; there can only be an end to institutionalized segregation and the emergence of a democratic and multiracial society if the fundamental problem is to be solved. 107. This choice implies the end of the bantustans and the restoration to the majority of its rights, all its rights. For that purpose, our country fully subscribes to the proposals of the Special Committee, particularly to the proclamation of 1982 as the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. Those sanctions must be rigid, complf'te and comprehensive so as to isolate completely this refractory regime that is contrary to all universal understanding and to the spirit of the Charter. Moreover, in order to hasten the end of the Fascist, racist regime, we call for an increase in political and material aid to the patriotic and democratic forces without regard to colour. 108. On this occasion, the delegation of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania wishes particularly to mention ANC, which will soon be celebrating its seventieth anniversary. ANC has always been noted for its identification of its resolute opposition to apartheid with a multiracial national struggle. The long and effective passive and active struggle carried on by ANC has recently assumed new dimensions and the apartheid authorities are increasingly recognizing the effectiveness of this struggle, particularly of the military actions conducted inside the country. 109. Mankind has gone through long periods of racial intolerance which have served as pretexts for all kinds of genocide and political, cultural, economic and social oppression of minorities. The United Nations, which was formed in 1945 essentially as a reaction to those aberrations, is the product of a clear will on the part of the whole of the human family. That will proclaims that man is one, wherever he may be, whatever his colour, his philosophical convictions or his cultural heritage. In order to remain faithfu~ to this will, to our common heritage, to our moral ethic, but also to peace and security, the General Assembly will have to confirm its condemnation of apartheid in all its manifestations and all its forms, and also to condemn all those who provide it with aid, assistance and respectability. Ill. Following the devastating invasion of southern Angola only a few months ago, the terrorist attack against Seychelles by a gang of mercenaries from South Africa proves, if further proof be needed, that the evil policy of apartheid of the Government of Pretoria poses a serious threat tD international peace and security. That policy is character.zed internally by the merciless oppression of the majority Coloured population and outside the country by open and deliberate aggression against neighbouring States. We firmly condemn this criminal policy of aggression of the South African Government, which violates the sovereignty of States and the territorial integrity of neighbouring countries and constitutes an unacceptable challenge to the international community. 112. The establishment by the General Assembly on 6 November 1962 of the Special Committee against Apartheid responded to the desire and the determination of the Organization to monitor and to assist in the application of all measures decided on by Member States against the racist regime of South Africa with a view to the total and definitive elimination of all forms of racial discrimination, and in particular the policy of apartheid. Almost 20 years later it is fitting to recall here the essential tasks of that Committee, namely: promoting campa!gns for the total isolation of the racist regime of South Africa; promoting increased assistance to the oppressed people of South Africa and their national liberation movements, monitoring the implementation of United Nations resolutions on apartheid and exposing all collaboration with South Africa. 113. The annual reports on that subject which the Committee submits at every session unfortunately show that n~'~e racist regime of South Africa will not abandon its pol- ;cy of apartheid unless it is forced into its last trenches. With obstinacy and fierce determination the South African Government inexorably pursues its inhuman policy of racial discrimination, which is tragically characterized by summary executions, violence and torture. Arbitrary arrests increase in number in violation of the sacred right of people to freedom. Last Friday in Durban and Johannesburg 12 people were arrested, among them trade-union and student leaders. The homes of several influential churchmen were searched. That wave of arbitrary arrests took place under the infamous law known as the General Amendment Act, which authorizes secret detention without trial for a 14-day period, which is renewable. 114. Pretoria does everything in its power to smash all attempts by the black population to stand up to the policy of oppression and injustice of which it is a victim. This repression is becoming increasingly harsh, especially' since the upsurge of sabotage and urban guerrilla activities' by the nationalists of ANC and other resistance movements. Those actiyities recently scored important successes, which has been a source of serious concern to the racist Government. In order better to protect and defend itself that Government is increasingly thinking in terms of a white state from which the blacks would be banned. That is why we see the stepping up of the bantustanization policy, as demonstrated by the creation of Ciskei, 'the 115. Not content with practising its racist and repressive system of government within the territory of South Africa, Pretoria has extended its policy of apartheid and bantustans to Namibia, an international Territory which it occupies illegally. The Namibians do not enjoy complete freedom of movement in their own country. Those who live in areas reserved_for whites inhabit separate neighbomhoods, or compounds. They cannot have their families with them and they do not have the right to leave those areas until the end of their work contract. The South African administration applies in Windhoek as in Pretoria the same policy of apartheid, racism and colonialism, the avowed purpose of which is to perpetuate the illegal occupation of Namibia in utter disregard of United Nations decisions and resolutions, all of which results not only in a violation of the inalienable right of the Namibian people to self-determination, freedom and independence but also in th~ maintenance of a permanent state of insecurity and instability in the region of southern Africa, which is hardly conducive to the development of international peace. 116. By increasing its delaying tactics South Africa tries to gain time and to impose on Namibia a self-styled internal settlement, thus challenging the international community once again. The position of the delegation of Gabon remains unequivocal on this question. While supporting SWAPO and the brother people of Namibia, which is struggling for the independence of its complete territory, including Walvis Bay, we believe that in present circumstances the settlement of the Namibian question must rest largely on Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We thus welcomed the unofficial information that conditional approval would be given to certain proposals of the Western contact group. While awaiting this, South Africa must put an end to its policy of apartheid in Namibia, which constitutes a challenge to the Organization. 117. Once again, the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid, now &cfore us, adds to the dossier of apartheid elements which lead to pessimism about developments in South Africa. In addition to the arsenal of laws, the security apparatus, the police and the human, technical, financial and other means gathered together by the racist Government, the situation is made more complicated by the fact that, despite the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, the activities of economic and other interests of certain industrialized countries continue to play an essential role in the consolidation of the Pretoria regime and its policy of apartheid. The attitude of those countries in Security Council debates on mandatory measures to strengthen the arms embargo and on the urgent adoption of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter has been quite edifying. 118. Therefore, it was appropriate that in a resolution adopted at its thirty-seventh ordinary session the Council of Ministers of OAU [see A/36/534, annex I] strongly denounced the veto cast by those countries, which many member States considered to be an expression of complete indifference and injustice with regard to the aspirations and legitimate claims of Africa in general and of the black people of South Africa in particular.

Addressing a business leaders' conference in Cape Town recently, the Prime Minister of South Africa had this to say: "I want to stress again the Government's standpoint is still that the aim of constitutional reform should be pursued by creating structures through which every nation"-I repeat "every nation"-"and population group will enjoy self-determination as regards its own interests and co-responsibility for common interests." To those in the General Assembly who may not be familiar with the twisted logic of Afrikaaner political thought this statement does not say anything sinister. On the contrary, it seems to convey precisely the message of hope "i'and promise that we have always been waiting for. The statement speaks of "self-determination" and "constitutional reform". It even snggests that there exists in apartheid South Africa a community of interests between the contending races. 121. No, Mr. Botha's statement is neither full of hope and promise, nor does it in any way suggest that the white people of South Africa have suddenly discovered that between them and their black brethren lies not an unbridgeable crevasse of racial animosity and conflict but common humanity. No, the statement simply reaffirms the Verwoerdian vision of a South Africa in which there will eventually be no blacks-a completely white South Africa on the periphery of which will be created by fiat a cluster of truncated, poverty-stricken tribal States. To white South Africa, therefore, the concept of self-determination is not what we understand it to mean. 122. The concept of "nation" in that country is also at variance with our own. The concept of nation as defined by the ideology of apartheid denies the existence of shared humanity between people of different races and colours. It negates even the divine proposition that human beings are born equal in the countenance of God. In short, apartheid is rooted in the belief that there can be no society or nation composed of blacks and whites. Therefore, as seen by the late spiritual father of separate development, Dr. Verwoerd, and by his successors, South Africa is a multi-nation State. More curiously, white South Africans, be they of German, British, French or Italian descent, or be they "honorary whites" on the fringes, have the right to determine their own destiny as one nation, while black South Africans ar~ to be sundered and splintered into mutually exclusive and even mutually 123. In other words, white South Africans, be they German, British, French, Italian or "honorary", are supposed to have everything in common which gives them the right to call themselves a nation, while the Zulus, the Xhosas, the Pedis, the Sothos, the Ndebeles, the Shangaans and the rest have absolutely nothing in common, despite their common culture and blackness, and should not and cannot be allowed to consider themselves a nation. This is the essence of apartheid. This is the crux of the problem we face in South Africa. 124. In the statement I have quoted, Mr. Botha speaks of constitutional reform. We must not be confused. Constitutional reform in the context of Afrikaaner political thought in South Africa means the consolidation of grand apartheid and the desegregation of a few restaurants, civic theatres, municipal parks and libraries as a palliative designed to hoodwink black South Africans and the international community into believing that a process of meaningful change has begun. It means the granting of socalled independence to tribal homelands. And, even more iniquitously, it means the deprivation of the over-whelming majority of South Africans of the citizenship of their own country. 125. When the present Prime Minister of South Africa came to power a few years ago, he seemed to challenge his people-his fellow white countrymen-to adapt or die. His so-called verligte Ministers went around telling the world that apartheid was dead. In appearing to challenge the morality, if any, of the sacred cows of Afrikaanerdom, such as the notorious Immorality Act,- the Land Apportionment Act of 1966, and others, he sounded very much like a man of destiny. He seemed to suggest that these obnoxious laws were not crucial to the survival 'of the white man in South Africa and that they had in fact inflicted unnecessary injury on their victims, the black people. That has all changed. 126. The Prime Minister of South Africa now sees his "adapt or die" slogan as an albatross from which he appears to be determined to liberate himself at all cost, not for the sake of peace in South Africa, but for the sake of the unity of the National Party. The fanatics in the Party see nothing wrong with laws which insult other human beings and even question their humanity. The unity of the National Party and racism must be preserved at all cost. A few months ago his Minister of Co-operation, who once announced the death of apartheid, stated that, if blacks were found to be crowding whites out of a desegregated bridge, it would be necessary in the interest of racial peace to build another bridge for blacks only. This is the same Minister who terrorized black squatters in Cape Town last winter and caused their cardboard shacks to be destroyed in the most brutal fashion. The Prime Minister himself said recently that he would only contemplate a revision of the Immorality Act with the guidance of the churches-the very churches which have always acted as the National Party at prayer and whose dominees have always used the Bible to justify the inhumanities of apartheid. .. 127. Apartheid will continue to refuse to die on its own, so long as its proponents believe so religiously that that policy is the work of Divine Providence, that God in his divine wisdom has decreed that the Afrikaaner in the fulfilment of his special calling will always rule South 128. How does one persuade a fanatic that his convictions are wrong, evil and dangerous-dangerous even to himself? How does one persuade Mr. Jaap Marais, whose Herstigte Party is on the far right of Mr. Botha's National Party, that a black man is as human as he, Mr. Marais, is. How does one convince Dr. Treurnicht, the current Verword of the National Party, that his nation, the so-called Afrikaaner nation, is not a chosen nation either in the biblical sense or in any sense whatsoever? It is impossible to do so; and yet there are those who would have us be· lieve that the foundations for real meaningful change are being laid down in South Africa. 129. There is no wish on our part to deny white South Africans the right to be white South Africans. There is no wish on our part to see white South Africans driven into the ocean. Indeed, we have never even sought to remind them of their origins, of the fact that their ancestors came to Africa from Europe only 300 years ago and settled in that part of our continent by what we can only describe as an accident of history. We shall, however, insist on reminding them that they have no more right to be Africans than the indigenous Africans themselves and that, by their practice of the policies of apartheid, they have sacrificed their own right to be Africans. 130. We seek nothing for South Africa but the abolition of the evil policy of apartheid and respect for the dignity of black South Africans and the restoration of their right to participate freely in the political and economic life of their country. South Africa belongs to all its people, regardless of race, colour or creed, and no racist ideology can persuade us to the contrary. South Africa is not a white man's country; it is not a piece of Europe transplanted on the southern tip of the African continent to be inhabited by some chosen race transplanted from Europe lock, stock and barrel with its racism. We seek nothing for South Africa but the unity of its people and the restoration of the territorial integrity of their common motherland, in which all South Africans, regardless of race or colour, will share equitably all the opportunities which that rich land provides with such abundance for the enjoyment of all its people. Indeed, Africa has made its position clear in the Lusaka Manifesto.6 It is not our intention to prescribe a political system or ideology for adoption by South Africans. The political future of South Africa and the shape or form of its socio-political philosophy or policy, beyond the total elimination of racial discrimination and the total abolition of apartheid, is the prerogative of the South African people themselves. f 131. The continued perpetration of the crimes of apartheid in South Africa poses a dangerous threat to the peace and security not only of South Africa itself but of southern Africa as a whole. The war which has already begun in South Africa, the war that is being waged by the liberation movements of that country, can only escalate and cannot be confined to South Africa. It is bound to spill over into neighbouring countries and may, in the final analysis, plunge the entire subcontinent into a racial conflagration. Already there is bloodshed in South Africa. 132. As my Minister for Foreign Affairs told a South African reporter recently, "The time will come when South Africa will have to talk to ANC and PAC to prevent more bloodshed". The Minister observed that "When people fight for freedom they are like mad people. They do not mind being shot or killed. They will continue to come wave after wave to achieve their ends". The Minister added that what we in Africa wished to see was not a dialogue between white South Africa and its chosen or appointed leaders-the Matanzimas and the Buthelezis; but for the dialogue to be both meaningful and fruitful it should be between the leaders of white South Africa and the African leaders now sitting in Robben Island or in exile-the Mandelas, the Tambos and the Pokelas. Otherwise white South Africa will be forced to speak to those leaders-if it cannot of its own accord initiate meaningful change in that country. 133. The time in fact is now. It is not as if white South Africa has no other choice but to remain racist and cruel to 23 million black South Africans. White South Africa can choose to live in peace and racial harmony with black South Africa in a common society-a society in which all, regardless of race or colour, will freely fulfil their human aspirations.

The policies of apartheid pursued by the white minority regime of South' Africa have been recognized for a number of years by the entire international community asa crime against humanity. They are illegal ,and immoral and therefore must be eliminated. Towards that end, for the past three and a half decades the United Nations has~dopted numerous resolutions calling on the white South African regime to abandon the obnoxious system. At the same time, Member States have been urged through equally numerous resolutions to co-operate by taking appropriate steps ranging from severance of all forms of contact with South Africa to sanctions and embargoes against that State. The purpose has been to bring about the isolation of the white minority regime from the international community and to deny it any support or contacts which could strengthen the regime and its practice of apartheid. 135. Today, however, the illegal white minority regime in South Africa is thriving and well, going about its business and firmly entrenched in the practice of apartheid oblivious of United Nations resolutions and injunctions. That is indeed hardly surprising, for several countries in a position to put pressure on South Africa have failed to take the necessary measures called for by the United Nations. This lack of political will on the part of the countries concerned to sever relations with South Africa enables the white minority regime to continue its apartheid policy, denying the black people of the country their basic rights and freedom. 136. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid has outlined the various acts of repression carried out by the South African regime against the opponents of apartheid. These include the indiscriminate arrest of students and trade-union leaders, the imposition of 137. Equally disturbing to my delegation are the reports of the breaches of the arms embargo that the international community has solemnly agreed to undertake against South Africa. Such breaches, which result in the flow of new supplies of sophisticated military equipment and the transfer of arms technology, can only strengthen and embolden the white minority regime in its repressive policies against the opponents of apartheid, including neighbouring States that give support to the black freedom movement. The continuing flow of capital and investment for the economic development of South Africa, in contravention of United Nations decisions, has also helped to frustrate the efforts of the international community to pressure South Africa into abandoning its policy of discrimination and oppression. These are clearly irresponsible actions against a people struggling for 'human rights, equality and justice. 138. My delegation has consistently condemned the policy of apartheid ever since the issue was brought to the attention of the international community. Apartheid not only goes against the principle of human equality and dignity but represents a source of tension and conflict which threatens international peace and security. 139. In denying the bla<;k people of South Africa their legitimate rights, their dignity and their rightful role in the life of their own country, the policy has predictably bred serious frustration and resentment among the over- "whelming part of the population, the black population. It has encouraged them-and rightly so-to resort to all means available to them, including armed struggle, in order to free themselves from the shackles of apartheid. News of the increasing momentum of the anti-apartheid movement among workers, students and black people in general in South Africa comes as no surprise to the international community. In the light of the intransigence and the repressive attitude of the white minority regime, the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa deserves our full support and encouragement. My delegation for its part wishes once again to reaffirm its whole-hearted support for the people of South Africa in their struggle against apartheid. We also wish to·pay a warm tribute to all the leaders of the liberation movements in South Africa for their dedication to and sacrifice for the worthy cause. 140. Malaysia, true to its stand, was amongst the earliest to have broken off all links and contacts with South Africa. There is a total ban on all trade and economic relations between Malaysia and South Africa, and a complete prohibition on travel between the two countries. Malaysia was also one of the countries that took the' lead in the expulsion of South Africa from the Commonwealth. We shall continue with our policy of complete boycott against South Africa until the voice of the int.ernational community is heeded. 141. As we have often stated in the past, the key to the success of the struggle against apartheid by the people of South Africa lies in the whole-hearted support of the international community for their cause. The world has accepted apartheid as a crime against humanity, and agreed that it should be eliminated. What is lacking, however, is

I should like in the beginning of my statement to express our indignant condemnation of the recent act of aggression against the Republic of Seychelles by mercenaries from South Africa and to offer our warmest congratulations to the delegation of Seychelles for the brilliant victory of its valiant people and of its heroic armed forces. My delegation wishes once again to assure our sister Republic of Seychelles of the fraternal and UDflagging support of the people and Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. 143. For a number of years now, with the new strategy of world imperialism, the problem of apartheid has been assuming new dimensions. It is not merely a struggle for human rights against a contemptible and backward regime that brutally shocks the human conscience and the civilization of the twentieth century; it has also become an armed struggle which, because of the increasing strength of the racists, may well go on expanding. This situation is especially disturbing since the criminals have many accomplices, and particularly their new ally, the Reagan Administration, which is more fmnly resolved than earlier United States Governments, thereby provoking increasing and more serious breaches of the peace and a constantly increasing danger of wider conflict. 144. As a result of these new dimensions, the struggle against the Pretoria regime not only is the struggle of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia for freedom and the right of self-determination, but has become, and must remain, the struggle of the whole of mankind for the elementary right to life of men and peoples and for international peace and security. 145. In view of the tragic situation in southern Africa a solution to this problem cannot be postponed any longer. My delegation is in agreement with the Special Committee that this is one of the international community's most difficult tasks, which it is politically and .morally commit": ted to tackling at the present time. 146. As was very aptly stated by one of the leaders of the ANC, the present peril is the Pretoria-Washingtonalliance. That alliance has been proclaimed to be a strategic one, and has taken the form, inter alia, of a new nuclear South Atlantic alliance devised as an appendage to the. North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO]. It is also reflected in an increased detennination on the part ofPre,;. toria to maintain its racist tyrannical dictatorship over the South African and Namibian peoples, and in the undeclared war against the front-line African States, as well as in the unprecedented increase in its repressive military budget, which is more than twice as large as last year's and 70 times greater than that of the years 1959 to 1960. In regard to the Coloured peoples of South Africa, it takes the form particularly of an intensification of the pro- 147. Those few details must be added to a whole series of other facts and figures cited at this rostrum and in various committees. They show that the struggle of the people concerned and the efforts of the international community to eliminate apartheid are now entering a particularly urgent and complex phase, which could be decisive. One thing. is clear: Pretoria's ever closer collusion with its protectors and accomplices-but also its growing isolation, resulting from increasing concerted action by the oppressed peoples supported by mankind as a whole. 148. Whether it be a'matter of a political or strategicor even nuclear-alliance, the encouragement of bantustanization, the abuse or threat of the use of the veto to prevent all sanctions, or whether it be illicit trade in arms or oil or loans and investments, the report of the Special Committee clearly shows that the same Western countries are together in the dock alongside the South African racists. Their small number does not mean that the struggle to make them co-operate with the international community in the elimination of apartheid will be an easy one, for the economic, strategic and other interests of these various countries are tightly interlined with those of Pretoria. Moreover, they still have many powerful means and very few scruples. 149. But to my mind what must be emphasized is that over the past few years, in the faGe of the collusion of colonialist, imperialist and other reactionary forces, unity in the ranks of the South African and Namibian peoples-along, so it seems, with better co-ordination of international activities in support of their struggle-has been considerably strengthened. As is shown by the experience of the struggle of other peoples, that is one of the safest guarantees of success. The strategy of ANC and its allies in the liberation front, as has been stated by Mr. Oliver Tambo, the respected leader of ANC, is the "total mobilization of our people". Thus, he estimates that 80 per cent of the population responded to the call of ANC by boycotting the celebraticn of the twentieth anniversary of the racist State. Included in this positive action were workers, women, clergymen, students and farmers. This attitude of the majority shows great unity, a unity which goes beyond class, social level, religion, ethnic group, and above all as Mr. Tambo said, beyond the raciaL frontiers which have been established in our country. It blocks the racists' attempts to divide and weaken the front of the patrotic forces which broadens every day under the banner of ANC. 150. The report of the Special Committee also emphasizes the intensification and progre'"s of the struggle of the South African people during the past year. This is marked by a clear advance both in political action and in armed struggle. In the framework of the political struggle outside South Africa to isolate the Pretoria regime, the Special Committee has performed a great and praiseworthy task; it has often intervened opportunely to discourage illegal actions and to encourage proper ones, thus contributing to the mobilization of broad world opinion against 151. By recalling that long list, my delegation is suggesting that we can rejoice at the size of the antiapartheid movement throughout the world and at its great possibilities. My delegation is confident that, through appropriate action, rightly directed, we shall be able to make the movement larger and even more efficient. Those directions are proposed to the General Assembly in the report of the Special Committee; in my delegation's view, they are appropriate ones. 152. It would be wise to indicate at the very outset what assistance is necessary in all forms to help ANC wage its liberation struggle in accordance with the strategy defined by ANC itself. It seems only natural that the struggle of ANC should be linked to that of the people of Namibia against their common enemy and equally that assistance to those two struggles, especially on the level of worldwide mobilization, would benefit by being well co-ordinated. We also support the appeal for the provision of necessary assistance to the front-line States in response to their request, so that they can defend their countries against the upsurge in the aggression of the racist regime of Pretoria. 153. Mobilization of international opinion to unmask and outlaw the actions of the Pretoria regime, the complicity of Governments and State corporations and organizations and the complacency of certain international organizations remains, it seems. to me, one of the important tasks for the United Nations. Whether it is a matter of a timely warning about the formation of aggressive blocs based on the Washington-Pretoria-Tel Aviv axis, or the denunciation of clandestine weapons shipments, breaches of the oil embargo, loans to and investments in the racist regime, or other forms of trade or relations with it, a strengthening of concerted international action, as recommended by the Special Committee is what is called for, the experience of the last few years has shown that such concerted action is possible and can be effective. 154. We support the idea-if it is included in the draft resolution-of proclaiming 1982 as the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. The time has come to make the Western countries that are permanent members of the Security Council-and first of all the United States of America-face up to the dilemma: either they continue their collusion with South Africa and share with it the ignominy of condemnation for complicity in the crime of apartheid, or they join with the international community in deciding that comprehensive mandatory sanctions-which have been demanded for more than 20 years by the South African liberation movement-should be imposed against South Africa in order to compel it to follow a more human policy and to implement in toto the relevant United Nations resolutions. 155. In the mobilization of world public opinion, the implementation of the Berlin Declaration, adopted at the 156. My delegation also welcomes the proposal for the convening of a regional conference or seminar in Asia in 1982, with the task, apart from the goals set by the Special Committee, of studying the very disquieting situation regarding the relations of certain Asian countries with the Pretoria regime. The report of the Special Committee mentions some of these countries, but information continues to be made available-particularly in the Am~rican and South African press-which leads us to believe that they are not the only ones, and that a large Asian country has even gone beyond what are euphemistically called trade relations, to engage in transactions involving fissionable material, and other less inoffensive forms of collaboration. Asian public opinion must be vigilant, and my delegation supports the idea proposed by the Special Committee for such a regional conference or seminar. 157. The steadfast policy of the people and Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is to condemn without qualification apartheid and all forms of racial discrimination. It is also to support entirely, all the way to final victory, the struggle of the people of South Africa under the leadership of its authentic representative, ANC, as well as the struggle of the front-line States and Africa as a whole against the tyrannical, warlike regime of the Pretoria racists. We are certain that, in strengthened national unity and with the combined support of all progressive mankind, that just cause will be victorious. For _let us not forget that this will be the victory of all man- ., kind for peace, the independence of peoples and the dignity of man.

As we are only too aware, the item on the Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, is a recmrent one on the agenda, many resolutions on the subject having already been adopted, both by the General Assembly and by other organs of the United Nations. If we are once again holding a debate on the item, it is because the situation in South Africa has not improved. On the contrary, as the years go by the picture gets gloomier and gloomier. While it is not my intention to state the obvious or to delve into the evils of apartheid, the search for originality in addressing oneself to this, so to speak, worn-out issue seems to be futile, given the pmliferation and variety of statements and resolutions dealing with all conceivable aspects of the problem. And this is precisely wherein lies the irony of the question: nothing new being left to say on apartheid in South Africa., it is as though nothing has been said or done. This contradiction between word and deed is perhaps the most flagrant example of the failure of the means so far adopted by the United Nations to bring about a unanimous call for change, in spite of the serious threat to peace and security posed by the perpetuation of the status quo. 159. One of the harshest criticisms made of the Organization is that on certain issues we keep repeating the same debate and adopting similar resolutions year after year. This certainly holds true as far as the South African policies of apartheid are concerned. The mechanisms embodied in the Charter for redressing injustices and for curbing the escalation of tension and violence have un- 160. A different kind of criticism addressed to the Organization is that we single out the Government of South Africa for disapproval and condemnation while closing our eyes to situations elsewhere which might also give rise to serious concern. Allow me to advance a few comments on this point. As is well known to all Member States, one of the basic tenets of the foreign policy of Brazil is strict compliance with the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States. We in Brazil do not believe it behoves us to offer to other countries recipes on how they should tackle their own political, social or economic problems. If we speak out against and fiercely condemn the apartheid policies of the South African Government, it is because they are a special case and in no way fall under paragraph 7 of Article 2 of the Charter. 161. First, the gist of the South African reality is not the existence of a political and social order that we may consider not to be ideal. It is rather that in South Africa human beings are citizens or non-citizens accorCling to the colour of their skin. The system of apartheid, which is an official and institutionalized one, is the twentieth-century version of the slavery practices resorted to in the past by the colonialist Powers to exploit the riches of their colonial empires. It is as though a whole nation were forced to bow down to indignities for the sake of the enrichment of a very few who, because of the different colour of their skin, consider themselves superior and entitled to enslave the overwhelming majority of the population. 162. Secondly, the apartheid policy of South Africa has been repeatedly defined by the General Assembly as a crime against humanity. Indeed, the apartheid regime, in order to ward off the contagious effects of the winds of freedom and liberation that have been blowing in the rest of the African continent, has sought to enmesh the whole of southern Africa in an ever worsening state of tension . and violence. There can be no other reason for South Africa's armed forays and prolonged occupation of Angolan territory, for its attempt to destabilize the Government of Zimbabwe, for its acts of sabotage perpetrated within Mozambique's territory and for its shelling of military units in Lesotho. 163. Paradoxically, the racist Pretcria regime claims to act on behalf of Western civilization in southern Africa. Brazil simply spurns as absurd and false the contention that apartheid and oppression can in some way be consistent with Western values, let alone enhance them. South Africa should know better and realize that it is only besmirching the principles it hypocritically claims to uphold and promote. It is therefore totally groundless and futile to attempt to insert the situation in South Africa into the context of the East-West confrontation. 165. The smouldering resistance of the heroic South African people seems to have become more intense lately. The internal contradictions of the social order prevailing in South Africa are becoming increasingly apparent, and no measure of repression by the apartheid regime will succeed in stifling the growing and decisive manifestations of the will of the people of South Africa, for their struggle is an inexorable one. Its main weapons are the justness of its motives and the certainty of its final victory. The events that have taken place in South Africa during the past year are an indisputable harbinger of a new phase in the common strategy of the South African people to free themselves from the oppression of which they are the victims. We wish to commend the courage and the detennination of the leaders of the South African struggle, of those patriots like Nelson Mandela and others who are in gaol for upholding the principles of justice and freedom, of all those who have shed their blood to ensure a life in dignity for their children. 166. However disillusioned it may be with the stubbornness of the Pretoria regime, Brazil still hopes that a peaceful solution can be reached for the serious, grave situation obtaining in South Africa. The United Nations and especially the Security Council have an important role to play in this connection. " 167. We regret that because of the veto cast by some of it~ pennanent members the Security Council failed to put pressure on South Africa to heed the repeated appeals of the world community. Until decisive and effective action is taken by the United Nations organ entrusted with. the responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, the road to peaceful change will remain closed and the factors of mistrust, tension and violence will prevail over the unquenchable need for peace and hannony. 168. I could not conclude without conveying to the members of the Special Committee against Apartheid and to its Chainnan, the representative of Nigeria, the sincere appreciation of my delegation for their dedication and unswerving efforts in favour of the final liberation of the people of South Africa. 169. In relation to the Special Committee's report to the General Assembly I must, nevertheless place on record our strong reservations on paragraphs 62, 63 and 64. My Government was dismayed to find that the Special Co:mmittee had inexplicably ignored in its report the letter dated 22 May 1981, addressed to the Chainnan of the Special Committee by the Charge d'affaires, ad interim of Brazil. We are tired of the insistence on this subject. We cannot understand how reasonably well-informed persons could omit an official statement in which the Brazilian Government absolutely denied any participation in ,this matter. For the infonnation of the Assembly-and for the record-I shall proceed to read the text of the letter of 22 "On behalf of my Government, I wish to assure the Special Committee that Brazil has never been associated with that event, which is being organized by private non-Brazilian institutions. The Brazilian Government, consequently, will not send any representative to the meeting at Buenos Aires. The incidental participation of Brazilian citizens, in a private capacity, cannot be prevented by Brazilian law. Brazilian citizens may visit Argentina without visas and without passports, . using only their identity cards. The position of the Brazilian Government contrary to the undertaking of military alliances with the Government of Pretoria is well known and remains unaltered, as the Permanent Representative of Brazil had the opportunity to reiterate to you in his letter of 1 April 1981." [See A/36/285.] 170. Mrs. lONES (Liberia): A certain scenario in South Africa is becoming a familiar nuisance. Each time the issue of apartheid comes up for debate by the international community, South Africa engages in demonic acts designed to distract our attention, acts of defiance of United Nations policies aimed at making it a civilized State. Such reckless, irresponsible acts only make it difficult to take seriously South Africa's public pronouncements as those of a respectable Government. The subject of the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, debated annually, is one which arouses considerable impatience. The public statements of my Government's attitude towards apartheid have been amply recorded. I wish merely to' register its undiminished commitment to the elimination of this diabolical and offensive policy of South Africa. Apartheid remains one of the greatest evils of the twentieth century. 171. We cannot perinit South Africa to continue as an outlaw State in the international community. The period of condemnation of South Africa, however, should now be considered ended. The South African freedom fighters have put their case before the international community and they have won the case against their oppressorsnamely, that all men are created free and equal and that no man can take away their natural freedom. The scenario of struggling and fighting for freedom in South Africa will be like that in the rest of now-independent Africa. No invaders ever conquer Africa. They may intervene in its history, but they can never, in the final analysis, conquer it. 172. Nothing indeed is more nauseating than to behold the spectaCle of twentieth-century man flying through space to the moon, while he cannot and still has not jea.11led to live with his neighbours. Who can change the laws of nature? Our very presence in the General Assembly tells us sornethint; about the peaceful evolution of international relations. South Africa's massive efforts to keep the clock of history from ticking will be in vain. We canr return in history to the times bdore Cbristopher Columbus. History is always a forward march. Some may 174. The question before us is whether we should drag apartheid into the twenty-first century or devote the few remaining years of the twentieth century completely to the rehabilitation of the mentality of South Africa so that it can join the rest of the human race. The South African authorities would be wise indeed to respect the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and adhere to the Charter of the United Nations by giving the majority of its citizens their elementary human rights and permitting them to enjoy the natural resources of their native land and independent majority rule. My Government is not prepared to accept that during the remaining years of the twentieth century the international community should live in a moral vacuum, while South Africa flaunts its inhumanity, q insensitivity and indecency. 175. We hope for the victory of the majority of the South Africans, including thousands of their young who have undertaken brave, defiant demonstrations against the radical policies of South Africa. The brutal suppression of those demonstrations, the imposition of merciless prison sentences and the shooting or execution of some of those who have fought against apartheid have not deterred them, nor are they likely to stop their armed struggle until apartheid has been dismantled in its totality. 176. One cause for alarm is -the convincing evidence that South Africa now has the capability to produce nuclear weapons. The great threat which this development poses to African States and to world peace has not escaped our attention. My Government, cognizant of this danger, has stressed that those States which collaborate with the racist regime in its satanic endeavours should discontinue such collaboration, because it is undermining the work of the United Nations and creating a danger for world peace. 177. We thank the Special Committee against Apartheid for its efforts and labour in assisting the United Nations to end apartheid. Our thanks also go to the contact group for its labours in this direction. We expect good things from the contact group. The history and tradition of its members is to take a dominant role alongside other freedom fighters and regional groups in putting out global fires-the slave trade~ colonialism and two world warsand in creating a universal body to help man to control his bestial passions of greed and lust for power. 179. My Government endorses and supports measures calling for sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Chartf'r. It is, of course, for each Member State to decide the course of action it will'take, but action must be taken to this effect. It is my Government's belief that sanctions will definitely be a hindrance to South Africa's inhuman policies and it accepts its own share of the responsibility for ensuring the total eradication of apartheid in South Africa and independence for Namibia. 180. MI: VAN LIEROP (Vanuatu): On behalf of the. Government and people of Vanuatu, I extend condolences to the Government and people of Colombia and to the family of Mr. Juan Arango. 181. We take this opportunity to extend our congratulations and best wishes to Belize and to Antigua and Barbuda, both of which, with Vanuatu, have joined the United Nations at this session of the General Assembly. In addition, we thank those Members who have welcomed u" in word and in deed. Their remarks and encouragement have enabled us to feel at home and helped ease the first days of Vanuatu's membership. 182. We also, once again, thank the United Nations and those members of the international community that supported our struggle for the implementation of our right to self-determination. Furthermore, we thank the United Nations, the specialized agencies, and those members of the international community that continue to support us in our quest for justice, equality, and the economic and social development of our country. 183. While we rejoice at the achievement of our political independence, our joy is tempered by three very salient facts. One is that our political independence, as hard fought fl)r as it was, is merely one step in a very long and deliberate process. Political independence is, in fact, merely a means or a method by which we can now facilitate the arduous process of building a better society and life for our people. 184. The second fact which tempers our joy is the realization that other peoples in other countries do not yet enjoy political independence, and therefore have not yet been free to take the first tenuous step on the path of true economic and social development. In East Timor, in Western Sahara, in Palestine, in Namibia, and in far too . many other parts of the world, indigenous peoples are still denied the means of implementing their right to selfdetermination. Remembering its own past, Vanuatu will never forget those who are forced to endure the denial of their right to self-determination. 185. The third fact which tempers our joy is that the doctrine of apartheid, the subject of today's debate, continues to vex and plague the international community. Once again, the attention of the world is drawn to the question of how to remove this onerous cancer from the human experience. And, once again, the resolve and relevance of this body are being tested by the racist regime of South Africa. Nowhere else in the world are the issues so clear. In no other corner of the globe have injustice and inequality been so carefully and deliberately institu- 186. Yet, despite all this, the Republic of South Africa continues arrogantly to defy the international community in its subjugation of the people of South Africa, as well as its concomitant aggression against neighbouring States. By its own policies and its intransigence, South Africa has caused rational and reasonable persons to question the very legitimacy of its regime. Even its friends-and there are a few who are still not ashamed to call themselves friends of this international pariah·-are strained to the limits of their own twisted logic in defending South Africa's State terrorism. 187. Some may ask why this should concern Vanuatu. "Haven't you enough problems of your own, and isn't South Africa far away?" The answer to both questions is, of course, "Yes". Vanuatu is a small country, with no pretence that it can, or should, disproportionately influence international events because of its size, 'its military power, or its economic strength. Vanuatu and its people simply seek, as we believe most countries and most people seek, a world in which we can bequeath to our children a legacy of peace, happiness, and prosperity rather than one of poverty, ignorance and disease. 188. To us it matters not how large or small, how rich or poor a country is, or even how far away from, or near to, our borders it is. To all nations of the world we extend a warm hand of friendship and a desire to co-operate in the development of the human and natural resources of the earth. However, with the Imteful doctrine of apartheid and other forms of racism or exploitation, we cannot compromise and we can neither counsel nor condone moderation. 189. For far too long, the decisions' of the United Nations and international public opinion have been ignored by those who profit from South Africa's system of exploitation: Some have chosen flagrantly to ignore these decisions and the public opinion of which we speak. We believe, however, that others have simply not acted because they have failed to appreciate the cruel consequences of their acquiescence in South Africa's status quo. For them, caution has superseded morality as a guiding principle in their dealings with South Africa. . 190. We are told that we must proceed cautiously, that in time South Africa will see the error of its ways and will institute reforms. Ironically, those same voi,.:es did not counsel caution in dealing with the Axis Powers during the Second World War. In fact, South Africa has illegally occupied Namibia and exported its hateful doctrine of apartheid for far longer than Nazi Germany occupied Western Europe, and with a comparable degree of brutality. Why, then, was it right to wage a war in one instance, but wrong even to focus upon and sever economic, cultural, and athletic ties in another? We cannot, believe that the answer lies in a desire not to chart a bold. new diw:tion for the United Nations. After all, the United Nations emerged from a wartime alliance against the' very same fascism which found sympathizers, collaborators, and now imitators in Pretoria. Furthermore, the process of decolonization was itself a bold new direction. More than two thirds of the present Members would not be represented here today if the world body had been timid in the face of the economic and poli~ical strengths of colonialism. 192. For that reason, we commend the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid and applaud the. very able leadership of Mr. Maitama-Sule, who has earned our undying respect for his thoroughness and dedication. It is also for that reason that we salute those nations that, on behalf of the international community, have borne the brunt of South Africa's rage and frustration. Mozambique, Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland and now Seychelles, have all been attacked because they have implemented various decisions taken by this body. They, like the courageous men, women and children of South Africa who are fighting to free their country, are in fact acting for all of us. 193. Those who would defend South Africa ask us to understand what they term the "context" of South Africa's military actions. In their very selective use of the word "context" they thus encourage the very actions which threaten world peace anld security. In what "context" can the actions of a criminal who has broken into one home be excused when he breaks into another home to threaten its owner so that he can continue his looting of the first home without interruption? The logical outcome of such tortured reasoning was last week's abortive attempt to invade Seychelles. As we would expect, South Afri.ca has denied any involvement. What it cannot deny, however, is the creation of, at the very least, an atmosphere in which such an attempt could be. undertaken, and the provision of a haven for its unsuccessful perpetrators. Unfortunately, in'this respect, South Africa is again not alone. 194.. Thus it rests with us to let South Africa's neighbours know that they are not alone. We must let all those engaged in the resistance against the Pretoria regime .know that they also are~not alone. We must stand and mourn with families, such as that of Griffith Mxenge, a noted anti-apartheid lawyer who was recently brutally murdered in Durban. We must let those who have been banned and those who are in South Africa's prisons know that they too are not alone. And we must work to free Nelson Mandela. 195. It is never a pleasant experience to discuss South Africa and apartheid, but it is a far less pleasant experience for its victims to live under it. For the people of South Africa even one more day of brutal subjugation and enforced separation from their families is too much. We therefore make one more appeal to those that seek to give the Pretoria regime more time. We ask them to put themselves in the shoes of a black worker in South Africa. We ask them to 00 faithful to what we feel are their basic human instincts. We ask them to join with the rest of humanity in working for the day when individuals are viewa~ on merit rather than race, religion or economic status. 196. It is because we understand the depth of th~ feelings of those who seek to breathe the clean fresh air of fA free South Africa that Vanuatu has solemnly added its 197. The Government of South Africa and its friends say that those that oppose apartheid are asking the world to choose between black and white. They irresponsibly conjure up images of a violent racial conflagration when, in reality it is they that define the parameters of the conflict in terms of race. We who oppose apartheid instead ask 'the world to choose between right and wrong, between the future and the past, between humanity and barbarity. Our ranks are open to all men and women of goodwill without exception, distinction or preference. With· all sincerity, it is our hope that the day is not too far off when the very word "apartheid" is expunged from the human vocabulary and its practitioners from the citadels of power. -

Japan steadfastly upholds the principle of racial equality and has for many years endeavoured to realize its universal application. Japan's pioneering efforts towards this end in 1919, at the time a draft Covenant of the League of Nations was being prepared, are well known. It is a source of profound distress to my delegation that now, more than 60 years later, the majority of people in_South Africa are suffering under the evil system of apartheid. The kinds of measures which the Government of South Africa is pursuing in order to maintain that system are described in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid. 199. The Government and people of Japan vehemently <! oppose South Africa's system of apartheid, which is nothing more than blatant institutionalized racial discrimination, depriving the overwhelming majority of people in South Africa of their fundamental rights and dignity. Apartheid is incompatible with the spirit of, and respect for, human rights and the fundamental freec'""im of all people. Apartheid must be abolished, absolutely ;mu unequivocally, once and for all. Thus we do not believe that the so-called "improvement measures" taken by the Government of South Africa will lead to the,fundamental eradication of apartheid. We deeply sympathize with the victims of apartheid and once again strongly appeal to the Government of South Africa to renounce its abhorrent policies, which'are contrary to the principles enshrined in the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 200. Japan's steadfast opposition to apartheid is clearly reflected in the full co-operation it has extended to international efforts to abolish it. Since reference has been made to my country by a couple of delegations during the debate on this item, I wish to reiterate some of the specific aspects of Japan's policy against apartheid. 201. First, Japan has no diplomatic relations with South Africa, nor does it recognize the :)o-called bantustan States of Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda. Japan will not recognize Ciskei, the independence of which the Government of South Africa is reportedly preparing to proclaim on 4 December, as long as Ciskei is a bantustan State. 202. Secondly, in the field of economic relations Japan has maintained the policy of not permitting direct investment, including the establishment of local corporations in 203. ThirJly, there is absolutely no military co-operation between Japan and South Africa, nor is there any exchange of military personnel. Japan's vigorous observance of the arms embargo against South Africa as decided upon by Security Council resolution 418 (1977) is recorded in the relevant documents of the Security Council Committee on Sanctions and in its reply to the Secretary-General's inquiry. 7 204. Fourthly, in the field of nuclear development, Japan strictly upholds the three non-nuclear principles-of not possessing nuclear weapons, not producing them and not permitting their introduction into Japan. Thus Japan has neither extended, nor is able to extend any co-operation whatsoever to South Africa in the field of nuclear weapons development. With regard to peaceful uses of nuclear energy, Japan has not exported nuclear reactors or any related materials, nor has it extended any technical assistance to South Africa in nuclear technology development. 205. Fifthly, in order to comply with the relevant United Nations resolution, the Government of Japan has decided in principle not to issue visas to South Africans for the purpose of cultural and education exchanges or sporting activities. 2Gt. I wish to draw the attention of the Assembly to the action taken by my Government regarding an international karate tournament which was organized last July by a local karate association in Japan. Among the 250 athletes from all over the world who applied for entry to the tournament were a number of South Africans. The Government of Japan examined the case carefully and concluded that the participation of South African athletes in such a tournament, though privately organized, would constitute an exchange with South Africa in the field of sports. As such it would be incompatible with Japan's uncompromising opposition to apartheid. Accordingly the Japanese authorities advised the organizer not to allow the South African athletes to participate in the tournament. The position of the Government was clearly explained to the South African players and they subsequently agreed not to participate. 207. The Government of Japan earnestly hopes that the Government of South Africa ~ilI abolish the policy of apartheid so' that 'its nationals may freely participate in international sporting events. Until it does so, Japan will strictly observe the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly by maintaining its policy of refusing to issue visas to South Africans for the purpose of such sporting activities. 208. Lastly, the Government of Japan, deeply concerned about the victims of apartheid, has been supporting inter- 210. In conclusion, my delegation once again calls upon the Government of South Africa to abolish its policies of apartheid immediately, so that people of all races can enjoy freedom and equal rights and participate on an equal basis in the political, economic and social life of their country. The Government and the pe'Jple of Japan will continue their efforts to oppose the system of apartheid until it is completely abolished.

As an active member of the world community Poland has a long-standing commitment to the struggle against apartheid. Our position in that regard has bee.n stated on many occasions, both at the United Nations and at other international forums. 212. True to our traditional principles and resolute stand against any form of racial discrimination, the Government and the people of Poland have always actively supported and defended the inalienable rights of .all peoples to selfdetelmination and independence. We have taken a particularly firm stand in the fight against apartheid, which constitutes a crime against humanity and a serious threat to pt;ace and international security. It is also a disgrace to the twentieth century. 213. Let me now briefly reiterate the basic elements of our position with respect to the policies of apartheid. First, the Polish People's Republic proceeds from the premise of strict respect for the relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. Consequently Poland strongly advocates the adoption of mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. We spare no efforts to unmask the true essence of the anti-human regime of apartheid and to bring about its international isolation. 214. Secondly, we declare our full and active solidarity with the South African Iib~ration movements and their organizations-ANC in South Africa and SWAPO in Namibia. We supprt their struggle for the establishment of democratic States in South Africa. On the other hand, , we condemn th~ policy of bantustanization, which totally· contradicts the decisions of the United Nations. 215. Thirdly, pursuing the policy of refraining from any relations with the Pretoria regime, Poland gives its unqualified support to Security Councii resolutions 418 (1977), 421 (1977) and 473 (1980) concerning an arms embargo against South Africa. In the military co-operation of the Pretoria regime with its friends we see a particular danger because of the possibility of acquisition by 216. My Government was actively involved in the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa because, inter alia, we regarded it as an important step in the struggle of the international community for the isolation and ultimate elimination of the inhuman regime of apartheid. For our joint actions in the vatious areas to be really effective, we need not only common actions by Governments but also the full co-operation of civic and politi~al organizations, trade unions and student bodies as well as the private economic sector. 217. We reaffirm our &olidarity with and express our deep sympathy for the political prisoners of South Africa, the members of liberation movements, the struggle of black trade-union movements and the anti-apartheid activities of religious organizations and people of goodwill throughout the world. 218. In conclusion, my delegation would like to assure the General Assembly of Poland's continued firm support for increasing the United Nations contribution to the struggle against apartheid, as well as of our solidarity With. the fight of the people ()f 'Jouthern Africa for the eradication· ot' apartJieid and the liberation of Namibia from colonial oppression.

For 35 years the issue of apartheid has been under consideration in the United Nations. During that time numerous resolutions and conventions against the racist regime of South Africa have been adopted with the support of many countries. The issue of aggression against the most basic principle of human rights has been" so definite and clear that even the countries with a strong vested interest in South Africa have not dared to pass over in silence this unjust situation. 220. In the light of the foregoing the question raised by the world community and repeatedly in the United Nations is why, after the passage of so many years and after the adoption of so many resolutions, this shameful and anti-human policy of apartheid is still being practised in South Africa. Therefore it is not irrelevant to ask whether there can be any realistic hope for the future of this body if after so many years the United Nations, in its fight against the flagrant violation of human rights by South Africa, is incapable of fulfilling its duty. 221. The world has the right to question our very existence. It is our belief that we cannot truly say that we have earnestly explored all avenues available to us for the solution of this issue. The generation which witnessed the monstrosity of the Second World War is still living. They have conveyed the unforgettable message of yesterday's generation to today's youth that through solidarity they were able to stop the aggresSi(\tl of the racially motivated Hitler with all his military might. Therefore how will to- 223. In accordance with our Islamic principles, we believe that if anybody who faces a crime remains silent or chooses to take a neutral position, it implies that he is a partner to that crime and tacitly endorses that aC'tio~~. Accordingly, how can millions of white South Africans witness the continuance of the shameful policies of the white supremacist Government and yet not have troubled consciences? What is the culture and ideology that dominates the minds of the aggressive South African soldiers and freely licenses them to carry out the unlawful attack against Namibia and justifies their invasion of Angola? We need not look as far as that. Right here in the United Nations, where one of our main responsibilities and duties is to prevent aggression, we ask with justiikation why, in the case of transgression and hostility against one Member State, the subject is discussed extensively and elaborate resolutions are adopted, yet in other cases where there has been much greater violation of international laws, with greater consequences, an unusual silence, al- '" most resembling that of a conspiracy, dominates the spirit of this important body? This very peculiar situation reminds me of the famous saying that the bigger the lie, the more easily it will be accepted. Even here it appears that the greater the scale of the crime, the less attention is given to the subject. In any case, what factors contribute to emergence of these bitter realities? 224. One of the most often used methods of dealing with this problem is to attribute it to the role of imperialism. That analysis, although correct, is so generalized and vague that it simply is not capable of providing an objective approach in analysing this abnormal disease. It only implies that imperialism has to be fought. But how and in what dimension has it to be challenged? Which elements and factors contribute to the sustenance and upholding of savage imperialism? These are the basic questions which have to be addressed in their totality. 225. Based on the dynamic teachings of Islam and according to the concrete historical experiences of the Great Islamic Revolution of Iran, we deeply believe that the pillars of all unjust systems are miserably embedded in the dungeons of amoral societies. We know 'for a fact that apartheid is only one manifestation of racism. Racism, not being a new phenomenon in human history, is another revelation of the ethnocentrism and egotism which has threatened humanity since its inception. When this sickness affects an individual, it gives birth to dictatllrship ann ~plfishness; when it affects (l nation it brings chauvmism and when it influences nations or the SaI11e blood relationship it causes racism. 226. Here we would like to address the most basic elements of the source of this and other social diseases 227. The consequence of such a world view is clear. From that point, the human being who is condemned to that kind of mental attitude will make the utmost effort to acquire more material prosperity. It will be of no importance to him to evaluate the price that he and others ~ave to pay for this convenience. For a materialist, as long as the conditions of life, the happiness and the pain of others are not directly related to his own interests they are of no significance and have no value. In his selfish attitude towards material gain no crime is forbidden: what matters is himself. In this philosophy, simple self-sacrifice and generosity are considered to be nothing but plain stupidity and simplemindedness. This human being is interested ~n others only as long as he is in need of their services. It is obvious that a human being who holds such a philosophy desires the acquisition of all things for himself alone. And this self-centredness manifests itself in many different social issues. 228. -;hat kind of mental attitude is as old as the human being t:imself. An important part of the struggles and hardships of all the divine prophets in history was devoted to resolving this very phenomenon. In their resistance to the invitation of all the prophets to accept the soveIeignty of God as encompassing the whole of existence and to put aside all selfish attitudes the bedouins and other tribes have always resorted to narrow tribal and racial values. Much of the time and effort of those divine prophets was spent in challenging and combating this futile notion of tribalism and racism. By tribalism, we mean the belief that one tribe is superior to another. Tribalism and racism are the direct result of materialism, and materialism is the mother of all crimes. The great Russian writer Dostoyevsky very beautifully portrayed this concept when he said, in his famous phrase, "Were there no God, everything would be permissible". It is no mere coincidence that wherever racism exists, aggression and colonialism are also present, for they are all the illegitimate offspring of materia1ism. 229. Nor is it an accident that Hitler, who is the symbol of aggression, is also the personification of racism. And the Zionists, who from time to time complain about Hitler's crimes, have set a new record in terms of hostility and aggression against the territorial integrity of Arab countries in general and the Palestinians in particular, always under the pretext of racial superiority. And the criminal Iraqi regime of Saddam Takriti, while pretending to be concerned about the plight of the Palestinians, invades our country in disregard of all international laws and wildly indulges in racial rhetoric in order to create a division between the Moslem Arabs and the Iranians. This, of CC'Jrse, is one of the masterpieces of the materialistic Iraqi Ba'ath ~rtv.

I call on the representative of Iraq on a point of order.

I ask the representative of Iran to continue.

Racism is racism, and it should be attacked wherever it exists. 234. At the head of all these stands the United States, which not only suppresses millions of blacks, American Indians and Latinos, but is also the leader of all colonialists and aggressors. The European settlers in America eradicated the American Indians in some of the most criminal acts of genocide. 235. What is happening in Africa today is only a repetition of this bitter story. While the black people of South Africa are burning in the fires of apartheid they witness the long and recurring aggression of white sovereignty. The people of Namibia have been enduring the shadows of colonialism for years. Angola too is a victim of the aggression of this regime. I must say here that colonialism's biggest crime in the colonized countries is precisely that they have injected their materialistic culture into the minds of the colonized peoples. The domination of materialism in the colonies' has always been utilized as the best means of safeguarding colonialism. It is for this reason that the true struggle against colonialism must begin there. This has been discussed most eloquently by Steve Biko, the great revolutionary of South Africa, who dedicated his life to freeing the peo.ple of his country from racism. He said: "Black consciousness is an attitude of mind and a way of life. The philosophy of black consciousness expresses group pride and the determination of the black to rise and attain the envisaged self. At the heart of this kind of thinking is .the realization by blacks that the most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed." That last sentence bears repeating: "At the heart of this kind of thinking is the realization by blacks that the most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed . . . we have to evolve our own schemes, forms and strategies to suit the need and situation, always keeping in mind our fundamental beliefs and values." 236. In any event, in all such criminal scenes the ascendency of the spirit of materialism is coupled with racism and colonialism. Materialism sometimes colours religions, and deprives them of their essence. Unfortunately, the· colonialists have emptied the precious religion of Christpeace be upon Him-of its substance so as to justify their deeds, a religion tfiat represents the greatest effort to free mankind from materialism. It is not irrelevant that Biko, the hero, said that Christianity in Africa wears the robe of the white race. Yes, the colonialists have dressed that great divine religion in the robe of the white race, a de M grading robe that certainly disgusts the great spirit· of Christ. 238. While the West is pouring weapons into South Africa to protect the regime of that country, we offer this liberating message to the oppressed people of that country. This is not an imposition of belief. No one can impose a belief on another. But if \'lalcolm X, a black American thousands of miles from the world of Islam and behind prison bars, while engulfed in the deprivations caused by racism in the United States, can understand this message and believe in it and be willing to give his life for it, the blacks, and even the whites, of South Africa can understand this message and even with the obstacle of imperialism defeat the monster of racism. This is the only way, for we cannot hope for colonialism to come to its senses. Imperialism has clearly defined its position. The United States Under-Secretary of State for African Affairs has declared that the p0~icy of the Reagan Administration is to maintain neutrality with regard to the confrontation between blacks and whites in South Africa. He emphasized the economic and strategic importance of South Africa and its vital resources, and also the danger for the United States of Soviet domination of South Africa. That statement can mean only that the United States will continue its support for the Pretoria ~gime. Imperialism will certainly not cease its support to the regime of South Africa as a result of preaching, in the same way that it will not cease its hostHity towards re' lutions for liberation. 239. It is no coincidence that the same countries supporting South Africa are also imposing economic sanctions against Iran. These futile efforts will not lead anywhere in confronting the will of peoples. 240. I shall quote here a few passages from the works of Malcolm X, the great American black revolutionary. Perhaps his touching words, which emanate from the purest of human feelings, will be more illuminating. He writes in his book about his experiences on the Haj pilgrimage to Mecca: "America needs to understand Islam, because this is the one religion that erases from its society the race problem. Throughout my travels in the Moslem world, I have met, .talked to and even eaten with people who in America would have been considered 'white' -but the 'white' attitude was removed from their minds by the religion of Islam." He continues: "During the past 11 days here in the Moslem world, I have eaten from the same plate, drunk from the' same glass and slept in the same bed or on the same rug, "We were truly all the same, brothers, because their belief in one God has removed the 'white' from their minds, the 'white' from their behaviour, and the 'white' from their attitude." He continues: "I could see from this that perhaps, if white Americans could accept the oneness of God, then perhaps they too could accept the reality of the oneness of man and cease to measure and hinder and harm others in tenus of their 'differences' of colour." 241. As Malcolm X said, belief in God is not a personal belief the acceptance or rejection of which has no effect on society. The true projection of the belief in the emanation of all love from 'God does not leave any room for materialism and racism and, consequently, for apartheid. We read in the holy Koran: "0 you people: verily we have created you of a male and a female and made you nations and tribes that you may recognize each other. Verily the most honoured of you with God is the one of you who has the most awareness and consciousness of God, or piety." 242. The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has from its inception taken all possible steps to fight the anti-human policies of apartheid of the racist regime of <I South Africa and, while reiterating its full support for SWAPO as the sole representative of the oppressed people of Namibia in their just struggle for independence and condemning the aggression of the Pretoria regime against Angola, it also condemns all countries that are assisting that shameful regime in one way or another to survive, and invites all freedom-loving peoples of the world to unite all their efforts in order to destroy apartheid.

It is 21 years since the international community's conscience was severely jolted by the Sharpeville massacre of innocent men, women and children. In the wake of that brutal suppression of a peaceful demonstration of the op.pressed black South Africans against the tyranny and inhuman system of apartheid, the international community expressed its condemnation of the massacre and of apartheid. The Security Council, echoing the vehement disapproval of the actions and policies of the racist Pretoria regime, declared in its resolution 134 (1960), adopted on I April 1960, that the situation in South Africa, if it continued, might endanger international peace and security, and called on the South African regime to abandon apartheid and repression. But today, two decades after that historic denunciation of apartheid and the manifestation of the clear intention of the international community not to tolerate the brutal repression that apartheid represents, we find that the system still exists. Not only does it exist, but it is gathering strength with which to counteract all forms of internal and external opposition. 244. As the General Assembly once again preoccupies itself with an examination of the situation in South Africa, we are compelled to recognize that the scenario in that country continues to be bleak and depressing. Save 245. It is in this context that we should view this debate and decide to give support to those steps necessary to eradicate the evil system being practised by the racist Pretoria regime. Because of our membership of the Organization and the implied determination to uphold the ideals of the Charter we are called upon to exercise a collective political will to bring apartheid and its racist perpetrators to their knees. My delegation believes, in this regard, that the United Nations in particular and the international community in general bear a grave responsibility towards the oppressed millions in South Africa. To continue to shirk this responsibility constitutes a regrettable abdication of our collective moral and political responsibilities. To indulge in the traditional quibbling over the right moment and means for tackling apartheid frontally would be to continue cynically to place selfish economic and racial interests above the human values that the Charter espouses. 246. It is no longer a secret that the racist Pretoria regime has survived this long because in the face of the unequivocal denunciation of apartheid and the call by an overwhelming number of Member States for its elimination, that regime is constantly and increasingly in a position to flex its military muscle. Its military strength has increased with each passing year because of -the supplies it receives from and the collaboration it enjoys with certain prominent Members of the Organization. 247. The history of the arms build-up of the racist South African regime is a sordid tale of equivocation and insincerity by a section of the international community on the issue of an anus embargo against the racist regime. Ever since the Sharpeville massacre the overwhelming majority of States Members of the United Nations as well as numerous organizations had pressed for an arms embargo against the racist regime; but it was not until 4 November 1977 that the major Western Powers joined with other States to enable the Security Council by its resolution 418 (1977), to institute a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa. Even then, the embargo was late, and weak in many respects, especially as regards nuclear collaboration. It was none the less an historic decision that gave hope to millions of oppressed people in" South Africa and to all African States, especially in the expectation that the embargo would be strictly implemented and ~at a programme of sanctions would subsequently be developed to reinforce it. This has unfortunately not been the case, and we cannot help but note with alarm that the little that was achieved in that historic resolution has also not been effectively implemented. 248. A critical examination of the implementation of the arms embargo imposed under the Security Council resolution reveals that the South Afri .:an ti,gime continues to receive sophi~ticated weapon systems and technology from Western countries because of loopholes in the decision imposing the embargo and deliberate evasions in national legislation and enforcement. Military equipment continues to reach the racist regime .on the pretext that they are dual-purpose in character. Computers and elec- 249. I have highlighted the question of the arms embargo against South Africa becwJse the failure of the Security Coulllcil resolution to have any telling effect on the racist regime has exposed a disturbing lack of political will on the part of certain Member States. This is so, because there is absolutely no doubt that repression and tyranny still survive in South Africa. If the Organization is to survive and maintain its credibility, then we, its Member States, must be prepared to take collective action to implement the arms embargo before the situation develops into a full-scale racial war. My delegation believes that to combat this weakness effectively we must now be prepared to take certain decisions, which are embodied in the draft resolutions that are now before the General Assembly. We must, first, give strong support to the call for all effective and wor!d-'wide campaign for the full implementation and reinforcement of the arms embargo; sec- C?ndly, respond to the call for the cessation of all military collaboration with the South African regime; thirdly, enact effective national legislation to enforce the embargo and punish severely those that break it; fourthly, strongly urge the Security Council urgently to prohibit all nuclear collaboration with South Africa and also to adopt, as a matter of urgency, an oil embargo against South Africa; and, fifthl" prohibit all forms of loans and technology transfers to South Africa. 250. Only when these actions are taken shall we be able to ensure the non-use of military forc~. against the majority of South Africans and against neighbouring African countries. 251. . It is not only in the military area that the racist regime enjoys co-operation and collaboration. Equally alarming is the economic and other forms of collaboration that the regime receives, particularly from certain Western and other States. With each passing day those States increase their economic, diplomatic and o,her relations with South Africa, thus giving the racist regime not 'only economic strength but also international respectability. My delegation considers this state of affairs to be prejudicial to the early eradication of apartheid, the evil which Member States are quick to denounce in very strong terms during General Assembly debates. The increasing economic and other collaboration with 00uth Africa is a paradigm of the duplicity and economic selfishness of those who practise it and displays insensitivity towards the oppressed people of that country. For how else can one interpret the eagerness to collaborate with a regime that is only racial autocracy, the continued existence of which has so often been condemned by the international f community? 252. The recommendations of the Special Committee against Apartheid, under the able and dynamic leadership of Mr. Maitama-Sule, deal effectively with this problem, and my delegation urges their acceptance. We know that some countries find difficulty with some of their details because, as they argue, the Security Council has adopted no mandatory resolution that forbids such collaboration. Some have pressed the sponsors of the draft re:mlutions to 253. With all due respect, the question of collaboration with South Africa is a moral issue for the overwhelming majority of mankind, and our colleagues will have to choose the side to which they wish to belong. My delegation is of the view that in order effectively to halt these forms of collaboration and thereby ensure an early eradication of apartheid, the Assembly not only should condemnsuch activities but must also lend its support to the appeal to the Security Council to adopt, as a matter of grave urgency, comprehensive and mandatory sanctions against the apartheid regime, under Chapter VII of the Charter. For 30 years the General Assembly has repeated its condemnation of the racist regime, and we believe that the time has come to match our verbal condemnations with action. It is our hope, therefore, that our colleagues will join in this important call for action. 254. The international community has for some years pressed for the increasing isolation of South Africa as a means of forcing the Pretoria regime to give up the doctrine of apartheid. To achieve this end several measures have, either been taken or urged for the boycott of South Africa, particularly in the cultural and sporting fields. The limited success in isolating the racist regime has hurt it badly, hence its increased effort in recent times to break out of the isolation imposed on it. With massive funds, running into millions of dollars, the racist regime has in the last few years embarked on a concentrated effort to rehabilitate its international image through, among other things, the dissemination of propaganda, the promotion of sporting contacts with the outside world by the exchange of rugby, athletic, cricket,. boxing and other teams and the luring of musicians and entertainers by very attractive offers of contracts. These desperate efforts to lessen the effect of isolation on the country have had only limited success over the years. It should be noted, however, that these sporting and cultural events are on the increase because of the appalling naivety and greed of certain individuals, sporting organizations, impresarios and international agents. The recent open political and cultural support received by the racist regime from certain Western Powers has also strengthened its resolve to defy international action against it. The evidence of the unpopularity of the acti:Jns of those individuals, Governments and organizations has been the increasing manifestation of popular protests against these contacts with South A~rica. 255. My delegation would like at this juncture to pay a deserving tribute to the individuals, anti-apartheid organizations and trade unions, particularly in Ireland, the United Kingdom and the United States, which have not only consistently kept faith with the oppressed people in South Africa through their utterances but have also engaged in effective public demonstrations in opposition to such sporting and other cultural events. The refusal of workers in Ireland to handle the Irish rugby-football team 256. . The Special Committee against Apartheid has provided this year a register of sportsmen and others collaborating with South Africa in sports as an incontrovertible piece of inforqIation upon which Governments and sporting organizations the whole world over may base any action that they deem fit agai~st those whose names appear in it. We urge that the register be given the widest publicity by all Member States and, where possible, that visas and other facilities be withheld from those who have chosen to collaborate with the racist Pretoria regime. My delegation regrets that for obvious reasons it is still not possible to take stronger action in the matter. But we must remember that the redemption of the oppressed majority in South Africa cannot wait much longer, and we urge the Organization to devote some time to the formulation of a consensus on the question so that Governments may be better able to take meaningful action. Certainly, this is the wish of the Supreme Council for Sports in Africa and the Council of Ministers of the OAU, which adopted a resolution at its thirty-seventh ordinary session calling upon Governments to ban those sportsmen and teams listed in the register [see A/36/534, annex I]. Similarly, we hope that the Special Committee against Apartheid will soon issue a register on entertainers and other cultural personalities who continue to collaborate with South Africa. 257. In this context, my delegation hopes that the proposed international convention against apartheid in sports will soon become a reality. We urge that the mandate of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports be extended so as to enable it to conclude that work that it has so far handled satisfactorily. 258.· The struggle against apartheid and racism has been long and difficult. It has remained so because of a lack of uniform action by the international community against the Pretoria regime. For as long as acts in opposition to the obnoxious system remain sporadic and unco-ordinated, the vattIe will never be won. It is for this reason that my delegation welcomes the proposal to declare 1982 as the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa. In order to make the struggle against apartheid effective, there is a clear need for a much wider international effort and campaign to disseminate all available information on the evils of apartheid and to solicit the moral and material support of individuals, churches and organizations to eradicate the system. It is understood that several events are planned for the Year, and my delegation hopes that Member States will give assistance and co-operation in making it successful. 259. 1 cannot conclude my statement without malcing some remarks about the recent wave of military aggres- "The s!tuation in southern Africa is, therefore, characterized by repeated breaches of the peace and acts of aggression and an ever-growing threat of a wider conflict with grave repercussions in Africa and the world."2 One is forced to ask why these attacks have increased recently. It is widely recognized that the racist regime's military incursions have been stepped up this year because of the open political support that certain Western Governments have announced for it, coupled with the knowledge that international action against it, even if such action is in accordance with the Charter, would be frustrated by certain permanent members of the Security Council. It is in these indirect forms of support, therefore, that the South African regime finds encouragement to commit aggression, thereby endangering international peace and security. 260. It will be recalled that a few months ago the racist regime launched a large-scale military invasion of Angola, during which many soldiers and innocent men, women and children were brutally massacred. When the matter was placed before the Security Council the veto of the United States and the abstention of the United Kingdom on 31 August 1981 made it impossible for the Security Council to condemn the aggression and take actions prescribed by the Charter. My delegation believes that it is this use of the veto that gives the racist regime encouragement and destroys the credibility of the Security Council as far as the maintenance of international peace and security is concerned. 261. We should like to take this opportunity, therefore, to appeal to those two Member States to reconsider their stand, in the face of strong international opinion against such acts of lawlessness, so that the Organization can discharge its responsibilities under the Charter in southern Africa. To this end, my delegation is of the opinion that the United Nations must endeavour to recognize breaches of peace and acts of aggression in southern Africa without equivocation. Failure to do so is harmful to the image of the United Nations and must not be allowed. The Organization should be able to declare the racist apartheid regime asthe aggressor and also to decide on comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter as the only practical means of curbing the grave threat to front-line States whose sovereignty and territorial integrity continue to be abused. 262. The fight against apartheid is both political and moral. The time has come when Member States must pronounce their stand against apartheid or risk most of their relations with the rest of Africa. The question is not how much economic advantage stands to be lost in taking firm action .against the racist regime, but rather how much more advantage co~ld accrue in the absence of apartheid. Those who choose the former are clearly myopic in their perspectives on apartheid and racism, and will stand to lose in thelong run..W~ hope that it is not too late for some Member States to reconsider positions

Once again the General Assembly is considering the question of apartheid, which remains a challenge to human conscience and to the endeavours of the international community to uphold the high principles of dignity, freedom and equality of all mankind. 264. At the outset, I wish to place on record my delegation's deep appreci~lion of Mr. Maitama-Sule, the distinguished Chairman, his predecessor, Mr. Clark, and an members of the Special Committee against Apartheid for providing us with a comprehensive report on the situation obtaining in South Africa. The report has also made valuable recommendations for enhancing the effectiveness of the international struggle against the abhorrent system of apartheid. 265. The strong opposition of the international community to the odious system of apartheid has been forcefully demonstrated in almost every international forum. The General Assembly itself has adopted numerous resolutions condemning the racist Pretoria regime and its inhuman policies of apartheid, oppression and brutality against the peoiJ~e of South Africa. The Security Council even imposed a mandatory arms embargo against the regime in its resolution 418 (1977). Successive conferences of the non-aligned movement, the OAU and the Organization of the Islamic Conference have declared their profound concern over the plight of the black majority in South Africa. 266. However, acting in total disregard and disdain for the decisions and feelings of the international community, the racist Pretoria regime has intensified with impunity its repression and brutality against the people of South Africa. It has unleashed a reign of terror against the freedom fighters of ANC and increasingly resorted to indiscriminate arrests, detentions and torture of innocent men, women and children. Six freedom fighters of ANC are facing -death sentences only because they advocated equality of man and challenged the inhuman policy of apartheid. 267. Emboldened in its defiance of the international community, the Pretoria regime has reinforced its repressive rule within South Africa by an aggressive posture against the neighbouring African States. It has repeatedly committed military ageression against its neighbours, the most serious of which was its intervention against the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Angola. The grave consequences of these acts of aggression for international peace and security have been considered by the Security Council. And, only recently, South Africa's complicity in the attempt to destabilize the situation in Seychelles, a non-aligned State Member of the United Nations, was widely reported in the international press. r and bring to a close the most vicious chapter of colonialism and racism in the continent of Africa. 268. The aggressive nature of the Pretoria regime has acquired a new and most serious dimension with the development of its nuclear-weapon capability, which has been verified by impartial studies undertaken by the United Nations. 269. It is no secret that the arrogance of the Pretoria regime is being sustained by the help it is receiving from certain influential outside Powers. It is this help which has enabled South Africa to deve~op a formidable military 270. In its commitment to der,olonization and the restoration of human rights and human dignity all over the world, the international community continues to face one of the gravest challenges in the existence of the. racist regime in South Africa and its policies of apartheid. We are convinced that the racist regime cannot break the will of the people of South Africa in their struggle to assert their fundamental rights. The Pretoria regime's brutality and insidious schemes to subjugate the majority of the people of South Africa and perpetrate its racist tyranny in their land will never succeed. 271. It is imperative that concerted action be taken by the international community as a whole to put pressure on the racist regime of South Africa to eliminate its inhuman system of apartheid and to bring to an early end the travail of the people of South Africa, as well as the wanton aggression perpetrated by Pretoria against its neighbours. In this regard the responsibility of those Powers which have been extending their support to Socth Africa is especially grave. Effective and decisive action by the Security Council for the application of mandatory comprehensive sanctions against the racist regime under Chapter VII of the Charter is long overdue. A further delay in this regard would only prolong the struggle of the South African people and the consequent bloodshed and human suffering. 272. We therefore fully support the recommendations of the Special Committee against Apartheid and the draft resolutions which .are expected to be introduced on the basis of these recommendations, which include proposals for comprehensive mandatory sanctions specifically on an anns embargo and an oil embargo and for the cessation of nuclear collaboration with South Africa. 273. Pakistan has traditionally remained committed to the cause of an peoples struggling against every kind of oppression, alien domination or discrimination under any pretext. Our conl)istent and total solidarity with the struggling people of South Africa is a matter of deep conviction arising from the eternal precepts of Islam, which uphold the equality, freedom and dignity of all peoples irrespective of race, colour or creed. My delegation would like to take this opportunity [0 reaffirm Pakistan's whole-hearted moral and material support for the struggle of the valiant people of South Africa for equality, human dignity and the complete eradication of the reprehensible system of apartheid. We are confident that the heroic people of South Africa will ~ucceed in their just and noble struggle to achieve their legitimate rights to freedom

Much has been said and written about the apartheid policies and practices of the South African regime. Aparthlfid has been universally condemned and declared by the United Nations as a crime against humanity. Repeated demands have been made for the Pretoria regime to abandon this evil doctrine, which has so poisoned race relations that Soutll Africa today is on the brink of a racial conflagration wit~ 276. Apartheid entails a totally unacceptable situation for the vast majority of the people of South Africa. It is a negation of their basic freedoms and a doctrine which, to all intents and purposes, holds them as prisoners, and slaves in their own country. It denies them the right to participate as equal citizens with the white minority in the normal political, social and economic life of their country. It prescribes for them where to live and work and ensures that families are torn asunder. 277. This debasing and criminal doctrine has been maintained over the years through despicable ruthlo.ssness and brutality. State terroristTI is the order of the day in South Africa. Arbitrary arrests, detentions, imprisonment and torture of the opponents of apartheid are a daily occurrence in South Africa. Numerous South African freedom fighters, including such distinguished personalities as Nelson Mandela, languish in the dark places of the notorious Robben Island and other prisons. 278. South African repression of the black majority is intended to cow them into submission and thus perpetuate the apartheid system. The Pretoria regime is committed to the continued exploitation and plunder of the resources of South Africa, with the use of cheap black labour, for (f the benefit of the white minority and powerful foreign economic interests. Already the white minority in South Africa are lavishly rich, while the black majority, whose sweat provides for their comfort, continue to live in conditions of abject poverty-indeed, they continue to be exposed to hunger and disease. 279. And to ensure that they do not even threaten the life-style of the white minority in the rich and vast parts of South Africa allocated to this privileged group, the black majority are being forcibly moved to the so-called bantustans. These bantustans, which are being granted socalled independence by the Pretoria regime, are intended to serve as buffer territories for South Africa against those who are fighting for their freedom. Yet another South -African bantustan, Ciskei is to be granted so-called independence on Friday this week, 4 December 1981. The international community should naturally reject the so-caHed independence of Ciskei, as it has done with the others and reaffirm the territorial integrity of South Africa as one indivisible country. 280. Neither the intensified repression of the black majority nor the continued bantustanization of South Africa will prevent the oppressed people of South Africa from fighting for their inalienable national rights. On the contrary, as events this year have shown, the struggle of the oppressed people will continue to gain momentum. Mass political action involving students, workers, peasants, and the clergy will continue to grow. What we have witnessed in South Africa are not mere isolated incidents which can be calmed by minor concessions on the part of the Pretoria regime, but rather a revolt against apartheid which will not be abated until that evil system is totally eradicated and all the people of South Africa begin to partici- 281. A recent poll conducted in South Africa showed overwhelming support for ANC. For its part the South African regime has in the past year issued statements blaming ANC for several incidents which have occurred, including attacks on police stations, electric power stations and other installations. It b evident, therefore, that the liberation movement is active inside South Africa itself and that it is enjoying ever increasing support from the people. The oppressed people of South Africa have simply refused to accept and will never accept the barrage of propaganda fmm the regime intended to aliena!e them from their sons and daughters who are fighting for freedom and human dignity. 282. In its desperation the Pretoria regime has also resorted to "divide and rule" tactics intended to weaken the ranks of the victims of apartheid. A determined attempt has been made to woo the Indian and the so-called Coloured communities to the side of the white minority with _a view to isolating the black majority. Such tactics on the part of the Pretoria regime will not work. The Indian and the so-called Coloured communities will not be isolated from the mainstream of the struggle against apartheid. They will not be duped nor allow themselves to be used by the regime. Indeed, the recent fiasco concerning the socalled elections to the South African Indian Council is eloquent testimony to the mood of the oppressed people of Sou:'., Africa as a whole. 283. Apartheid will not be served either by the collusion of outside Powers with the South African regime. At most such collusion will constitute a temporary set-back for the struggle against apartheid. In the final analysis, external collusion with the regime will serve to embitter the oppressed people and make change in South Africa inevitably violent. Policies which seek to embrace South Africa as an ally and perceive the struggle of the 0;>- pressed people in the context of East-West rivalry are morally and politically wrong and cannot at all be conducive to peaceful change in that country. 284. Apartheid must be seen for what it is: a crime against humanity and a threat to international peace and security. South Africa's continued illegal occupation of Namibia and its wanton and unprovoked acts of aggression against independent African States stem from its policies of apartheid. Because of that abominable doctrine southern Africa remains a critically unstable region. South Africa has repeatedly sought to destabilize the frontline and other States in the region. It ferments dissension~ commits outright acts of aggression against Angola, Mozambique and my own country, Zambia, and engages in other warlike acts, including intimidation and harassment against Botswana, Lesotho a'1d Zimbabwe. Only last week a band of mercenaries on the South African pay-roll attempted to overthrow the G9vernment of Seychelles. It was most heartening and it was thanks to the vigilance of the Seychelles defence forces that these agents of the South African regime were beaten and forced to retreat. Zambia strongly condemns the invasion and attempted overthrow of the Government of Seycbelles. 285. The criminal acts of" the Pretoria regime make it evident that only with the eradication of apartheid in all its forms and manifestations will conditions be created for peace and tranquillity in southern Africa. The international 286. The efforts of the oppressed people, those of the Special Committee and the international community as a whole, cannot and will not be in vain. My delegation is confident that those efforts will be rewarded in the r.ot too distant future. Indeed, South Africa shall be free.

The question of the policy of apartheid pursued by the racist regime of Pretoria has been considered by the General Assembly since its first session. The United Nations has repeatedly condemned that policy as being incompatible with human rights and human dignity, with the Charter oftLe United Nations, and as a serious breach of international peace and security, and a crime against mankind. 288. Today the situation in South Africa is still the cause of justified indignation on the part of the entire world community. The Pretoria regime, which has elevated apartheid t,. the status of a State ideology and policy, continues massively to trample the elementary human rights of 20 million indigenous Africans. Fascist-like tyranny reigns in South Africa: peaceful demonstrations are met with a hail of lead and brutal treatment is inflicted on the ?atriots and leaders of anti-apartheid movements. The country's gaols are filled to overflowing with political prisoners, and South Africa has long aQd easily held first place in the world in terms of sentencing people to death. 289. The General Assembly and the Security Council have rt'?peatedly demanded that an end be put to the criminal policy and practice of apartheid. Instead, the Pretoria regime is continuing to add to the cruelties of their already Draconian measures against the indigenous African population. The proclamation of so-called independent bantustans pursues an obvious aim, that of splitting the African people and lending legitimacy to the creation of subordinate territories dependent on the South African racists, and undermining the growing national liberation movements. At the same time, the bantustanization policy creates a pool of cheap labour for the pitiless exploitation of the indigenous population by South African and Western monopolies. 290. The United Nations has condemned South Africa's creation of the bantustans-Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda-as invalid and devoid of any legal substance. It has called on all Governments to refrain from any form of recognition of the bantustans and to take effective measures to forbid all persons, corporations, and other institutions to enter into any kind of relations with them. Nevertheless, the Pretoria regime is going ahead with further bantustanization. A few days from now, for example, it intends to proclaim the so-called independence of Ciskei. This is a continuation of the implementation of the cunning plan of the South African racists to consolidate and to guarantee the full rule of the white population and to deprive the South African people of their inalienable rights within their own country. 292. There is considerable evidence of the real possibility that South Africa possesses nuclear weapons, whicli is a grave threat to the peace and security of peoples, and not only in the southern part of Africa. As has been pointed out by a number of representatives here, the Pretoria regime is applying the system of apartheid in Namibia also. Notwithstanding the demands of the Security Council and the General Assembly calling upon South Africa to end its illegal occupation of Namibia, the criminal regime is expanding and intensifying the cruelty of its mass repression of the Namibian people, particularly against the members of SWAPO, and is further intensifying and expanding its military presence in the country, using Namibia as a bridgehead for aggression against neighbouring sovereign African States, first and foremost against Angola. 293. While enjoying the protection of the Western Powers and while issuing hypocritical statements about its readiness to seek a political settlement in Namibia, the Pretoria racists ~re actually doing ·their utmost to implant a~d_ consolidate a puppet neo~~()ton~~li~~gjme in the Territory. Of coursp., South Africa could not continue its criminal policy of apartheid and its unlawful occupation of Namibia, as well as its acts of aggression against the sovereign African States, .and could not ignore the decisions of the United Nations and the demands of the world community, were it not for the constant and all-round assistance and support it has been receiving from the leading Western countries members of NATO. Moreover, the very existence of the apartheid regime would be impossible without Western support. 294. The preservation of a hotbed of colonialism and racism in southern Africa is very much in keeping with the long-term selfish political, strategic and economic interests of the Western Powers, which see in South Africa a bastion of racism on the African continent and a base for the struggle against the national liberation movements of , the South African and Namibian peoples. The far-reaching co-operation. of the leading Western Powers and their monopolies with racist South Africa is constantly expanding. Foreign investments in South Africa amount to more than $35 billion. and South Africa's foreign trade runs into tens of billioi._ Jf dollars. It is interesting to note that the major trading partners of South Africa are precisely those same Western Powers which advocate at the United Nations the continuation of the so-called dialogue with the South African racists, which, of course, simply plays into the hands of the rulers of South Africa. 296. .Directly or indirectly, loans enable the racist regime of South Africa to finance the extension of its repressive apparatus and the implementation of far-reaching programmes of militarization and nuclear programmes, as well as its aggression against independent African States. They also make it possible for South Africa to circumvent the United Nations arms embargo and its embargo on the delivery of oil from oil-Pro9ucing States. Those loans enable the Pretoria regime and its institutions to secure badly needed capital with which the large governmentcontrolled South African coal, gas and oil corporation, SASOL, and the energy commission, ESCOM, are able to carry out strategic projects aimed at strengthening the country's military potential and at withstanding international sanctions. Many loans facilitate trade in strategic materials between South Africa and Western States, thus guaranteeing supplies of sophisticated equipment, which is of particular importance for the growth of strategic industrial corporations such as S~SO~ and ES~OM, as well as the arms production corporation owned by the (j South African Government, ARMSCOR. 297. Clearly, there is no need to go into detail concerning the economic and military co-operation of the Western countries and their transnational corporations with the apartheid regime: this is all too well known. We would only emphasize that all the main \Vestern member countries oi NATO and many hundreds of their monopolies are taking part in this co-operation with the Pretoria racists. The transnational corporations of the Western countries, play a leading role in such sectors of South African industry as electronics, petroleum processing, automobile manufacture and the nuclear industry. AB the oil South Africa needs is easily supplied by Western transnational corporations. 298. The interconilection between the interests of South African and Western imperialist circles and their monopolies in South Africa is extremely solid and constant. It is precisely the defence of those interests that accounts for the all-round assistance and support of the Western Powers for the apartheid regime of South Africa. 299. In the Paris Declaration on Sanctions against South Africa, emphasis is placed on the fact that "The continuing political, economic and military collaboration of certain Western States and their transnational corporations with the racist regime of South Africa encourages its persistent intransigence and defiance of the international community and constitutes a major obstacle to the elimination of the inhuman and criminal system of apartheid in South Africa and the attainment of self-determination, freedom and national independence by the people of Namibia."8 301. It is high time to put an end to the ignominious, inhuman policy of apartheid. The illegal occupation of Namibia by the South African racists must be halted, and power in that country must promptly and unconditionally be transferred to the Namibian people through their sole legitimate representative, SWAPO, The acts of aggression of the Pretoria racists against sovereign African States must be curbed, now and lOrever. The peoples of Namibia and South Africa must be freed from the racist colonialist yoke. 302. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR considers that measures to put an end to the policy of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa have been defined in the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the OAU, in the proposals of the Special Committee against Apartheid and the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and in the declarations of the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa. What is needed is strict compliance by all States with the measures already imposed by the Security Council against racist South Africa, and the imposition by the Council of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter. 303. In conclusion, my delegation wishes to place on record once again its solidarity with the valiant struggle of the South African and Namibian peoples against the colonial racist rule of the South African regime. It expresses its firm conviction that the just cause of the liberation of Namibia will prevail and that an end will be put to the most ignominious phenomenon of our age: apartheid in South Africa.

The problem of apartheid is, without any doubt, one of the questions that have most marked the life of the Organization since its inception. It has held the attention of the international community for many long years. The number of debates that have been devoted to it and the multitude of resolutions that have been adopted, both by the General Assembly and by the Security Council, express general condemnation of the policy of apartheid and reveal the concern of the international community over the persistence of this hateful and anachronistic system raging at Pretoria. 305. In considering this question once again today, the Assembly intends not only to stress the worsening of the situation in South Africa, but also, and above all, to give new meaning to the action that we must all undertake to eliminate the vestiges of colonialism and racial discrimination in southern Africa. The persistence of apartheid in South Africa and the resultant danger posed to international peace and security call for the preparation of a new strategy. The devising of such a strategy should not pose any major problem, when one considers that the question of apartheid is one of the few-if not the only onewhich, objectively considered, lends itself perfectly to effective action by the Organization, because we in this forum have been unanimous in condemning apartheid and 307. We have followed with anxiety the latest developments in southern Africa both within South Africa and in Namibia. A solution to these problems cannot be conceived without due account being taken of the fundamental interests and the inalienable rights of our Namibian and South African brothers, for we firmly believe that there can be no compromise where human dignity is cnncerned. 308. The question of Namibia and that of apartheid are closely linked and they necessarily evolve in parallel. Any progress made in the settlement of one has an impact on the other and can make its solution easier. ~ 309. The survival of the apartheid system or its dtSappearance is the crux of the veritable crisis that southern Africa has so long been suffering. This question should not be studied solely from the point of view of the violation of human rights. That aspect, odious as it is, has already aroused the indignant condemnation of the international community. The question of apartheid must also be considered in its political aspect, namely, the aggression, domination and exploitation of the majority of a people by a ~inority. 310. Apartheid is not only a moral problem; it is also a political problem, because a white minority is stubbornly determined to perpetuate its domination over a black majority by recourse to specially tailored legislation and institutions that are aberrant in concept a.nd aim. The civilized world cannot recognize them because they run counter to all the norms of law as unanimously and internationally accepted. 311. It is also an economic problem, because that minority is using force to take possession of and exploit the human and natural reso~rces of the country to the detriment of the overwhelming majority of the South African people. We must then consider the question of apartheid in its true context, namely as a question of a" colonial enclave founded on racism, the use of brute force and of aggression, oppression and exploitation. Hence, to try to reduce apartheid to a question of violation of human rights is tantamount to disregarding the roots of the evil. 312. The United Nations will discharge its full responsibility only by deciding to take account of all the aspects of the problem, when considering and organizing all its actior... \Ve believe that the time has come for the United Nations to discharge its full responsibility vis-a-vis the people of South Africa and yis-a-vis a regime that constantly defies the Organization and the principles behind , its decisions. 320. In this regard, it is imperative that the Security 313. The events that have occurred this year in South Council give thorough consideration to means that could Afdca have reminded the international community of the lead to the strict implementation of the resolutions that it daily tragedy enacted in South Africa. They reveal the has already adopted in this regard, in particular resolution.;~ real intentions of Pretoria and they constitute further con- 418 (1977), which imposed all arms embargo against ! firmation of its determination to pursue the policy of South Africa. That embargo unfortunately has left open m .apartheid. Finally, they are part and parcel of the implacloopholes permitting evasions which have enabled South : able logic inherent in the apartheid system, which cann<~t Mr'ca to continue to fuel its war machine and create its ! 315. No one can be deceived as to the essential significance of what is happening in South Africa. The intensification of the struggle and the victories that have been won must make Pretoria understand that the problem of South Africa cannot find any solution under a settlement that would exclude the liberation movements, such as ANC and PAC from direct and full participation. 316. The Pretoria rulers have only one course open to them, to release the political prisoners, especially Nelson Mandela, .and begin a direct dialogue with the liberation ) movements with a view to eliminating apartheid and es- . tablishing a democratic regime in South Africa. i 317. But the racists in Pretoria refuse to contemplate such an alternative. They persist with unchanging arrogance in their refusal to comply with the decisions of the Organization" It is high time that the internatfonal community reacted in an effective manner by imposing peace in that p~rt of Africa, a· lasting peace that would enable the South African people to recover its dignity and to build a multi-racial State founded on freedom, justice and equality. . 31g We are convinced that once deprived of the means of pursuing its policy and the suPPOrt it uses to mainta.n fearlessly and with impunity its persistent attitude of defiance and arrogance, Mr.~ Botha's regime could not long resist international pressure and would end by yielding to the legitimate claims of the brotherly South African people. No ideological, economic or strategic consideration ~hould take precedence over the real problem that is facmg us. 319. We believe that in the interests of peace and international security the Security Council should not hesitate in the face of Pretoria's arrogance to make use of the provisions of the Charter, in particular those of Chapter VII, to impose on South Africa the binding comprehensive measures that the situation prevailing in South Africa fully justifies and that offer the only means of ensuring a peaceful settlement of the question of apartheid. The meeting rose at 9 p.m. NarES I The delegations of the Federal Republk of Germany, Kuwait. Lesotho and the Philippines subsequently informed the Secretariat that 4 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.C.I. Reports 1971, p. 16. s See NCONEI07/8, annex XI. 8 See NCONEI07/8, para. 210.