A/37/PV.77 General Assembly

I want first to congratulate Mr. Hollai on the dedication, patience and understanding with which he has conducted the affairs nfthe thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly thus far. The qualities he has exhibited are indeed those which the States Members of the United Nations need to resolve the chronic problems inherited by the Organization. 2. Old habits are difficult to uproot. Throughout human history, man has, for one reason or another, colonized or dominated and justified his action in his own eyes. This is a chronic habit of man. Another chronic habit is m~m's tendency to make war. These habits have been exhibited for more than 6,000 years. Thirty-seven years, ago-the life span of the United Nations so faro-we gave ourselves under the Charter the colossal task of uprooting these habits. Indeed, it has become the duty of the United Nations to ensure that all colonial peoples are free, in accordance with the rule of law. The ruie of law guarantees that the exercise of this duty by the United Nations must be undertaken with a supreme sense of responsibility. 3. The scientific age in which we liVe has led to the hardening of positions a~d views concerning colonial rule in one form or another. Domination by colonial rule is not quite the same in every age; it is sometimes overt, sometimes covert; it may be visible or invisible. The justification common to all of these colonial manifestations and for what prevails today is, as always in colonial territories, expediency supported and reinforced by domination. Moreover, it is the exercise of the power to demonstrate that one nation is superior in the possession and use of technology, possessing technology superior to that of the lands "that are colonized. 4. Speaking about colonial rule today may be like talking about the cave men and dinosaurs to some; NEW YORK yet it cannot be overlooked that, in any age, people and nations will strive to dominate others because they are superior in the tools of domination. Domination will be interpreted in ways expedient to them, and this expediency must be cloaked with the respectability of the rule of law over a period of time. The fact remains that man has proved himself to be a better slave, so to speak, when he is free, and an inefficient slave when he is in bondage. The same princi,le holds true in fostering good relations among States.. 5. The world has undergone various stages ofdecolonization. Many ofthe lands colonized on the continents are now free. Now, it is the islands whir,;~, for strategic reasons believed by some, are now in trouble. Small or large, the world is not free if one inch of territory remains under colonial rule. Man's rebellious spirit has been exh;',ited in the fight for freedom more than in any other arena. One day in the future it will be said, as Alexander the Great said, that there are no more lands to be conquered. One day there will be no more colonial territories left in the world. This achievement would have as great an impact as civilizing and educating man against warfare. 6. The Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples must therefore be commendedfor its dedicated work for freedom, justice and peace. The world is a better place because of its efforts. 7. My Government will continue to support all efforts of the United Nations to bring freedom and justice to oppressed peoples. Indeed, it will join its efforts with those that labour tirelessly for the day when colonialists themselves will become weary of the self-imposed burden of colonial rule, a burden of wasteful and wasted energies, time and resources that could have been spent and used more productive!y. 8. It is paradoxical that the architects of the Charter of the United Nations are among those that are lukewarm about its full implementation. We must remind ourselves on occasion, when we tend to feel weary and frustrated about fighting for freedom for oppressed peoples, that nearly every State Member ofthe United Nations has had colonial experience. The fight to throw off the colonial yoke has been unrelenting. We know how it feels to be colonized, and we know how it feels not to be colonized. It is the latter feeling of achievement we should maintain and strive for, for those aspiring to achieve what we have achieved. 9. Mr. SAIGNAVONGS (Lao People's Democratic Republic) (interpretation from French): Today, 22 years after the adoption by the General Assembly of resolution 1514 (XV), the political map ofthe world has been changed considerably by the accessio"1 of more than 50 countries and territories to self-determination and independence. . 11. However, in spite of the considerable progress made in the process of decolonization, close to 4 million people in Asia, Mrica and the Caribbean continue to suffer from oppression and colonialist domination, not to mention the newly independent States which are also enduring neo-colonialist domination and exploitation. 12. The vestiges of colonialism, even in its classical form "Of exploitation and oppression, have not totally disappeared from the face of the earth. The United Nations has made considerable efforts to eliminate these vestiges of the colonial past, but it has come up against numerous external factors which are serious obstacles to the application of resolutions on decolonization. This has happened, in particular, in the case of South Mrica, Namibia, Puerto Rico, the Malvinas, and other Non-Self-Governing Tenitories. 13. In defiance of the numerous decisions of the United Nations and ofthe demands ofthe international community, the South African minority racists persist in their criminal policy of apartheid in an effort to maintain the indigenous majority population under their yoke by cruel and brutal repression. Similarly, they continue their illegal occupation of Namibia, a Territ9ry for which the Unitef. Nations has assumed special responsibility, and engage in acts of aggression against independent neighbouring countries. The delaying tactics of the South Mrican racists with respect to Namibia, with the complicity of their Western protectors, are designed to undermine the efforts of the United Nations to find a peaceful solution to the Namibian problem, and also to install and strengthen a neo-colonialist puppet regime in the Territory. 14. If the racist South Mrican regime has had the audacity for a number of years to flaunt its defiance of the international community by sabotaging the Organization's decisions on Namibia, it is because it has been encouraged by the economic, financial, military and diplomatic aid which certain Western Powers members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], their transnational corporations and certain international financial institutions have con- I tinned to provide. 15. The attempts made by the United States to link the negotiations on the independence of Namibia with the withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist forces from Angola and its veto in the Security Council on sanctions against South Mrica, as well as the recent decision of IMF to lend $1.1 billion to Pretoria, are evidence of this. economic~ political and social development of these small Territories until they achieve full independence. United Nations resolutions have frequently emphasizeC: that size, geographic situation, population and limited natural resources should not delay self-determination by the Territories thus administered. 19. In spite of that, according to the report of the Special Committee [A/37/23/Rev.J], it appears tbat in certain of the Non-Self-Governing Territories, in particular the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, including Micronesia, the administering Power has not supplied sufficient economic assistance to the Territory to enable its populations to achieve the greatest possible degree ofeconomic independence and to reduce the structural imbalances in their economies. More serious still is the policy of fragmentab.Jn carried out by the administering Power in this Territory, which delays the rapid access to independence and self-determination of these peoples. 20. In numerous resolutions, and in particular in paragraph 2 of resolution 35/119, the General Assembly has reaffirmed once again that: "the continuation of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations-induding racism, apartheid, the exploitation by foreign and other interests of economic and human resources, and the waging of colonial wars to suppress national liberation movements-is incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal DeclarationofHuman Rights and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and poses a serious threat to international peace and security." 21. In this spirit, and in conformity with the resolutions recently adopted by the Fourth Committee on the activities offoreign economic interests and foreign military activities which impede the implementation ~erminated that country's mandate over Namibia 18 years ago. In total disregard of the Charter of the United Nations, it still ignores and blocks all efforts aimed at a peaceful solution to the question. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of my country said the following in the general debate of this session, on 12 October: "While we have been engaged in the negotiations aimed at securing a peaceful settlement to the Namibian question, we have maintained that: first, Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the basis for achieving independence for Namibia and thus there is a need to have it implemented without delay; secondly, the Western contact group, at whose diplomatic initiative the plan for tile independence of Namibia was originally conceived and which possesses considerable leverage over South Africa, has a duty to see to it that the plan is implemented; and thirdly, the central role ofthe Organization in working for the independence of the Territory must be underlined. "Over the last few months the front-line States, SWAPO and Nigeria have been engaged in constructive consultations with the Western contact group regarding the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). We regret that, although some progress has been made, some issues remain outstanding. But the main obstacle remains the intransigence of the South African regime and this defiance by the resource~ of the oppressed peoples of South Africa and ofNamibiaand other Non-Self-Governing Territories. In this regard we note with satisfaction that some enlightened ordinary shareholders of some of the multinational ~orporations have begun to question their association with the racist apartheid regime of South Mrica in the illegal exploitation of uranium and other minerals in Namibia. The big demonstrations in May this year which greeted the annual meeting of the Rio Tinto Zinc Corporation in London and the questioning of the management of that corporation by some shareholders over the company's activities, particularly its private army in Namibia, are welcome developments and need to be encouraged. The keeping of private armies by some transnational corporations operating in Namibia is consistent only with the illegal nature of South Africa's occupation of that Territory and must be denounced. 43. The apartheid regime continues to use Namibia as ~ springboard for constant armed aggression against the neighbouring front-line States of Zambia and Angola. Even as we sit here today. South African troops still occupy southern Angola. South Africa has 45. We join oth~r representatives in condemning the collusion by the Governments of certain Western and other States with the apartheid regime of Sduth Mrica in the nuclear field. We endorse also the rt:commendation of the Special Committee that Governments should refrainfrom supplying the racist minority regime of South Africa, directly or indirectly, with facilities which might enable it to produce uranbm, plutonium and other nuclear materials or military equipment. 46. The Government of South Africa is an enemy of the citizens it ruthlessly oppresses. As it denies its citizens the enjoyment of fundamental human rights and spurns international opinion, that regime is also an enemy ofhumanity. Therefore, South Mrica has to be treated as an enemy, not as a pa11ner. Urgent and effective measures to terminate all collaboration with the apartheid regime in the political, diplomatic, economic and military fields are warranted. The recent action by IMF in granting a loan of $1.1 billion to the Government ofSouth Mrica is, in this connection, to be regretted and condemned. 47. My delegation wishes to record its 1ribute to and its appreciation of the Special Committee's Chairman, Mr. Abdulah, of Trinidad and Tobago, who will soon be relinquishing that office on his transfer to another station in the service ofhis COlliltry. As its Chairman, ·Mr. Abdulah has served the Special Committee for three years, but his service to that Committee is even longer. During this period, he has worked tirelessly to shed light on the problems ~': decolonization, as well as to enlist international SlillPort for the struggle of peoples under colonial domination to achieve their independence. On behalf of my delegation, I jobi the General Assembly as a whole in wishing Mr. Abdulah all the best in his new post. 48. I should like also to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the Under-Secretary-General of the Department of Political Affairs, Trusteeship and Decolonization, Mr. Djermakoye, ofMali, who is retiringfrom the service of the United Nations. It is a fitting tribute to Mr. Djermakoye that, during his tenure in that Department, the number of countries which won their independence and joined the United Nations grew dramatically. Therefore. he can retire in the knowledge Zimbabwe~s independence in 1980, and we have been encouraged by that success to redouble our own efforts to bring about stable, negotiated independence for Namibia. 52. Bnt we also know that the kind of colonialism against which the Assembly's efforts have been directed is, with but a few glaring exceptions, a phenomenon of the past. The proof of this assertion lies in the fact that, in the 35 years since the Organization was founded, fully 100 new States have been added to its membership. Clearly, we cannot relax our efforts until the last remaining vestiges of nineteenth-century colonialism have been eliminated. Certainly the United States will not do so. But, equally clearly, we must acknowledge that the old colonialism is no longer the pervasive concern that it once was. 53. Secondly, the United States takes seriously its responsibilities for the administration of other Territories and peoples. It is not a colonial Power; it harbours no colonial ambitions. Wherever and whenever it has found itself in the role ofadministrator of other Territories, it has sought to ensure that the peoples of those Territories are fully able to establish freely their democratic political institutions and regularly to express \'!ews about1heir political status. ~ this same small group ofideologically motivated States continues to have a negative effect on the Special Committee's work in other ways. This harmful influence is clearly reflected once again this year in the three draft resolutions that have been introduced under the agenda items on decolonization. These draft resolutions are based on interrelated but fundamentally inaccurate premises. 61. First, they seek to gerpetuate the confusing 54. The United Sta~~s has sought to ensure the exercise of the right to self-determination for the people of Micronesia. Within a matter of weeks, the people of Micronesia will have the opportunity to express their views on a compact of free association with the United States, a compact which the elect~d leaders of these territories have freely negotiated premise that self-deterrnin::::=:=,",c ' ~olonial domination to achieve independence. 76. In tht. course of this year the Special Committee has continued its rev:ew of the implementation of the Declaration. It again emerged that, notwithstanding the outstanding role the Organization has played in the process of decolonization, even in this twilight of the twentieth century, colonies still exist in the wcrld, ~nd this aberration is perhaps nowhere more glaring than in"Namibia. 71. That the question of Namibia sC~ exists on our agenda is a standing indictment of the international community as represented by the Organization, of its lack of political will and, indeed, of its moral commitment to set the people of Namibia free. For, even as we consider this question in the Assembly, the racist regim~ in Pretoria is continuing its illegal military occupation of Namibia, in defiance of the wishes of the international community and of the wishes of the Namibian people and, at the same time, is continuing to exploit the natural wealth and resources of that Territory, while converting it into a 81. Apart from Namibia and South Mrica, the Comlaunching pad from which to carry out armed aggrc"'- mittee also reviewed the situation of other colonial sion against the neighbouring territories of Angola and Territories in various parts of the world. Small though Zambia. In essence, the Pretoria racists not only most of these Territories are, their peoples must..be have seized and continue illegally to occupy a United encouraged and assisted to determine their own future Nations T~rritDry but also use that Temtory to carry and destiny freely, without let or hindrance. 78. Unfortunately, some States Members of the United Nations in defiance of the expressed position of the General Assembly have continued to provide succour and support and even to give a semblance of respectability to the Pretoria racist regime in its defiance of the Organization. Even more regrettable is the fact that certain Member States have continued military collaboration with South Mrica, thus facilitating its ever-increasing miHtary buildup in Namibia, its recruitment of Namibians for tribal armies, the expansion of the so-called South West Africa-Namibia Territory Force, the use of mercenaries to carry out its aggressive military policies against independent Africar.. States, its threats and acts of subversion against those countries and its illegal use of Namibian territory to commit such acts. 79. The Sierra Leone Gov.:;rnment vehemently condemns such policies Ol collaboration and collusion and calls for their immediate cessation. On the other hand, the Government of Sierra Leone expresses its firm support for the legitimate struggle of the Namibian people under their sole and authentic representative, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], to achieve frendom and independence by all possible means. 80. While the Declaration was designed for colonial countries and peoples, it also postulated that all peoples have the right to self-determination and, by virtue of that right, freely to determine their political status and freely to pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Although South Africa possesses the trappings of sovereignty and independence, it is an incontrovertible fact that it does not possess a representative Government, nor have the South Mrican people as a whole ever been allowed to exercise their right to self-determination, to determine freely their political status and to pursue freely their economic, social and cultural development. Instead, the regime maintains itself in power by employing armed action and repressive measures of all kinds against its people. South Mrica, therefore, qualifies as a colony. By deductive reasoning, the situation that rexists in that territory of South Mrica is colonial in "character and, as such, warrants the Special Committee's recommending measures on the implementation of the Declaration with regard to that territory. 85. We would also wish to pay homage to Under- Secretary-General I. S. Djermakoye, a distinguished son ofAfrica, who is about to retire from the Organization and who, during his tenure in the Secretariat, has served the Organization with dedication and distinction. We wish him well in his retirement. 86. Finally, if the United Nations is to achieve its main objective of maintaining international peace and promoting equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, it is imperative. that an end beput to colonialism, for colonialismnot only provokes friction between peoples but also endangers international peace and security. The Organization must therefore accelerate its efforts to bring the colonial chapter to a close.

The representative of Trinidad and Tobago, Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, wishes to make a statement of clarification, and I now call on him. 88. Mr. ABDULAH (Trinidad and Tobago), Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples: It was not my intention to speak again on this item. However, in the light of the statement by the representative of the United Kingdom during the preceding meeting, I felt it my duty, as Chairman ~ IIIt~ ·""-=::.,,m~"'~~>SI!#"'i.!4M<l\lt!., CJ.!Jll!IIlU~_ 96. The representative of the United Kingdom also referred to the manner in which the Fourth Committee was asked to take a position on a draft decision submitted by the Special Committee on military activities and arrangements in colonial Territories, under agenda item 98. In that connection, as the Chairman of the Fourth Committee has rightly pointed out, because of the nature of the recommendations contained in the draft decision, which encompassed broad aspects of the process of decolonization, the draft decision could have been taken up under any of the items allocated to the Fourth Committee by the General Assembly. Indeed, any members, including the Uh~i.ed Kingdom, that might have wanted to debate this question could have done so during the ensuing general debate under agen~a item 98. The consideration of that item was not concluded until the 9th meeting, held on 26 October, following the introduction of the related chapter by the Rapporteur of the Special Committee at the 4th meeting, on 19 October. Therefore, it is stretching the imagination somewhat to say that the text was slipped in by the back door and that there was no opportunity for substantive debate. I may add here that matters relating to military activities and arrangements in colonial Territories have been a printary concern of the Assembly since 1963. Indeed, in res.olution 2105 (XX), of 20 December 1965, the General Assembly, in paragraph 12, requested the colonial Powers to dismantle the military bases installed in colonial Territories and to refrain from establishing new ones. 97. With regard to draft resolution A/37/L.33 and Add.l, the representative of the United Kingdom has taken issue with the reference contained in operative paragraph 1, which concerns the title of the chapter of the report relating to the question of dissemination of information on decolonization and on publicity for the work of the United Nations in the field of decolonization. I wish to assure the representative of the United Kingdom that, in keeping with the clearly stated position of the Assembly in op.~rative paragraph 2 ofthis draft resolution, the Special Committee has over the years continued to take measures with a ' view to effecting the widest possible dissemination ofinformation on the evils and dangers ofcolonialism, on the determined efforts of the colonial peoples to achieve self-determination, freedom and independence and on the assistance being provided by the international community for the elimination of the remaining vestiges of colonialism in all its forms. I am certain that any examination of the relevant chapters of the report of the Special Committee will verify this fact.

I suggest that, in accordance with past practice, the Assembly now proceed to the consideration of the recommendations of the Fourth Committee on agenda items 18, 96, 97, 98, 99 and 12, Ion and, 101, after which we shall revert to the draft resolutions to be considered directly in plenary meeting, namely draft resolutions A/37/L.32 and Add.l and A/37/L.33 and Add.I.

My delegation would like to explain its vote on the question of Western Sahara. The position of Jordan regarding this question was clearly stated when the Fourth Committee debated this matter at the beginning of this month. We received news of the latest developments in this inter-Arab controversy with concern and pain. A sacred principle, that of self-determination, is here Na~ions assistance to the OAU Implementation Committee in the fulfilment of its mandate. 125. Mr. ALATAS (Indonesia): As a member of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the DeClaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, Indonesia has always actively participated in and sup' ported the efforts of the Special Commiftee to fulfil its mandate. However, my delegation wishes to reiterate its strong opposition to chapter X of the Committee's report, which deals with the so-called question of East Timor. In this regard I should like to remind the Assembly that the people of East Timor have achieved independence through integration with the Republic ofIndonesia. The process ofdecolonization in East Timor was completed when the people exercised their risht to self-determination in accordance with General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV), 1541 (XV) and 2625 (XXV). My delegation views any consideration of the so-called question of East Timor since its integration as being clearly outside the competence ofthe Special Committee or any other body, and therefore any reference to East Timor in the Special Committee's report is interference in the internal affairs of Indonesia. 126. Mr. MORENO-SALCEDO (Philippines) (inteTpretation from Spanish): My delegation has always 128. D...-elftresolution I, entitled "QuestionofAmerican Samoa" , was adopted by the Fourth Committee without objection. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do the ~me? Draft resolution I was adopted (resolution 37/20).

Draft resolution 11 is entitled "Question ofGuam". The Fourth Committee adopted it without objection. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do the same? Draft resolution 11 was adopted (resolution 37/21).

Draft resolution IIIisentitled "Question of Bermuda". The Fourth Committee adopted it without objection. May I consider that the General Assembly also wishes to do so? Draft resolution III was adopted (resolution 37/22).

Draft resolution IV is entitled "Question of the British Virgin Islands". The . Fourth Committee adopted it without objection. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do the same? Draft resolution IV was adopted (resolution 37123).

Draft resolution V is entitled "Question of the Cayman Islands". The Fourth Committee adopted it without objection. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to do the same'? Draft resolution V was adopted (resolution 37124).

The Assembly will turn next to draft resolution VI, entitled "Question of the Turks and Caicos Islands". That draft.resolution was adopted by the Fourth Committee without objection. May I take it that the General Assembly also wishes to do so? Draft resolution VI was adopted (resolution 37125)..

Draft resolution VII, entitled "Question of the United States Virgin Islands", was adopted by the Fourth Committee without objection. May I consider that the General Assembly wishes to adopt it? Draft resolution VII was adopted(resolution 37126).

Draft resolution VIII is entitled "Question of Montserrat". The Fourth Committee adopted that draft resolution without objection. Egypt~ France, Germany, Federal Republic of, Iceland, Indonesia, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Lebanon, Luxembourg, MalawP, Malaysia, Maldives, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea,. Paraguay, Philippines, Portugal, Qatar, Samoa, Somalia, Spain, Sudan, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Cameroon, Uruguay, Yemen.2

Draft consensus Il deals with the question of Gibraltar. The Fourth Committee

I call on the representative of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, who has asked to speak in explanation of vote. 149. Mr. SAIGNAVONGS (Lao People's Democratic Republic) (interpretation from French): My explanation of vote relates to draft resolution Il, on Guam; draft resolution Ill, on Bermuda; and draft resolution VI, with regard to the Turks and Caicos Islands. ISO. Although my delegation joined in the consensus on the adoption of those draft resolutions, it nevertheless has some reservations with regard to certain paragraphs, in particular operative paragraph 6 of the draft resolution on Guam, operative paragraph 8 of the draft resolution on Bermuda and operative paragraph 9 ofthe draft resolution on the Turks and Caicos Islands. My delegation bases its position on the premise that

I now put to the vote the draft resolution as a whole. A recorded vote has been requested.

Ever sir....e the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in 1960, the Netherlands has remained committed to its e&rly and full implementation. It is a source of great satisfaction to my delegation that, since the adoption of resolution 1514 (XV), the membership of the United Nations has increased by one third. As a matter of fact, the world body has been so successful in implementing 195. Since the draft resolution before us does not fully reflect the ideas which my deiegation would like to have seen included in it, we are obliged to express reservations on the text ofthat draft resolution as well, particularly operative paragraphs 4, 8 and 10. 196. "The I'ortuguese delegation, however, has frequently stressed before the Assembly the paramount importance whlch my country attaches to decolonization matters. Portugal firmly supports the rightofall peoples to express theirwishes and to choose their future. Today, as in the past, it is essential for the Organization to ensure observance of the fundamental principles of freedom, self-determination and respect for human rights, in favour of all the peoples of Non-Self-Governing Territories, whateve.r their size or level of development. It is in that light that my delegation will vote in favour of the drafi resolutions contained in documf:nts A/37/L.32 and Add.l and A/37/L.33 and Add.I. stan~ this paragraph as supporting the struggle by peaceful means only and by means of negotiation, as behooves an organization which is built upon the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes. 203. Miss CUERVO DE JARAMILLO (Colombia) (interpretation from Spanish): My delegation has always been resolutely and staunchly againstapartheid , and therefore in favour of any process of ciecolonization, not only in the case of Namibia but in all other cases under similar conditions. 204. My delega.tion will vote in favour ofdraft resolution A/37/L.32 and Add.! but would like to record its reservation on operative paragraph 4, whose wording and content we cannot agree with. 205. Mr. HAYASHI (Japan): My delegation will vote in favour of the two draft resolutions because' we firmly support the Declaration on the Granting of 197. 1\.fr. HARLAND (New Zealand): Since 1945, the United Nations has mad~ a major contribution to the process of decolonization. The aim of the Organiza~ tion has always been to help the peoples of dependent Territories to decide their own future and to achieve independence peacefully. Its success is demonstrated by the expansion of its own membership. Against: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America. Abstaining: Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Federal Republic of, Israel, Italy, Luxembourg, Malawi. 221. With reference to operative raragraph 8 of draft resolution A/37/L.32 and Add.1, my delegation would have liked it to refer by name to countries that collaborate with the racist regime in South Africa, par- ticularly in the nuclear and military fields, and to call upon them to cease forthwith such co-operation. The absence of a speci~c reference to the Zionist entity, which maintains links of co-operation in the nuclear and military fields with the Pretoria regime, does not exactly help to end the illegal occupation of Namibia, nor doc;;s it help to end the occupation of Arab ter- ritories. 214. The Nordk countries voted in favour of the two draft resolutions just adopted. We regret. however, that we could not do so without reservations. 215. Draft resolution A/37/L.32 and Add.1 contains paragraphs to which we cannot consent. Thus, operative paragraph 4 contains formulations which are contrary to the principle upheld by the Nordic countries. that the United Nations should, according to its Charter, always encourage only peaceful solu- tions. Furthermore, we find operative paragraph 10 too categorically formulated. We have reservations also concerning certain other paragraphs, some of which seem to run counter to the principle of uni- versality, to which our countries remain committed.

I shall now call on those delegations that wish to speak in exercise of the right of reply. 223. Mr. KALINA (Czechoslovakia) (interpretlltionfrom Russian): The Czechoslovak delegation fully concurs with the comments made by the Chairman of the Special Committee on the statement of the representative of the United Kingdom this morning on this item. Czechoslovakia, as Vice-Chairman of the Special Committee and Chairman of the Sub-Committee on Petitions, Information and Assistance, cannot agree with the negative appraisal of the work of the Committee by the delegation of the Un:ted Kingdom, especially when such appraisal is made by those that in one way or another are responsible for delaying the process of removing the last vestiges of colonialism. We are not at all surprised, nor could we be surprised, at the fact that a former powerful colonial Power does not agree with the positive results achieved by the Committee this year. It would have been surprising if it had been otherwise. Nor was it surprising that the Special Committe~'s mission sent to hold consultations with non-governmental organizations was also referred to as costly, unjustified and unnecessary by that delegation. I should like to recall that the mission, which I had the honour of heading, was sent as a result of a resolution adopted by the General Assembly on the recommendation of the Special Committee-whether certain people like it or not. The mission completely justified itself, consulting with 55 non-governmental organizations in Europe. I am convinced that its results and its conclusions and recommendations, which have been a~~roved at this meeting of the General Assembly, will lurther , help substantially to mobilize public opinion in West- . ern Europe, including the United Kingdom, alerting it to the purposes of decolonization in southern Africa and in other Territories as well. Undoubtedly this is what worries the representative of the United Kingdom most of all. As consultations which were held in London showed, British non-governmental organiza- !ions have a very critical opinion of their country's position on questions of decolonization, in particular those relating to southern Africa.

Because of the support of the Government of Ireland for the principle of decolonization and for the work of the United Nations in this area, Ireland has always voted, where possible, for draft resolutions on decolonization. My delegation voted in favour of the draft resolutions just adopted. 217. However, as with similar resolutions in the past, my delegation has reservations on some of the provisions of draft resolution A/37/L.32 and Add.l, which have been cast in very general terms. While we support the work of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we have reservations on some of its. recommendations and decisions. 218. With regard to operative paragraph 10 of that draft resolution, I should like to state that, in determining our attitude towards specific military bases and installations, my delegation will be guided by the attitudes, freely expressed, of the inhabitants of the colonial Territories in question. 219. Mt. TAN(; (Turkey): My delegation voted in favour of draft resolution A/37/L.32 and Add.l in accordance with our firm support for and commitment to the efforts being exerted by the international community for the elimination of s;olonialism. We also voted in favour last year of resolution 36/68, which is referred to in the resolution just adopted. My delegation would like to place on record that in supporting last year's resolution we expressed reservations regarding two ofits paragraphs. As regards the present resolution, my delegation wishes to express its reservations regarding paragraph 10, since we do not agree with its exact wording.

The representativ~ of the United States has presented himself as a champion of anti-colonialism and freedom, a formidable foe of totalitarianism. One would think he had nothing to do with those that stripped Mexico of half its territory; those that invaded Santo Domingo and st.ood in the way of the people's victory of 1965 and, in the past, promoted interventionism in our America, an they do now in Central America; those that put forward unacceptable conditions whi"'h impede the independence of Namibia; those that sent thmlsands of Puerto Ricans as cannonfodder for their iii~perialist adventure in Korea; those, of course, that occupied Cuba and Puerto Rico in 1898 and still occupy that sister island. This lack of memory is incredible, but typical of the imperialists and their scribes. 226. I asserted that Puerto Rico is a colony. The Mayor of San Juan has confirmed it, because it was that very person who spoke today-but as a member of the United States delegation, because Puerto Rico is a Yankee colony. He did not speak of his people or ab()ut the problems related to their political status, because Puerto Rico is a Yankee colony. He did not speak of Rostos, or Betances, or of Puerto Rican identit~ ,again because Puerto Rico is a Yankee colony. He d~d not speak in Spanish, the language of Puerto Ricans, because Puerto Rico is a Yankee colony. The Mayor: of San Juan actually does not want to be Puerto Rican; he would rather be a Yankee. He is in favour of annexation and is proud to be here with \.llose that oppress his people. That is why it should be understood that he was speaking solely on behalf of imperialism, because only a patriot can speak today on behalf of Puerto Ricans.

In connection with the statement made at this meeting by the representative of the United States, I should like to point out that the method used by that delegation in order to try to divert the attention of the General Assembly from the substance of what is being discussed is not a new one, nor can it mislead anyone. Everybody understands that the United States is trying to hold up the process of decolonization in order to continue its plundering of natural resources in southern Africa and in colonial Territories elsewhere. Everybody in this Hall is aware that American imperialism is the main bulwark of the colonialist and racist regime of Pretoria. Everybody knows that it is the United States itself, first and foremost, together t----_'.~_~_,~~~~~ !!MU_~ I should be recalled that it was the Soviet Union, after all, rathe; than the United States, that initiated the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and it is the So.viet Union also that has supported and continues to support am! assist national liberation movements-those who are fighting a~ainst colonialism and racism, whom the United States Administration calls terrorists whilst it gives overt assistance to the most terroristic and racist regime in the world, that of Pretoria. 239. Of course, the achievement of consensus or agreement is preferable in all instances when it is possible. However, the General Assembly and the Special Committee are fully entitled to observe and monitorthe processes ofdecolonization in any colonial Territory, to express their judgement and to make recommendations in accordance with their democratic rules of procedure. That is the view of the Soviet delegation on the situation in the Special Committee. 240. Certain representatives of the colonial Powers have asserted that colonialism is already a thing of the past, that the struggle against colonialism is simply chasing phantoms. They are trying to convince the African, Asian and Latin American countries that colonialism is no longer in existence and that the struggle against colonialism should cease. All this propaganda is needed by the colonialists in order to dull the peoples' vigilance so that the struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism will be relaxed, to limit the activities of United Nations bodies, to nullify what is being done by those bodies dealing with problems of decolonization, to undermine the trust in those organs, while at the same time they themselves continue their colonialist and neo-colonialist policies and strengthen their colonial domination in various parts of Africa, Asia and Latin America. 241. Everyone who heard this thesis to the effect that colonialism is simply a phantom may recall that, quite recently, in the spring of this year, an armada of warships-two thirds of the fleet of a metropolitan Power, including two aricraft carriers and a number offrigates and even very large passenger liners, filled with expeditionary forces, including mercenaries-was sent 12,000 miles in order to protect this phantom. Also to protect this phantom, a colonial Power required the assistance of another mighty Power. Perhaps these frigates and aircraft carriers were also phantoms? Perhaps South Africa's troops, tanks and helicopters now invading the territory of Angola and annihilating its unarmed citizens and populated areas are also phantoms. 242. We do not intend to discuss here the insinuations of the United States delegation regarding the policy of the Soviet Union on questions which are not relevant in any way to the question of decolonization. Their purpose is quite obvious: to distract the attention of the General Assembly from the item being discussed at the present time, that is, the question ofthe elimination ofcolonialism, including colonialism as practised and supported by the United States. It 2 The delegation ofYemen subsequently informed the Secretariat that it had not intended to participate in the vote. 3 The delegation of the Comoros subsequently informed the Secretariat that it had intended to abstain and the delegation of Equatoriai Guinea that it had intended to vote against the draft resolution. 4 Th~ delegations of the Comoros and of Saint Vincent ami the Grenadines subsequently informed the Secretariat that they had intended to vote against the draft resolution. S Movimento Popular de Libertac;ao de Angola. 6 Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde.